Cicero: Philippic 8 (original) (raw)

This speech was delivered against Marcus Antonius, in January 43 B.C.

The translation is by W.C.A. Ker (1926). Click on the L symbols to go to the Latin text of each section. Click on ** to go to the translator's footnotes.

[1.] L [1] There was more confusion in the conduct of business yesterday, Caius Pansa, than the purpose of your consulship called for ; you seemed to me to make little resistance to those to whom you do not usually yield. For when the Senate had showed its accustomed courage, and when all saw there was, in fact, a state of war, and certain persons thought the word "war" should be withdrawn, in the division your inclination was towards leniency. So our motion was defeated at your instance because of the harshness of a word; that of Lucius Caesar, a most honourable man, prevailed ; and yet, though the severity of the expression was taken away, he was more lenient in what he said than in his vote. However, before he gave his vote, he excused himself by his relationship. ** He had done in my consulship in the case of his sister's husband ** the same thing that he did now in the case of his sister's son: he was moved by grief for his Julia_(mother_of sister as well as by care for the safety of the Roman people. [2] Yet even Caesar himself in a way recommended you not to agree with him, in saying that he would have given a different vote, and one worthy of himself and of the State, were he not being hampered by his relationship. Well! he is an uncle; are you also uncles who agreed with him?

But in what did the controversy consist? Some were unwilling the word "war" should be inserted in the resolution ; they preferred the term "tumult," being ignorant, not merely of events, but even of the meaning of words; for there can be a war without a tumult: there can be no tumult without a war. ** [3] For what else is a tumult than a confusion so great that greater fear arises from it? from which the very word "tumult" is derived. ** Accordingly our ancestors called a tumult that was a domestic one "Italic," a tumult that was on the borders of Italy "Gallic"; and gave the name to no other. Now that a tumult is more serious than a war can be understood from this, that in a war exemptions from service are valid, in a tumult are invalid. Whence it comes, as I have said, that there can be a war without a tumult, but no tumult without a war. [4] For since between war and peace there is no middle term, a tumult is, if not part of war, necessarily part of peace; and what can be said or thought of more absurd than that? But I have said enough about the phrase; let us rather look to the fact, conscript fathers, though I recognise that it is sometimes made worse by the use of a word.

[2.] L We do not wish this to be accounted "a war." What then is this authority we are giving the colonies and municipia to shut out Antonius? the authority to enrol soldiers without compulsion, without fine, of their own enthusiasm and goodwill? the authority to promise contributions to the State? For if the name of war be done away with, the enthusiasm of the municipia will be done away with ; the unanimity of the Roman people which now is directed to your side must, if we falter, necessarily be weakened.

[5] But what need to say more? Decimus Brutus is being attacked: there is no war; Mutina, an old and steadfast colony, is being besieged: not even is this war; Gaul is being wasted: what peace can be more assured? Who can call that a war to which we have sent a consul, the bravest of men, with an army? He, though sick of a serious and lingering disease, deemed no excuse open to him when he was being summoned to guard the State. Caius Caesar indeed did not wait for your decrees, as at that age he might have done: he undertook war of his own motion against Antonius. For the time for decrees had not yet arrived; but he saw that if he had let slip the season for waging war, when the State was crushed no decrees were possible. [6] So then they and their armies are now engaged in peace! He is not an enemy whose garrison Hirtius has driven out of Claterna; he is not an enemy who is opposing in arms a consul, attacking a consul elect; nor are those words of hostility or war that Pansa read from his colleague's letter: "I have driven out the garrison; I hold Claterna; the cavalry have been put to flight, a battle has taken place, some few have been killed." What peace can be greater? Levies all over Italy have been decreed, exemptions from service being withdrawn; military garb will be assumed to-morrow; the consul has said he will come down to the forum with a bodyguard.

[7] Is this not a war, or rather a war such as has never been before? For in other wars, and especially in civil wars, it was some political question gave rise to the quarrel. Sulla was at issue with Sulpicius on the validity of the laws which Sulla asserted had been carried by violence; Cinna with Octavius on the votes of the new citizens; Sulla again with Marius and Carbo against the tyranny of the unworthy, and to punish the most cruel death of eminent men. ** The causes of all these wars sprang from a political quarrel. Of the last civil war ** I do not care to speak: I do not know its cause; I detest its result.

[3.] L [8] This is the fifth civil war that is being waged - and all have fallen on our own times - the first that has arisen, not amid civic variance and discord, but amid the utmost unison and marvellous concord. All men have the same wishes, the same thing to defend, the same feelings. When I say "all," I except those whom no one deems worthy of citizenship. What then is the issue at stake in the war between us? We are defending the temples of the immortal Gods, our walls, our homes, and the abodes of the Roman people, the altars, hearths, and the sepulchres of our ancestors; we are defending our laws, law-courts, liberty, wives, children, fatherland ; on the other side Marcus Antonius is striving and fighting to perturb and upset all these things; that he may regard the plunder of the State a reason for war; that he may partly dissipate our fortunes, and partly disperse them among his assassins.

[9] In a war with such disparity of objects the most lamentable thing is that he first promises to his brigands our houses in Rome (for he assures them he will parcel out the city); next that he will lead them from all the gates whither they will. All the Cafos, all the Saxas, and the rest of the pests that follow Antonius, are specifying for themselves the finest mansions and pleasure-grounds, estates at Tusculum and Alba; and even rough countrymen - if men they are, and not rather beasts - are borne along by empty hopes as far as watering-places and Puteoli. So Antonius has something to promise his followers. [10] What have we? have we anything similar? Heaven forfend! for our object is that no man hereafter may be able to promise anything of the kind. I speak unwillingly, but I must speak. Caesar's auctions, conscript fathers, inspire many unprincipled men with expectations and audacity, for they have seen men become from beggars suddenly rich ; and so those who threaten our goods, to whom Antonius promises everything, are always longing to see auctions. ** What have we? what are our engagements to our soldiers? Much better and greater things. For the promise of what is criminal is pernicious both to those that expect and to those that promise; we undertake to secure to our soldiers liberty, law, rights, courts, the empire of the world, dignity, peace, quiet. The promises therefore of Antonius are bloody, savage, criminal, hateful to gods and men, not lasting or salutary ; ours, on the contrary, are honest, upright, noble, full of joy, and full of patriotism.

[4.] L [11] At this point too Quintus Fufius, my brave and energetic friend, ** reminds me of the advantages of peace. Just as though, if peace needed a panegyric, I could not compose one with equal propriety ! Is it but once I have defended peace? have I not always aimed at quiet? which, useful as it is to all good men, is especially so to me. For what course could my industry have held without causes in the forum, without laws, without law-courts, things that cannot exist if you take away peace?

[12] But I ask you, Calenus, ** what do you mean? do you call slavery peace? Our ancestors indeed took up arms not only to win freedom, but also empire ; you think our arms should be thrown away to make us slaves. What juster reason is there for the waging of war than to repel slavery? a condition in which, though your master may not be oppressive, yet it is a wretched thing he should have the power to be so if he will. Nay, other causes are just, but this is necessary.

But perhaps you think this does not apply to you because you hope to be the partner of Antonius' tyranny? Here you make a double mistake ; first, in preferring your own interests to those of the commonwealth ; secondly, in thinking there is anything stable or agreeable in kingship. If it profited you once, ** it will not always profit you. [13] What is more, you used to complain of Caesar, who was a man; what do you think you will do in the case of a wild beast? And you say you are one who has always longed for peace, always wished that all citizens should live in safety. Fine sentiments! but only if you mean good and useful and loyal citizens: if you wish for the safety of those that are by nature citizens, but by choice enemies, what difference, pray, is there, between you and them? Your father indeed, whom as an old man I used to consult in my youth, a man of austerity and judgment, was wont to assign to Publius Nasica, who slew Tiberius Gracchus, ** the primacy of all his fellow-citizens; he thought that by Nasica's courage and prudence and greatness of mind the State had been liberated. [14] Well? have we received any other precepts from our fathers? So that citizen would not have been approved in your eyes, if you had lived in those times, because he had not desired the safety of all the citizens! "Whereas Lucius Opimius the consul has spoken on a matter touching the State, the Senate on that matter has decreed that Lucius Opimius the consul should defend the State." ** Thus the Senate in words; Opimius supported it with arms. Would you then, if you had lived at that time, have regarded him as a rash or cruel citizen? or Quintus Metellus, whose four sons were consulars? or Publius Lentulus, the leader of the Senate, and many other most distinguished men who took up arms with Opimius the consul and pursued Gracchus to the Aventine, an encounter in which Lentulus received a severe wound, and Gracchus was slain, and Marcus Fulvius the consular, and his two young sons? Those men are therefore to be abused, for they did not desire the safety of all citizens.

[5.] L [15] Let us come to more recent examples. The Senate entrusted the defence of the State to Caius Marius and Lucius Valerius the consuls; Lucius Saturninus, tribune of the plebs, and Caius Glaucia the praetor were slain. ** On that day all the Scauri, Metelli, Claudii, Catuli, Scaevolas, and Crassi took up arms. Do you think that either those consuls or those illustrious men should be abused ? I desired the death of Catiline. Did you who wish for the safety of all wish that Catiline should be unpunished? There is this difference, Calenus, between your creed and mine: I am unwilling that any citizen should act so as to incur the penalty of death; you think that, even if he has so acted, he should be spared. If there be in the body anything such as to injure the rest of the body we suffer it to be cauterised and cut out, that some member, rather than the whole body, should perish; so in the body of the State, to ensure the health of the whole, let what is noxious be amputated. [16] A harsh saying; but yours is harsher: 'Let the reprobate, the criminal, the disloyal, be saved ; let the innocent, the honest, the good, all the State, be wiped out!" In the case of one man, Quintus Fufius, I confess you saw farther than I. I deemed Publius Clodius a pernicious citizen, criminal, lascivious, disloyal, audacious, villainous; you, on the contrary, thought him incorrupt, reasonable, innocent, modest, one to be kept and desired as a citizen. That in the case of this one man you were very clear-sighted and I much in error I allow! **

As to your statement that I am in the habit of arguing angrily, it is not so: I confess I argue with vehemence, I deny the anger; I am not at all wont to be wroth lightly with friends even when they deserve it. [17] So I can dissent from you without insulting words, but without the greatest pain I cannot. For is my difference with you a small one or on a small point? Do I merely favour this man, you that? Yes, indeed, I do favour Decimus Brutus, you Marcus Antonius; I desire the preservation of a colony of the Roman people, you are anxious it should be reduced by storm.

[6.] L Can you deny this charge, who are interposing every delay whereby Brutus is weakened, Antonius made stronger? For how long, pray, will you say you wish peace? War is being carried on ; the lines have been brought up face to face; heavy fighting is proceeding. We have sent three leading men of the State to intervene. These Antonius has rejected and repudiated with contempt; yet you remain the most constant defender of Antonius. [18] And indeed, that he may appear the more impartial Senator, he says he is not bound to be his friend ; that Antonius, though greatly indebted to him, appeared in court against him. Mark what love he has for his country ! he is angry with the man, and yet, for his country's sake, he defends Antonius!

As for me, when you are so bitter against the Massilians, Quintus Fufius, I cannot listen to you with patience. How long will you attack Massilia? Is not war ** ended even by a triumph in which that city, without whose help our ancestors never triumphed over the Transalpine tribes, was borne in effigy. On that occasion the Roman people groaned ; although all men had their private griefs for their own misfortunes, yet there was not a citizen that thought the miseries of this most faithful State no concern of his. [19] Caesar himself, who had been very angry with them, yet because of the steadfastness and good faith of that community daily abated somewhat of his anger ; is there no calamity by which so faithful a community can satiate you? Perhaps you will say [am angry with you again? But all I am saying is without anger, but not without pain of mind; I think that no man is an enemy to that State who is a friend to this one of ours. I cannot discover, Calenus, what is your point of view. Formerly we could not deter you from being a democrat, now we cannot prevail on you by prayer to be a democrat.

I have argued enough with Fufius, and all without hatred, but no word without pain. But I think that he, who has calmly borne the complaint of his son-in-law, ** will bear that of a friend.

[7.] L [20] I come to the rest of the consulars, of whom there is none - I have the right to say this - that is not bound to me by some tie of gratitude, some by the greatest, others by slighter ties, no man by none.

With what dishonour did yesterday dawn upon us - I mean on us consulars! Envoys a second time? "Oh, but what if he were to make a truce?" In the presence, before the very eyes, of the envoys he pounded Mutina with his engines; he showed his works and siege-train to the envoys; not for a moment, although the envoys were there, did the siege find a breathing-space. Envoys to this man? Why? that on the envoys' return you ma be in greater panic? [21] As for me, although I had voted against an embassy before, yet I consoled myself with this reflection, that, when those envoys, after being rejected by Antonius with scorn, had returned, and reported to the Senate, not only that he had not departed from Gaul in accordance with our decree, but had not even withdrawn from Mutina, and that they had no opportunity of approaching Decimus Brutus, we all of us would be inflamed with hatred, and stirred with indignation, and would come to the assistance of Decimus Brutus with arms, horses, and men. But we have become even more nerveless after realising, not only the audacity and villainy of Marcus Antonius, but his insolence and pride as well. [22] Would that Lucius Caesar were in health, and that Servius Sulpicius ** were alive! this my cause would be conducted much better by three than now it is conducted by one.

I will say it with grief rather than with insult : we are deserted, deserted, conscript fathers, by our leaders. But - I have often said it - in such an hour of peril all who shall record a just and courageous judgment will be consulars. The envoys should have brought us confidence: they have brought fear - though to me none - however good is the opinion they express of the man to whom they were sent, and from whom they have received even commands.

[8.] L [23] O immortal Gods! where is the old-world spirit of our ancestors? When in the days of our ancestors Caius Popilius had been sent as envoy to King Antiochus, ** and had in the words of the Senate ordered him to retire from Alexandria which he was besieging, the king began to waste time, and Popilius drew a line round him as he stood, and said he would report him to the Senate if the king did not reply what his intentions were before he stepped out of that circle. A noble action! for he had brought with him the personification of the Senate and the authority of the Roman people: if a man does not obey that, we should not receive commands from him; rather should we reject him. [24] Was I to receive commands from the man who was despising the commands of the Senate? or was I to consider he had anything in common with the Senate who, while the Senate forbade it, was besieging a general of the Roman people?

But what commands, ! what arrogance, what obtuseness, what insolence, they show! Yet why did he give those commands to our envoys when he was sending us Cotyla, ** the ornament and bulwark of his friends, a man who had been an aedile? if indeed he was an aedile at the time when by Antonius' order public slaves lashed him with thongs at a banquet. [25] But how modest are the commands! We must be made of iron, conscript fathers, to deny this man anything! "I give up both provinces," ** he says, "I resign my army; I do not refuse to assume a private station." These are his words: he seems to be coming to his senses. "I forget everything: I desire reconciliation." But what does he add? "If you give rewards and land to my six legions, to my cavalry, and to the praetorian cohort." He even demands rewards for men for whom it would be excessive impudence to demand a pardon! He adds besides: "That the recipients of the lands which he himself and Dolabella gave should continue in possession " ; [26] that is to say, the Campanian and Leontine lands, both of which our ancestors deemed our store-houses of corn.

[9.] L He provides for mimes, gamblers, and pimps ; he provides even for Cafo and Saxa, pugnacious and brawny centurions whom he has posted amid his herd of mimes, male and female. He demands besides "that his own and his colleague's ** decrees as contained in writings and note-books should remain valid." Why is he anxious that each purchaser should retain what he bought if he the seller keeps the price? "And that the accounts in the Temple of Ops shall not be interfered with" ; that is, that seven hundred millions of sesterces should not be recovered ; "that the septemvirs ** shall not be prejudiced by their acts." Nucula, I fancy, was the inspirer of this: he was perhaps afraid of losing so many clients. ** He also wishes to provide "for those in his train, whatever illegal acts they have committed." [27] He is taking care of Mustela and Tiro ; ** he does not trouble about himself ; for what illegal act has he ever committed? has he ever either handled public money, or killed a man, or kept an armed guard? But why should he be anxious about them? for he demands "that his judicature law should not be repealed." If he secure that, what has he to apprehend? is it the condemnation of any one of his followers by Cydas, Lysiades, or Curius ? **

However, he does not press us with more commands: he makes a few abatements and concessions. "I resign," he says, "Cisalpine Gaul, I demand Further Gaul" ** - that is to say, he prefers to be undisturbed - "with six legions," he says, "and those made up to strength out of Decimus Brutus' army " - and not only from his own levies - "and that he should hold the province so long as Marcus Brutus and Caius Cassius hold provinces as consuls or proconsuls." By this man's style of election his brother Caius - for it is his year - has already been defeated! ** [28] "And that I myself shall hold my province for five years." But that the law of Caesar forbids - and you defend his acts.

[10.] L Are these the commands to which you, Lucius Piso, and you, Lucius Philippus, ** as leading men in the State, could, I will not say reconcile your hearts, but even lend your ears? But, as I suspect, there was a sort of panic, and you in his presence were not like envoys or consulars, and were unable to maintain your own dignity or that of the State. And yet somehow influenced, I imagine, by a certain kind of philosophy, you - though it would be beyond my power - returned without being unduly irate. To you Marcus Antonius yielded nothing, though you were men of mark and envoys of the Roman people; but we - what concession have we not made to Cotyla, ** the envoy of Marcus Antonius? Though by right the gates of this city should not have been opened to him, yet this temple was open to him; he had a right of entrance into the Senate, yesterday he was entering in his note-books your votes and everything you said; even those who had filled the highest offices were currying favour with him to the detriment of their dignity.

[29] O immortal Gods! what a task it is to maintain the part of a leader in public affairs! of one who should study, not the feelings alone, but the very looks of his fellow-citizens! To receive at home the envoy of enemies, to admit him into a private room, even to draw him aside, is the mark of a man who thinks nothing of his honour, but too much of his danger. But what is the danger? For, if we come to a final crisis, it is either liberty awaiting for the victor, or death appointed for the vanquished ; the one is to be prayed for, the other no man can escape. But base flight from death is worse than any death. [30] For this, indeed, I cannot be induced to believe, that there are men who begrudge someone else ** his steadfastness, his exertions ; who take it ill that his continued good-will in assisting the State is approved by the Senate and the Roman people. All of us ought to do that, and, not only with.our ancestors, but also in recent times, it has been the highest praise of consulars that they were vigilant, showed presence of mind, and were always by thought, or action, or speech working somehow on behalf of the State. [31] I, conscript fathers, recall to memory that Quintus Scaevola, the augur during the Marsic war, though in extreme old age and with shattered health, every day by sunrise gave an audience to all that came to him; nor did any man during that war see him in his bed ; and the feeble old man was the first to come into the Senate-house. That his activity might be imitated by those whom it befitted would be my chief wish, but next to it that they might not be jealous of another man's exertions.

[11.] L [32] For, conscript fathers, seeing that after six years we have entered upon the hope of freedom, and have endured slavery longer than good and diligent slaves taken in war are wont to endure it, what vigils, what anxieties, what labours for the sake of the liberation of the Roman people should we shrink from? As for myself, conscript fathers, though men who have filled the office I have filled are usually in civil dress when the community is in military garb, ** yet I have determined at such a stern time, and in the midst of such confusion of the State, not to differ in attire from you and the rest of my fellow-citizens. For we consulars have not borne ourselves so well in this war that the Roman people wil look with equanimity on the badges of our station, seeing that some of us are so timid as to have cast away all recollection of the Roman people's favours towards them; some are so disaffected towards the State as openly to display their partiality to the enemy, lightly to put up with the scorn and ridicule Antonius has cast upon our envoys, and to wish Antonius' envoy to be supported. For they said he should not be prevented from returning to Antonius, and by proposing to receive him they amended my motion. I will assent to their view. Let Varius ** return to his general, but on condition that he never return to Rome. But to the rest, if they abandon their errors and are reconciled to the State, I think that a pardon and an amnesty should be granted.

[33] For these reasons I propose as follows:

"Let those who are with Marcus Antonius, and who lay down their arms, and join before the Ides of March next either Caius Pansa or Aulus Hirtius, the consuls, or Decimus Brutus, general, consul elect, or Caius Caesar, propraetor, be not prejudiced by their having been with Marcus Antonius. If any of those that are with Marcus Antonius shall have performed any deed that seems worthy of honour or reward, let Caius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius, the consuls, one or both of them, if it shall seem good to them, refer the question of such honour or reward to the Senate on the first possible day. If any one after this decree should set out to join Marcus Antonius - Lucius Varius excepted - the Senate will regard him as having acted contrary to the interests of the State."

FOOTNOTES

1. The mother of Antonius was his sister.

2. P. Lentulus (the second husband of Julia, the mother of Antonius) who was put to death for his share in the Catilinarian conspiracy: cf. Phil. ii. 7.

3. Cf. the definition of "tumult" in the note on Phil. v. 31.

4. This derivation from timeo is erroneous. The word comes from tumeo (swell).

5. These are incidents in the first civil war between Marius, Cinna and Carbo, the popular leaders, and Sulla. The law alluded to was one proposed in 88 B.C. by Sulpicius the tribune for the inclusion (in the interests of the popular party) of the new Italian voters in the old city tribes. The "unworthy" were the leaders of the popular party; the

6. Between J. Caesar and Pompeius.

7. C. in. De Off. 2. 8, calls such auctions "bellorum civilium semen."

8. Whom he describes elsewhere (ad Att. xiv. 8) as "mihi inimicissimus." He is the Calenus mentioned in s. 12.

9. See note on Phil. v. 6.

10. Under Caesar's rule. C. made him consul in 47 B.C.

11. The elder of the two Gracchi, both being in favour of reforms, and regarded by the Senatorial party as seditious. They were successively tribunes of the Commons, P Scipio Nasica led the attack on the popular party in the Capitol in 133 B.C., during which Tib. was slain, but not by Nasica's hand.

12. These are the terms of the senatorial decree investing L. Opimius, the consul of 121 B.C., with dictatorial powers to suppress the disturbances caused by the partisans of C. Gracchus, the brother of the Tib. Gracchus above mentioned. The other persons referred to were supporters of the Senate.

13. These two led a revolt in 100 B.C., seized the Capitol, and, because of their infamous lives, were besieged and slain by the mob.

14. This is, of course, bitter sarcasm.

15. Massilia in 49 B.C. declared for Pompeius, and was reduced by Caesar.

16. C. Vibius Pansa the consul.

17. Who had died on the embassy to A. Phil, ix. is his funeral oration.

18. Antiochus Epiphanes, King of Syria, who had invaded Egypt. The Romans in 168 B.C. sent C. Popilius Laenas and other commissioners to bid him desist. Livy (45. 12) tells the story in the text.

20. Cisalpine Gaul and Macedonia. As to the latter cf. n. 1, p. 338.

23. To whom he had assigned lands. N. was one of the septemvirs: cf, PA. vi. 5; xi. 6.

24. Cf. Phil. ii. 4; v. 6.

25. As to these, cf. Phil. v. 5.

26. Which was held by L. Munatius Plancus: Phil. v. 2. C. means that A. wishes not to be interfered with while he is levying "even nations" (Phil. vii. 1) to march on Rome.

27. i.e Antonius, by speaking of Brutus and Cassius as consuls, admits that his brother would be defeated in his candidature for the consulship.

28. The surviving envoys, Sulpicius having died.

29. See note on Phil. v. 5.

31. Those of consular rank were allowed to appear in civic garb on such an occasion.

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