A Julian Manuscript in Norwich Castle? (original) (raw)

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A JULIAN MANUSCRIPT IN NORWICH CASTLE?

Norwich Castle Museum, 'A Pistle of Sent Jerom'

****or centuries, the life of perfection, of contemplation, has been quested by women as well as men. From Early Christianity into the Middle Ages, and even into the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, with St John of the Cross, O.Carm., and Fathers Augustine Baker and Serenus Cressy, O.S.B., men have worked with women, supporting their lives of prayer, silence, and writing. This material is not bound by time or space but can speak to our condition today as well as to a Desert Mother, or Holy Paula, or Mother Julian, or Saint Teresa or Mother Teresa. Indeed these women not only prayed and read and worked in their cells and anchorholds; they wrote. We learn of Anglo-Saxon nuns writing fine Bibles in letters of gold upon purple vellum for St Lioba's beloved St Boniface. We find a manuscript in Julian's Norwich similarly using gold and purple upon its pages. The apostolate of the scribe these women practised invites us to follow in their footsteps, to leave in our cells that others may find them, books written with love, containing the wisdom quested within, where God dwells.

The manuscript in Norwich Castle exhibits features related to those found in some of the manuscripts containing Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love and similar works. It is Norwich Castle 158.926/4g.5. It has iii + 89 folios, measuring 190 x 130 millimetres, the text area being 142 x 90 millimetres, in 27 lines to the page. It has some illuminated capitals in gold leaf upon a purple background, as above, which interestingly replicate those St Lioba's St Boniface describes as made by English nuns in England and in Germany in the Anglo-Saxon period, likely under the Abbess Hilda's influence. Its rulings are similar to those in the Westminster and Paris manuscripts, though beyond the opening pages these are uninked, merely scored. It uses rubricated paragraph signs, as in the Paris Manuscript. It is bound in its original boards, though the clasps are now lost. Neil Ker dates it as written at the beginning of the fifteenth century. It contains Theological Treatises, specifically 'An Epistle of St Jerome [actually Pelagius] to the Maid Demetriade who had vowed Chastity', a 'Treatise on the Seven Deadly Sins', fols. 31-58v, a 'Treatise on the Pater Noster', 'Pore Caitif', fol. 58. Richard Copsey, O.Carm. notes that the Treatise on the Seven Deadly Sins', is one written by Richard Lavenham, O.Carm., who lectured on Birgitta's Revelationes at Oxford and who was Richard II's confessor. It uses similar dialect forms as are found especially in the Sloane Manuscripts chapter headings to the Julian Showing of Love, for instance, 'arn' for 'be', and throughout employs a similar vocabulary of ideas as that employed by Julian, 'behouely', 'byddyngs and forbyddyngs', 'woo', 'travail', 'sekir'. It uses Middle English letters, ff for capital F, and thorns, yoghs and longtailed median s's. The rubricated paragraph signs are here given as ||P.

The Norwich Castle Manuscript comprises texts written in Middle English for a woman vowed as an anchoress or other form of perfect living. It is of great interest for its parallels to Julian's Showing of Love, Adam Easton's writings and the Cloud Author's writings, and that it is in situ in Norwich. It exhibits a knowledge of Hebrew and a reverence for St Cecilia. Master, later Cardinal, Adam Easton, a Benedictine from Norwich, taught Hebrew at Oxford University, preached in Norwich, owned the writings of Rabbi David Kimhi and Pseudo-Dionysius, and his titular church in Rome was St Cecilia in Trastavere where he came to be buried in a magnificent tomb. He defended the visionary Revelationes of St Birgitta of Sweden and oversaw her canonization. He was noted to have written now-lost spiritual treatises in the vernacular, therefore for a woman, on the life of perfection. He also knew and worked with St Catherine of Siena, both defending Pope Urban VI, and he likely brought Catherine's Dialogo to England, a text which is echoed in Julian's Showing of Love and which came to be printed under Brigittine auspices as The Orcherd of Syon, Syon Abbey becoming the depository of the Julian manuscripts in the Tudor period. This text also makes use of Catherine of Siena's disciple William Flete's Remedies Against Temptations, a text much used also by Julian. Easton likewise knew Flete.

However, though the writer of the text may be influenced by Adam Easton, there is the strong possibility that its scribe is not Easton, but Julian herself. Its date of writing is after Easton's death, but still during Julian's lifetime. It stresses egalitarian theological concepts akin to those espoused by Wyclif's Lollards, rather than by Easton, concepts which Julian herself is still found to express in the Amherst 1413 version of her Showing of Love. The theological cast of its thought definitely aligns it with that of Julian of Norwich.

The transcription of the manuscript is in progress. Likewise its dialect analysis. The hard copy booklet which may be ordered from holloway.julia@tiscali.it. replicates the manuscript's layout and gives the manuscript's letters, thorns, yochs, and long-tailed s's, which here are approximated by their modern forms.

Fol. 1

Apistle ofsent Jerom sent to a mayde demetri ade. th_at hadde uowed chastite to our lorde ih_es_u criste ~
{T0he first besyness and th_e firste studie of a mayden owe_th to be knowen th_e wille of oure 0000lorde and for to enquere belike what plese_th hym and what displece_th hym. So _tha_t after_th_e biddynge of th_e apostle she myghte yelde hir seruice to ih_es_u criste quemeful and resonabili: and th_at alle th_e wurce of hir leuynge myghte be ordeyned after th_e rewle of his wordes. It is impossible any man to plese hym th_at knowe_th not what shulde plese hym.ffor it falle_th often th_at he offende_th and greue_th in maner of seruynge: that ha_th not lerned how he owe_th to serue. And _th_ow3 it be more or better for to do goddes wille th_an only for to knowe it: neuer_th_eles it is behovely first to knowe it and liuen for to fulfille it in dede. Knowynge god before dede as in ordre. ffor w_i_t_h oute knowynge dede it is not profitable. And th_erfore the prophete sei_th _th_us.He th_at knowe_th not schal not be knowen. And th_erfore be not vnconnynge. but be wise and understande_th what is goddes wille. The beginnynge of wisdome is for to knowe what is _th_e biddynge of god for to do. In holy writte

Fol. 1v

In _th_e furste two _th_at arne forbiddyi_n_ge and biddynge: arne conteined alle goddes com_m_au_n_dementes.(1)

Fol. 2

[discusses wedlock versus chastity, maidenhood, wedlock and food being lawful.]

Fol. 3.

And therfore dow3ter. if thow wilt be the trewe spouse of oure lorde _th_enke her on .

[perfection]

Behold now good dou3hter what dif ference is atwixen conseil & biddyng

Fol. 4,

[on foolish virgins]

Fol. 4v

ffor whi thou hast refu sed likyng of wedlock. besynesse & beryng_e_ of childre pride of richesse. pompe of wor deli array. Coveytise of delices. Soo _th_at th_ou may seye su_m_what w_ith _th_e apostle th_us_th_e werdis crucifyed and clay_m to me & I to it.

Fol. 5v

It is schame to us to be holde how seculer men ouer pasen us. for_th_ei arn [more] coueytouse of er_th_en richesse than we arn of heuenly richesse.

Fol. 5v-6

And we th_at shulden been goddis seruau_n_tes arn slow3 & idel & rekles for to p_ur_chase us cristes wisda_m.

Fol. 6

And the more we drynke of god _th_is g_ra_ce & taste any _th_ing of _th_at precious lycour of cristes loue. _th_e more 3enerous [pencilled correction] & thristy. We schulde be for to seke moore aftir it.

Blissed be alle _th_o _th_at hungryn & drustyn rightwisnes. for _th_ei schul be fulfilled. Nout here. but in _th_e blisse of heuene. Now _th_anne si_th_en it is behoueley to alle men for hun gre & driste rithtwisnes as brennendly(2)

Fol. 22

Many of them _th_at haue takyn _th_e name & _th_e purpos of goddis servants ware soner white heryd & and soner come to _th_e p_er_feccoun of eelde _th_an_th_ei may come to th_is perfeccou_n of ver tues.

Fol. 23v

[As Peter says, the Devil is like a roaring lion:] He spie_th_ alle _th_e entrees of th_e soule & loke_th alle th_e wardis of oure body he ransake_th all the P_ar_tyes of us now th_is & now th_at if he my3hte out crepe in and sle us w_ith his venyme. Now he fondi_th for to sitte in oure ey3e. Now in oure eerys now . . . [tongue, head, hands] now in oure priuy membris now he wolde crepe into _th_e herte.(3)

Fol. 24

It is leefful to wy_m_men for to be armed.

A _th_ousand schall fall fro _th_i lifte syde & ten _th_ousend fro _th_i ry3hte side.

we be euere buxom to god fulfilled his wil

Fol. 26v-27

Thenk on seint Cecile & doo as sche dede. for sche haar euere in herte in in here brest woordis of _th_e gospel. and of holy writ and nei_th_er nyght ne day sche stynted fro p_ra_yeris & fro god dis woordis.(4)

[Sing with David]

Fol. 28

Alle the tribu lacio_n_ of _th_is werd th_at is light as a leef & schort as a moment in comparison of endeles tribulaciou_n.

Fol. 29

It passid for_th_ like a schadowe or lik a nyght sweuene. & nou3t leui_th_ but for sorwe & pyne.

Fol. 30

Doughter make _th_is thi besinesse alle _th_i studye & alle _th_i witte sette aboute _th_is matiere, turne it ofte in _th_i meende. wit _th_is meen ge _th_i trauail of _th_e day: and in _th_is take thi sleep on _th_e nyght. And at _th_e firste wakyng _th_at it falle soone in _th_i meende Trauail is schort but _th_e reste is endeles. to _th_at reste brynge us he _th_at for us deide on _th_e roode tre.

Norwich Castle Manuscript, fol. 31

Treatise on the Pater Noster, the Lord's Prayer in Norwich Castle Manuscript:

[Fol. 58v]

ater noster qui es in celis. Oure fadir th_at art in heuene. Sanctis nomen tuu_m. Halwid be _th_i name.||P adveniat regnu_m_ tuu_m_. mote _th_i kyngdom

come to and be knowe. ffiat voluntas tua sicut in celo & in terra. be th_i wil don as in heuene so in er_th_e. Panem n_ost_r_u_m cotidianu_m da nobis hodie. Graunt us dis dai oure breed & our sustynau_n_ce dai be dai, Et dimitte nobis debita n_ost_ra sicut &nos dimittimus debitorib_us_ n_ost_ris. And for3eue us oure dettis as we for 3eue to oure de= touris. Et ne nos inducas intemptacio nem. ||P And lede us nou3t into tempta cioun. and bondyng. Sed libera nos a ma lo. but delyuere us fro euery wikked. Amen. So mote it ben**||P**_Th_is is clepid oure lordis p_ra_yeris for oure lord ih_es_u crist made it and tawte it to his discipulis and it is best & berith th_e p_ra_y_er_s of alle p_ra_yeris for auctorite and worschepe of hym th_at made it. Allso for it is schort and esy_er to kunne for it conteyneth but seuene peticions. Allso for it is most sufficient for it conteyne_th alle _th_inge _th_at is nedful to soule and bodi to _th_e lif of _th_is word & to lif of the word _th_at is to come.||P ffor whi in _th_is p_ra_yer we askyn seuene peticionis (5) of _th_e wiche _th_e _th_re firste schul be fulfild in _th_e lif _th_at is to come in heuene blisse _th_e th_re laste longyn to oure lif i_n _th_is word

[59v]

th_e meddil petyciou_n longith to bo_th_e lyuis bo_th_e to _th_e soule and to the bo_th_i and _th_er fore in th_is peticiou_n we askyn oure eche dai bred and oure bred dai be dai. _th_at is to seyne oure sustinau_n_ce to bodi and soule here in _th_is dai of grace and after in _th_e dai of blisse of _th_e wiche dai and fedyng seith th_e p_ro_phete.Saciabor cu_m apparuerit gl_or_ia tua.(6) ||P Lord seith he I schal be fulfeld and fed whan _th_i blisse schal apere whan I schal se _th_at blisful face _ther_e as _th_e p_ro_phete seith. ysaie lxvij. Schal besabat of sabaat (7) for aftyr_th_e _th_ai of grace and of reste fro synne schal come _th_e dai of blisse and ende les reste fro woo and trauaile also th_is p_ra_yere his most of my3t and most p_ro_fitable for it conteyne_th .vij. peticionis and p_ra_yeris a3ens _th_e seuene dedly synnys and enfor m3th us wit _th_e vij 3iftis of _th_e holi gost And with _th_e seuene vertues of _th_e gospel and bryngith men to vij blisses _th_at arn knet _th_er to in th_e gospel. Also th_is p_ra_yere conteyne_th alle p_ra_yeris. ffor whi eueri p_ra_ye re or it is to gete good or it is to fle wic ke. Eueri good or it is endeles good. or gostly good as grace and vertues or tem perell_e good as rychessis and helthe. Eue

ry wicked or it is now or it is past or it is to come. The foure firste peticions been to gete good th_e thre laste to fle wicked wha_n we seie oure fadir _th_at art in heuene we seke his goode wil with plesau_n_t preisyng whan we seie halwid be _th_i name. Whe askyn and preie _th_at _th_e name of _th_e fadir and of his fadirhed be confermed and stablid in his childryn. _th_at as we clepen hym fadir. so he wil takyn us to his chil dryn _th_at oure p_ra_iere mow _th_e bettere be herde. Whan we seyn mote _th_i kyngdom come to we askyn endeles goodnesse and _th_e kyng dom of heuene to oure mede ||PIn _th_is p_ra_yere also we sekyn and askyn his worschepe _th_at he be worschyppid a bowe alle _th_inge and knowe kyng and lord a bouyn kyng. Of kyng. lord of lordis. for _th_at is kyngdom hath noon ende whan we seyn be _th_i wil doon in erthe as in heuene we aske grace and vertues to do wel and to fulfille _th_e wil of god and to fulfelle alle maner of ri3t for _th_e wil of god is souereyn ri3t and so uereyn trew_th_e. Also we aske grace to fle his offens and to do his wil in alle _th_yn ge wan we seie 3eue us _th_is dai oure bred and oure liflode dai be dai we askyn tem

[60v]

peral good and oure nedful liflode. So firste aske we gostly good _th_at longith to _th_e worschepe of god and to hel_th_e of the sou le. ||PAnd _th_anne temp_er_al good nedful to oure bodi and th_er fore god seith in th_e gos pel. ||P Querite primu_m regnu_m dei &c. (8). Se kith firste_th_e kyngom of heuene and his ri3twisnesse. _th_at is to seie gostly good grace and vertues and alle _th_inge tem peral nedful schal be 3oue to 3ow a3ens wickid _th_at is passid we seie and p_re_yei lord for 3eue us oure dettys and oure trespas as we for 3eue oure dettouris. A3ens wickid _th_at is to come we seyn lord lede us nouth into temptacion th_at is to seye ne let us not falle into temp taciou_n . ne ben hent in th_e deuelys snare ne be disceyuid be his gile. ||P Temptaciou_n is _th_e deuelis net. and _th_e fendis snare to take with manys soule. But as longe as _th_e brid is out of _th_e net and fre awey to fle. But whan he is sikir Inne. he may not fle with outyn helpe. Ri3th so as longe as man with staid te_m_p tacion. so longe he is out of _th_e tempta cion and out of th_e deuelis snare but wha_n

he consentith _th_anne is he Inne. and caut in _th_e snare ||PA3ens wickid _th_at is now bo_th_e bodili and gostly bode of synne and of peyne _th_at we mow aschape it we seie delyuere vs fro euery wickid.~ Amen. So mote it be don. and be th_is word. Amen, is undirstonde at eche of alle vij. peticiou_n_s and it is a confir macio_n therto. And it is in maner th_e eyghtende preiere & peticiou_n confer myng all th_e to_th_e. ffor eighte is a nom bre of sadnesse and stabilite as craft of nombre schewe_th in kinde and amen.~ is a word of ebrew. and for dignite it was not translated no more. _th_an all_elui_a. ffor amen . is godis othe in _th_e gos pel and. all_elui_a. _th_e song and th_e voys of aungelis. Amen.~ Signifi3t also trew_th_e and trewli it may also ben grek. ab a. q_uo_d est sine et mene q_uo_d est defect_us. And so. Amen. greis is to seyne with oute de faute.(9) ffor _th_e .Pater noster. is a preieres sufficyent whit oute defaute. best of alle preieres and _th_ouh o_ther_e preieris ben goode. it schulde nouth be left _th_erfore. Bred is best of alle metis. and _th_ouh othere metis ben wel goode and nedful for

[61v]

3if aman ete no _th_yng but bred he schul de yrkyn and in cas lothin it. Gold is best of alle metalle and. 3yt for al_th_en Iren. bras and led ben wel nedful. whete is best of alle cornis and _th_ouh o_th_ir corn is nedful. Clo_th_is of gold and of silk ben most precious and _th_ouh wullene and lynene ben nedful. ~

****Ater noster qui es in celis. Oure fadyr _th_at art in heuene. God is oure fadir of alle _th_inge be creacion in _th_at_tha_t he made alle _th_inge of nouht and is begynnere of alle _th_ynge.He is also oure fadir be special purvyau_n_ce and ordenau_n_ce in_th_at th_at he ordeyne_th for us as a fadir for his childeryn. He is oure fadir also be wei3e of grace in th_at he ha_th takyn us to his grace and to his merci. after _th_e hei3e offens of adam and of oure self also. And hath ordey nid us to ben eiris with his dere sone ih_es_u crist. in _th_e kyngdom of heuene. But he is fadir of crist only be nature of kyn de of _th_e godhet. and _th_erfore only crist may p_ro_pirliche clepyn hym my fadir. As only_th_e kyngis sone schul seye my lord _th_e kyng. and o_th_ir wel tawt schul

seyn oure lord _th_e kyng. Alle we schul cle pyn god our fadir for to abate _th_e pride of manys herte. ffor riche and pore smal and gret lord and servau_n_t. souereyn and sogeth. alle we han on fadir that made us alle. And sithen we hau alle on fadir alle we ben bre_thr_in . and alle we schull leue in loue and charite as on fadris childryn. th_erfore seith th_e p_ro_phete ||P Malachi.ij.c.Q_u_mq_ue non pater vn_us est nost_r_u_m nu_m_quid non deus unus crea uit nos quare er_go. despicitis unusquisq_ue f_rat_rem suu_m (10)||PAlle 3e han on fadir and on god th_at made 3ow alle of nowt whi dispise 3e thanne eche man o_th_er that is his owne bro_thir ||P And god seith in th_e gospel ||P ca_pi_t . xxi. Om_ne_s uos f_rat_res estis un_us enim est pater v_este_r qui in celis est (11) ||P Alle 3e ben brotherin and alle 3e han on fadir _th_at is in heuene and _th_ouh he be fadir of alle 3et specialy he wil be clepith _th_e fadir of _th_e pore and of_th_e nedi. ffadir of mercis and god of alle confort. And _th_erfore in _th_at he biddith vs clepyn hym oure fadir in _th_e begynnyng. of oure preieris he wil _th_at we preye to hym with feith. and fei3t fulli with outyn dred and doute as chil

[62v]

deryn to _th_e fadir and th_er fore seint James seith ||P Postulet in fide nichil hesitans. (12) Aman schulde askyn in fei3th not dou tyng. ||P Also we schulde praie with charite and ben in charite. and ther fore we clepyn hym oure fadir in tokne thet we schulde p_ray_ie with charite and ben in charite. and th_er fore we clepyn hym oure fadir in tokne th_at we schulde ben al in on charite as we ben alle on fadris childryn. And not only preiere for oure self but for alle and in oure p_ra_iere seken comou_n p_ro_fi3t and sauaciou_n of alle sui_n_ge oure fadir in heuene th_at makith_th_e sunne to rise to goode and to wickid and seynte reyne. to ri3tful and to unri3tful. As crist seit in th_e gospel. (13) Also we schulde preie with hope to spede and th_erfore we seyn ||P Qui es in celis. Oure fadir th_at art in heuene. ffor as seynt james seit. Omne datu_m optimu_m & om_n_e donu_m p_er_fectu_m &ceter_a .(14) ||PEuery 3ifte of grace and of goodnesse of vertu and of p_er_fecciou_n is come dou_n from aboue fro _th_e fadir of li3tis in _th_at he is oure fadir he is best of wil and to helpyn us & be weye of fadirhed he is bouden to helpyn vs. and in _th_at he is in heuenys and ouer al present and beying. ||PAnd his mi3te and his wisdom ouer al endeles in _th_at

he can best helpyn vs. and he mai best hel pyn vs. And _th_ouh he be ouer al 3et spe cyali he is in heuene. ffor _th_er is his my3t and his goodnesse and his nobleye (15) sche wid most & speciali in good folk and gostly be grace. ||P Also in oure preiere we clepyn hym oure fadir in heuene in tokne _th_at as we ben his childryn so we schulde seke besily (16) to come to oure fadris dwellyng place. and in oure preiere askyn principali heuenli _th_ingis and gostly _th_ingis. for eueri kynde child wil sekyn his fadris dwellyng but for so_th_e he fyndit manye childryn wel on kynde. ||P And_th_er fore whan th_ei praien to hym and seyn here. Pater noster. he mai answeryn and seyn th_at is wretyn. Malachi .J.c. ffilius honorat p_at_rem & seruus d_omi_n_u_m qui timebat. Si ergo Pater ego sum ubi est honor meus et si do_minus ego su_m ubi est timor meus (17) ||P_th_e sone be weie of kynde wurschepit his fadir and _th_e seruant schal dreden his lord. sethyn _th_anne iam yowre fadir where is _th_e wurshepe _tha_t 3e schulde do to me. And sethyn iam 3owre lord whi drede 3e me not. 3e ben wel on kynde schildryn.

[63v]

ffor whi hem _th_at I loue ye haten _th_at I hate 3e loue. 3e hatyn yowre breth_er_en 3e hatyn myn lawe and my lore. 3owre tecches and 3owre dedis schewyn that iam not 3owre fadir ne 3e not myn childryn. ffor 3e folwyn _th_e tecches and _th_e werkis of _th_e fend and th_erfore he is 3owre fadir. Vos ex p_at_re diabolo estis estis desideria p_at_ris v_est_ri vultis facere &.viij. (18)S_anc_tificeturno men tuu_m||P Halwyd be _th_i name and wor schepid be _th_i name _th_is is th_e firste petyciou_n in _th_e wiche we preie _th_at as he is oure fadir and fadir of mercy. So he wil schewe fadirhed to vs hauyng marcy on vs and 3eue vs grace so to don _th_at we mow ben his schildryn and wor_th_i li cleymyn hym for owre fadir _th_at _th_e heritage of heuene blysse pase no3t awey from us for owre vnkendenes How many wyse is th_e name of god disposed be ydolatrie whan men trosty_n more mawmettis in sorserye & astro nomye in charmys & wychecraft _th_an_th_ei doon in god. Whos name is souerey ne mi3ht souereyn wisdom souereyn goodnes souereyn treuth (19) ||P Also_th_e na me of god is dispised by perjurye veyn

o_th_is dispitous & horrible o_th_is & th_erfore he sett. Non assumes n_ome_n dei tui i_n uanu_m_ &c. exod. xx. c. (20) Th_ow schalt not take god dys name in veyn for owre lord schal no3t hau hym as for ungilty that take_th goddis name veynliche & he schal no3t passe vnpu_n_schyd. ||P Non p_er_jurabis i_n_ no_m_i_n_e meo nec pollues nomen dei tui. Leuitis xix. c (21) ||P_th_ow schalt no3t forsweryn _th_e in myn name ne _th_ow schalt no3t defyle th_e name of th_i god. ||P Also god is dispised be wikked leuynge of cristene peple wha_n cristen peple th_at bere_th the name of crist lyuyn no3t after cristes lawe but werse th_an he_th_en peple & w_i_t_h here wikked dedys as seynt Poul sei_th th_ei forsaken th_e fey_th of crist & here cristendom. And th_erfore crist seit ||P P_er vos nomen meum blasphe matur in gentib_us tota die . Euery day myn name is schamyd & dispised among he_th_en men. be 3ow & 3oure wikked ly uyng. And _th_erfore th_at the name of god schulde no3t be dispised. but wor schiped in holynes aboue alle names we seyn. S_anc_tificetur nomen tuu_m . Hal wed & worschiped be _th_i name _th_at is to seyne graunt vs grace no_th_ing to doon

[64v]

ne to welyn ne to _th_inken. wher by th_i name schulde be onworschiped & so we axen tha_t he bad vs in the lawe whan he seide. S_anc_ti estote qui ego s_anc_tus su_m . be 3e holy ||P ffor I am holy & in th_e gospel he seith. Estote misericordes sicut Pater vester misericor_des est. ||P Be 3e merciful as 3o_ur fader is mer cyful. Al holy writ schewe_thth_at _th_e na me of god is holy whiche name is cle pyd vp on vs. In _tha_t we be clepyd goddis peple & cristene man whan _tha_t we sche wen_th_is in dede & lyuen holiliche after oure holy name _tha_t we han taken of god _th_an is _th_is name halwed & in ded sche wid & bid & _th_erfore_th_is woord s_anc_tificetur is maad of. s_anc_tus& facio xvi. or fio is [?] & so in th_is praiere whan we seyn**||P** S_anc_tificetur nomen tuu_m. We asken _tha_t_th_is name wiche is so holy in hym selfe schulde be holy & halwid in vs _tha_t han taken _th_at name & worschipid with oure goode ly uynge & no3t dispisid ne defiled ne re proued be oure wicked lyueris & namly foule sweuyng swereris. He may seyn th_at is wretyn. Malachi. I. c. Vos pollu istis nomen meum & in ysaia lii.c. Tota die p_er_vos nomen meu_m blasphematur.(22)

||P 3e han defiled myn name. And be 3ow al day myn name is scorned & dispisid. Adve niat regnu_m_ tuu_m_, Mote _th_i kyngdom come to th_e kyngdom of god is holy [name] cherche in er_th_e & Also holy cherche in heuene. Also ri3th seith in herte. Also holy write i_n boke. And also grace. Soo in _th_is askynge we p_ra_ye_th_at his kyngdom of holy chirche in er_th_e. _th_e wiche is heere in travaile sorwe & care mote come to _th_is kyngdom in he uene to been in reste ioye & blisse. _th_at it be sone fulfild _th_at he hi3hte vs in th_e gospel whan he seide. ffiet unu_m ouile & unus pas tor _th_er schal been on folde & on schepherde (24) th_is schal ben fulfilled at th_e day of dome whan crist schal clepyn his kyngdom in er_th_e to his kyngdom in heuene seyngge. ||P Venite b_e_n_e_dicti p_at_ris mei p_er_cipite vobis regnu_m patrum ab origine mundi. Come 3e my fadris blissed children & take_th _th_e kyngdom _th_at was ordeyned to 3ow fro _th_e begynnyng of _th_e world. In th_is kyng dom as he sei_th in _th_e gospel alle ri3thful schul schyne as bry3t as _th_e sonne _th_an schal _th_ere be on folde & on schepherde on kyng & on kyngdom. ffor th_anne all place [?] schal cese as seynt Poul sei_th, liv. ad cor. v.c.

[65v]

And _th_erfore _th_ei _th_at seyn _th_at it schulde be fulfild here aforn _th_e dom th_ei been folys for holi cherche in erthe schal neue_re come to so fewe ne be so p_er_fi3t _th_at on prelat & on schepherpe schulde suffyce. ||P Also in _th_is askyng we preye that th_e kyngdo_m of feith mote come to sy3t that we mow knowe & see at ey3e that we now bileue & see god in his face in whom now we beleuyn & hopyn. ffor as th_e gospel sei_th it es endeles lyf & endeles joie to see _th_e fadir of heuene & his sone Ih_es_u & _th_e holi gost. ||P Also i_n th_is askyng we p_ra_ie_th_at k_now_yng of holy writ wiche for here falshed is taken awey fro _th_e Iewes _tha_t thei mow no3t understonde it as _th_e gospel sei_th_mow we co me to _th_e undirstondyng of cristene people _th_at _th_ei mow p_er_fi3t ther Inne & kepyn it bettere _th_an the Iewis dedyn. Also we p_re_ye in th_is peticio_n _th_at_th_e kyngdom of grace mote come to us _th_at god regne in us & we in hym th_ro charite. ffor seint john seit th_at god is charity & wo so dwellith in charite he dwelli_th in god & god i_n hym and _th_an is it fulfilled th_at god seith in th_e gospel Regnu_m dei intra vos est The kyng dom of god is w_i_t_h Inne 3ow. ffor these skiles

[66]

we seyn Adveniat regnu_m_ tuu_m_. But mekil folk maky_n_ _th_is prere unworthiliche as co= veytous folk & prowd folk _th_at seken ny3t & day to be grete in _th_e world be gyle in fals hed & ouer ledyng of here bre_th_ere & here euen cristene & a litle or no3t trauayle to han th_e kyngdo_m of heuene _th_ey sekyn it no3t ne th_ei coueytyn it no3t. Of this manere of folk he sei_th ||PIp_s_i regnauunt & non ex me principes extiterunt & non cog noui. Osee. viij. ca ||P _th_ei han regned & no3t of me be myn ordynance _th_ei were pri_n_ces & lordes & 3 knowe it no3t _tha_t is

Fol. 71v [Christ gave sacrament to Judas, did not excommunicate him for sin.]

Fol. 72v

Th_e same mesure tha_t 3e metyn to 3o_ur euencristene be th_e same it schal be mote a3en to 3ow 3if th_at 3e for 3eue 3o_ur euencristene here trespas & here defautes god schal for 3eue 3ow yo_ur tres pas & 3o_ur synnes 3if 3e for 3eue no3t god schal not for 3eue 3ow.

Fol. 74v

||P Also it is nedful to make ma_n_ and woma_n_ to knowe himself & his freelte

Fol. 78v

. . . iusti sedes est sapiencie. ffor as seith holy write the soule of the ry3tful man or womman is the see & dwelling of endeles wisdom that is goddis sone swete ihe If we been besy & doon our deuer to fulfille the wil of god & his pleasaunce thanne loue we hym wit al our my3te

Anima iusti sedes est sapiencie: Proverbs 10.25b; cited, Gregory, Hom. XXXVIII in Evang. PL 76, 1282; John Whiterig, Contemplating the Crucificion; Walter Hilton in Westminster Manuscript; integral to Julian of Norwich's thought, to her conversation with Margery Kempe from Lynne.

Fol. 88

Legit_ur_ in cronicis Ro_ma_no_rum_ q_uo_d temp_or_e Antoniani Imperatoris in ciuitate ro_ma_na accidebat pestilencia maxi_m_a. . . .

[Four philosophers summoned by the Emperor Antony in time of plague prophesy to him the following:]

Primus dixit.

Gift is domyna.
Gyle is chapman.
The grete hold no law.
Servants have no awe.

Secundus dixit.

Wit is turned to treachery.
Love into lechery.
Holiday into Gluttony.
Gentry into villainy.

Tertius dixit.

Wisemen arn forstorned.
Wedewis for3erned
Grete men arn forglosed
& smale men born down & myslosed.

Quartus dixit.

Lordis waxen blynde.
Kensmen been unkynde.
Deth is out of mynde.
& treuthe may no man finde. Norwich Castle (N)

Thenk on seint Cecile & doo as sche dede. for sche haar euere in herte in here brest woordis of _th_e gospel. and of holy writ and nei_th_er nyght ne day sche stynted fro p_ra_yeris & fro god dis woordis

	no man more bounden for to esschewe alle un leefull thynges that is to seuye alle _th_ynges that is contrarie to the lawes of oure lorde. thanne he that hath forsaken and made his auowe to almy3ti god for to kepe hym chaste in bodi and soule. as thow hast. \|And ther fore dow3ter. if thow wilt be the trewe spouse of Oure lorde _th_enke her on.	ffor ther is noma_n_ so straytely bowndyn to fulfylle th_e comou_n comandeme_n_ tis of god as he is that for loue of p_er_feccoun & for plesaunce of crist purpose_th_ & auoue_th_ for to do more & better than is comau_n_ded.	Th_erfore he that wilfulli bynde_th hym self to kepe goddes cou_n_seil.	Wonder besy he owe_th_ to be mekil more to kepe goddis bydding.	ffor th_at on is a dede of p_er_feccou_n th_at only stande_th in a man_n_ys frewil er th_an he bynde_th him _th_er to th_at o_ther is nedful to be don.	Of chastite it is wretin thus.	He _th_at may take take.	But of comou_n_ rithwisnes is it not wretin _th_us [and] cou_n_seylende he _tha_t may do good do.	But _th_us it is said of oure lord Ich a tre th_at wich man[e] th_at maketh no goode frute th_at is do_th no good dede. chal be hewyn dou_n* & casti_n* in _th_e fire.	Behold now good dou3ter what dif ference is a twixen conseil & biddyng. _th_at on longeth to special p_er_sones.	That o_ther_ com_prehendi_th

Notes

Compare with Julian's Showing of Love, Paris Manuscript, fols. 121v-122 (henceforth cited as P121v, etc), on biddings and forbiddings.
2.Compare with Julian's Showing of Love on thirst, P29v, 33, 50, 55, 55v, 56, 72, 108, 136; and taste, P8; also her use of the word `behoveley', P50.
Compare with similar use in Cloud of Unknowing, EETS 218.97:4, here clearly used to a woman reader.
Compare with Julian's Showing of Love, Amherst Manuscript, fol. 97v (A97v).
Julian similarly begins her Showing of Love in its Long and Short Texts with three petitions, as if recalling this teaching.
Psalm 16.15 'Ego autem in justitia apparebo conspectui tuo: satiabor cum apparuerit gloria tua'.
Isaiah 66.23 'et sabbatum ex sabbato'. Hebrew knowledge, sabbath of sabbaths, Jubilee Year when slaves were freed, debts forgiven and the land lay fallow. Likely penned by Adam Easton who taught Hebrew at Oxford University, and who owned Rabbi David Kimhi's Miklol, 'Perfection'.
Luke 12.13 'Verumtamen quarite primum regnum dei, et justitiam ejus: et haec omnis adjicientur vobis'.
This 'Amen' section discusses the Hebrew meaning of the word; that in the Cambridge University Library Hh.I.12 Manuscript, with Sheen/Syon connections, at folios 8-8v, does not.
Malachi 1.10 'Numquid non pater unus omnium nostrum? numquid non Deus unus creavit nos? quare ergo despicit unusquisque nostrum fratrem suum, violans pactum patrum nostrorum', echoed in Matthew 23.9, Ephesians 4.6.
Matthew 23.8-9 'Vos autem nolite vocare Rabbi: Unus est enim Magister vester, omnes autem vos fratres estis, Et patrem nolite vocare vobis super terram: unus est enim Pater vester, qui in coelis est'.
James 1.6 'Postulet autem in fide nihil haesitans'.
Matthew 5.45.
James 1.17 'Omne datum optimum, et omne donum perfectum desursum est, descendens a Patre luminum, apud quem non est transmutatio, nec vicissitudinis odumbratio'.
Julian, Showing of Love, clear parallel, 'And his nobley. And his goodnes', P97. See also P13v, 134v.
Julian, Showing of Love, clear parallel, 'and now it plesith god we seke him besily' P23. See also P10,19v.
Malachi 1.6.
John 8.44.
Similar wording as in Deonise Hid Diuinite's prayer, Julian's Showing of Love, passim.
Exodus 20.7.
Leviticus 19.12.
Malachi 1.11-12, Isaiah 52.5.
John 10.16. Compare with Julian on Church unity.Indices to Umilt� Website's Essays on Julian:

Preface

Influences on Julian
Her Self
Her Contemporaries
Her Manuscript Texts **♫ with recorded readings of them
About Her Manuscript Texts
After Julian, Her Editors
Julian in our Day

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