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Books by Francesco Cavatorta

The Arab Uprisings were unexpected events of rare intensity in Middle Eastern history – mass, pop... more The Arab Uprisings were unexpected events of rare intensity in Middle Eastern history – mass, popular and largely non-violent revolts which threatened and in some cases toppled apparently stable autocracies. This volume provides in-depth analyses of how people perceived the socio-economic and political transformations in three case studies epitomising different post-Uprising trajectories – Tunisia, Jordan and Egypt – and drawing on survey data to explore ordinary citizens’ perceptions of politics, security, the economy, gender, corruption, and trust. Our findings suggest the causes of protest in 2010-2011 were not just political marginalisation and regime repression, but also denial of socio-economic rights and regimes failure to provide social justice. Data also shows these issues remain unresolved, and that populations have little confidence governments will deliver, leaving post-Uprisings regimes neither strong nor stable, but fierce and brittle. This analysis has direct implications both for policy and for scholarship on transformations, democratization, authoritarian resilience and ‘hybrid regimes’. Chapter 1: Introduction and Background The Arab Uprisings were events of rare intensity in Middle Eastern history as mass, popular and largely non-violent revolts, which threatened and toppled supposedly stable autocracies. Branded the region’s ‘1989 moment’, when counter-revolution followed revolution, artificial expectations gave way to equally misplaced disaffection – still failing to recognize the Uprisings’ originality and diversity. Focusing on three cases epitomising different post-Uprising trajectories – Tunisia, Jordan and Egypt – this chapter explores how the Uprisings have been analyzed. Explanations for the Uprisings fall into three categories, over-emphasising in turn chances for democratization, cultural or material obstacles to democracy, or the stability of ‘hybrid regimes’. This contextualises events leading to the Uprisings in each country, and examines strengths and weaknesses of the toolkit through which the Uprisings have been viewed. Key words: Arab Uprisings, modernisation, political transformation, democratisation, authoritarianism, authoritarian resilience Chapter 2: Understanding the Context: Hopes and Challenges This chapter discusses the causes of the Arab Uprisings, who took part, what people saw as the main challenges facing their countries, and what their hopes were. It outlines the principal explanations for the Uprisings, then uses survey data to explore people’s views on key issues. We consider what we can learn from public opinion surveys about ordinary people’s assumptions about the Uprisings’ causes and outcomes. Data suggests the Uprisings generated considerable optimism and keen awareness that structural problems remained acute. It also suggests that what drove protesters was a demand for social justice as much as for civil-political rights. It also problematises concepts like democracy which are often discussed in scholarly and policy debates without much reference to how ordinary citizens perceive them. Key words: Arab Uprisings, social justice, unemployment, corruption, democracy, political and civil rights Chapter 3: Political Challenges: Expectations and changes 2011-2014 This chapter compares and combines key background information from political history and non-survey data with people’s perceptions as captured in survey data to explore trends in people’s perceptions and political preferences before and after the Uprisings. This data suggests that people across all three countries are committed both to the idea of democracy and to its parliamentary institutional form, but that they have a more expansive understanding of democracy which includes social and economic rights. Furthermore, people’s attitudes on the relationship between religion and politics shows that while most identify as religious and do wish to see a stronger relationship between religion and legislation, substantial majorities do not trust religious leaders and do not want them to influence voting or government decisions. Key words: Arab Uprisings, democracy, political and civil rights, social and economic rights, religion and politics, secularisation. Chapter 4: Unmet Challenges and Frustrated Expectations: Economic Security and Quality of Life 2011-2014 This chapter shows that people’s hopes that the socioeconomic and political situation would improve and that governments would address their grievances following the 2010-11 Uprisings had not been met. The economic situation had not improved, the security situation had deteriorated and governance remained a concern. Citizens agreed that the economic situation was the main challenge facing their country, there were continuing concern about government corruption and heightened concerns about security. As in 2011 the majority did not see authoritarianism as one of the two main challenges. Citizens in Jordan saw little prospect of improvement in the economy over the next five years. While there was limited optimism that things would improve in Egypt and Tunisia a noticeable proportion just did not know what to expect. Key words: Arab Uprisings, economic security, corruption, authoritarianism, corruption, security, decent society Chapter 5: Unmet Challenges and Frustrated Expectations: Employment Creation, Corruption and Gender Equality This chapter shows that, as with the economy, by 2014 people’s hopes that their lives would improve and that governments would address their grievances had been dashed. Early optimism was replaced by concern things were not getting better. Trust in government was low – albeit higher in the judiciary and the police and very high in the army – and corruption in both government and society generally was seen as pervasive. People did not think their government was effective on corruption, job creation, or service delivery. Gender inequality is crucial – not least to achieve inclusive development – but conservative values continue to be widespread, especially in Egypt and Jordan, and while attitudes are more liberal in Tunisia they have become more conservative following the Uprisings. Key words: Arab Uprisings, corruption, trust, women’s rights, unemployment, public services Chapter 6: Conclusions: Resilient Authoritarianism and Frustrated Expectations This chapter summarises the results of analysis of empirical data conducted throughout the volume, focusing on key issues: corruption, gender, youth, trust, religion, and democracy. This analysis epitomises the integrated approach to quantitative and qualitative data the volume calls for. The chapter concludes with reflections on the implications for policy and scholarship of the volume’s findings, arguing for re-thinking the conception of democracy in particular, challenging existing approaches to ‘authoritarian resilience’ and the excessive emphasis on a narrow approach to security and stability focused on coercive capabilities, and arguing that Arab autocracies in the wake of the Uprisings should be seen as brittle and precarious rather than strong and stable.
DOI: 10.1007/978-3-319-69044-5

One of the most interesting consequences of the Arab awakening has been the central role of Salaf... more One of the most interesting consequences of the Arab awakening has been the central role of Salafists in a number of countries. In particular, there seems to have been a move away from traditional quietism towards an increasing degree of politicisation. The arrival on the political scene of Salafist parties in Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen, as well as the seemingly growing desire of Salafists in other Arab countries to enter institutional politics through the creation of political parties, highlights quite clearly the debates around how to react to the awakening within Salafist circles.

This book examines in detail how Salafism, both theologically and politically, is contending with the Arab uprisings across a number of countries. The focus is primarily on what kind of politicisation, if any, has taken place and what forms it has adopted. As some of the contributions make clear, politicisation does not necessarily diminish the role of jihad or the influence of quietism, revealing tensions and struggles within the complex world of Salafism.

The wave of protests and civil unrest that began in 2011 across the Middle East and North Africa ... more The wave of protests and civil unrest that began in 2011 across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) was a watershed moment in the politics of the region. Known as the 'Arab Awakening', or 'Arab Spring', its impact on the region and on wider
international affairs has changed perceptions of the Middle East and resulted in similar revolts elsewhere.

In this wide-ranging and accessible text, the authors examine the key aspects of governance in the MENA, and locate the recent uprisings in their broader historical, social and political context. Taking a thematic approach that engages with core theory as well as the authors' own extensive research, the text assesses various issues, including the impact of oil on both domestic politics and international relations, the vexed relationship between religion and politics, the development of 'security states', and the role of women in society.

The analysis moves beyond the characterization of the Middle East as either in the midst of a democratic transition or as a persistently authoritarian region to show how both perspectives should work together to enhance our understanding. Expertly
navigating from the everyday politics of life in the Middle East to the influence and responses of global actors with vested interests, this text provides a nuanced and comprehensive account of this diverse region.

To the surprise of both academics and policy-makers, religion has not been relegated entirely to ... more To the surprise of both academics and policy-makers, religion has not been relegated entirely to the private sphere; quite the contrary. Over the last few decades, religion has begun to play a significant role in public affairs and, in many cases, directly in political systems. This edited volume analyses in detail how religion and religious precepts inform the ideology, strategies and electoral behaviour of political parties. Working with an original and innovative typology of religiously oriented political parties, the book examines cases from different regions of the world and different religious traditions to highlight the significance of religion for party politics. This interest for religiously oriented parties is combined with an interest in processes of democratic change and democratic consolidation. Political parties are central to the success of processes of democratization while religion is seen in many circles as an element that prevents such success because it is perceived to be a polarising factor detrimental to the consensus necessary to build a liberal-democratic system. Through the different case-studies presented here, a much more complex picture emerges, where religiously oriented political parties perform very different and often contradicting roles with respect to democratic change.

What are the dynamics of civic activism in authoritarian regimes? How do new social actors—many o... more What are the dynamics of civic activism in authoritarian regimes? How do new social actors—many of them informal, "below the radar" groups—interact with these regimes? What mechanisms do the power elite employ to deal with societal dissidence? The authors of Civil Society in Syria and Iran explore the nature of state-society relations in two countries that are experiencing popular demands for political pluralism amid the constraints of authoritarian retrenchment.

This book examines how civil society actors operate under authoritarian constraints, and examines... more This book examines how civil society actors operate under authoritarian constraints, and examines how this is linked to regime change.

This book moves beyond traditional notions of civil society and explains the complexity of state-society relations in authoritarian contexts outside the framework of democratization. Rejecting a wholly normative approach, the contributors focus on the whole range of civic activism under authoritarianism, from resistance to support for the political system in place. They explain how activism under authoritarianism is subject to different structures, and demonstrate how active citizens have tried to claw back powers of expression and contestation, but also sought to create a voice for themselves as privileged interlocutors of authoritarian regimes.

With a strong empirical focus on a wide range of countries and authoritarian regimes, this book presents cross-country comparisons on Spain, Portugal, Romania, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Cuba, Chile, Tunisia, Yemen, Jordan, Afghanistan and Burma.

The war in Iraq seemed to bring to a head underlying differences between the United States and th... more The war in Iraq seemed to bring to a head underlying differences between the United States and the vast majority of European countries regarding the best means to maintain international peace and stability. The unilateralism of the United States as opposed to the multilateralism of the European Union is seen as a very significant source of potential rivalry between the two actors.

This volume examines in detail whether the policies of the United States and the EU are truly diverging with respect to the most pressing issues facing North Africa, or whether, in fact, they are converging in terms of objectives to be achieved and strategies for their implementation. Through a number of papers that include both comparative and case specific studies, this book enables a better understanding of the differences and similarities in EU and US foreign policies and security strategies for the region, a clearer analysis of their respective democracy promotion policies, and a better examination of their respective approach to the ‘Islamist question’ in light of the continued success of such movements.

This book examines the role that political Islam plays in processes of democratization in the Mus... more This book examines the role that political Islam plays in processes of democratization in the Muslim world, detailing the political processes that facilitate the collective learning of democratic ways of solving the practical problems of those polities.

Democratization in the Muslim World represents an important contribution to the debate on democratization and political Islam that emphasises the synergetic effects and global reach of both Islamist and democratic politics. It comes to terms with the problematic relationship between Islam and democracy in the uncertain post-Cold War, post-9/11 world order by highlighting the malleability of Islamic discourses and of its institutional resources, as well as the diversity of the political strategies of incumbent regimes to remain in power. It combines key theoretical issues and country-specific studies of some of the most relevant Muslim polities of the post-Cold War and post-9/11 era.

The transition paradigm has traditionally viewed civil society activism as an essential condition... more The transition paradigm has traditionally viewed civil society activism as an
essential condition for the establishment of democracy. The democracy promotion
strategies of Western policy-makers have, therefore, been based on
strengthening civil society in authoritarian settings in order to support the
development of social capital – to challenge undemocratic regimes.
This book questions the validity of the link between an active associational
life and democratization. It examines civil society in the Arab world in order
to illustrate how authoritarian constraints structure civil society dynamics
in the region in ways that hinder transition to democracy. Building on innovative
theoretical work and drawing on empirical data from extensive fieldwork
in the region, this study demonstrates how the activism of civil society
in five different Arab countries strengthens rather than weakens authoritarian
practices and rule. Through an analysis of the specific legal and political
constraints on associational life, and the impact of these on relations between
different civic groups, and between associations and state authorities, the
book demonstrates that the claim that civil society plays a positive role in
processes of democratic transformation is highly questionable.
Offering a broad and alternative vision of the state of civil society in the
region, this book will be an important contribution to studies on Middle
Eastern politics, democratization and civil society activism.

The Middle East and North Africa represent today ‘the epicentre of world crisis’ (Hinnebusch, 200... more The Middle East and North Africa represent today ‘the epicentre of world crisis’ (Hinnebusch, 2003: 1) and constitute the most problematic area for international peace and stability. Scholars and policy-makers alike have identified the absence of democratic regimes in the region as the main cause for such instability. The failure of democracy to take hold in the Arab world is therefore widely perceived to be the root cause of international conflicts, economic stagnation and political violence. While such causal mechanism may be over simplistic (Dalacoura, 2005), it nevertheless correctly points to some sort of contemporary Arab ‘exceptionalism’ when it comes to the establishment of democratic governance. Such ‘exceptionalism’ however should not be confused with political, social or economic immobility, as the impact of global forces has over time considerably changed the landscape of Arab polities. In fact, up until the end of the 1980s there was nothing exceptional in the authoritarian nature of Arab regimes when compared to other regions of the world and many of the same dynamics of change that characterised most of the globe in the 1980s and early 1990s had an influence on the Middle East and North Africa as well. Thus, even before the sweeping changes in Eastern Europe took place, it was in the Arab world, notably in Tunisia and Algeria, where the third wave of democratisation seemed to find a renewed impetus. Few doubt that the significant political developments taking place in the Arab world in the late 1980s and early 1990s were partly the product of wider international forces operating at systemic level, but most analyses focused on domestic dynamics to explain those developments. Thus, the decisive impact of the international dimension in explaining such changes and the mechanisms through which external factors operated were at the time overlooked. However, recent developments in the literature on transitions (Yilmaz, 2002; Cavatorta, 2004 and 2005) and the theoretical contributions of globalisation studies have shown how crucial the international dimension can be in shaping domestic institutional, political and economic arrangements. This is particularly the case in the Middle East and North Africa, a volatile region, where shared identities, the legacy of colonial rule, international conflicts and the interference of powerful external actors are extremely significant.
This study examines in detail the failed Algerian transition to democracy by focusing on the surrounding international environment and how it influenced such transition. As such, this research, while concerned with the political, economic and social developments Algeria went through in the last twenty years, is a study on how international factors are an important part of transitology and how their inclusion into explanations of regime change can offer useful academic insights for a more comprehensive understanding of such processes. In addition, a more in-depth analysis of the Algerian case can lead to draw better lessons for both contemporary academic and policy-making issues related to the debate on democratisation and democracy promotion in the Middle East and North Africa. The progressive integration of Algeria to the international system and its acceptance as a legitimate political, economic and strategic partner is also examined because the international dimension partly explains the persistence of authoritarianism in the region since Algeria’s integration has strengthened authoritarian rule in the country rather than weakening it. In particular, an investigation of the Algerian case can shed light on the role and the influence of political Islam in international politics. Fifteen years before Hamas’s victory in the Palestinian elections of January 2006 (Hroub, 2006; Chehab, 2007) generated an academic and political storm of controversy, the Algerian Front Islamique de Salut (FIS) had won the first round of the Algerian legislative elections and was poised to take power through the ballot box. This was the first time that an Islamist party had been allowed to compete in free and fair elections in the Arab world, but a military coup prevented it from taking advantage of its electoral victory. The way in which the international community and Algerian political actors handled such a victory set the trend for how the relations between authoritarian Arab regimes, representatives of political Islam, liberal-minded reformers and powerful external actors were to be conducted in the future. All actors across the Arab world have still in mind the ‘Algerian scenario’ and draw their own lessons from it. Almost twenty years after the Algerian liberalisation and the rise to electoral prominence of an Islamist party, the issue of how to deal with political Islam has become ever more central to both academic work and policy-making.
This book broadly examines Algerian political developments in the context of the international environment. Chapter 1 gives a brief account of the failed Algerian transition and identifies the main issues that arise from it. Chapter 2 outlines the research question and deals with the shortcomings of the literature on transitions to democracy. It presents a summary of explanations for the failed transition based on the pre-eminence of domestic factors and challenges the validity of such explanations due to their isolation from the wider international context. Chapter 3 provides a theoretical framework of understanding of the Algerian transition based on international variables. Specifically, it is argued that there are two important dimensions along which international variables have an impact on the actions and choices of domestic actors. The first dimension is the economic basis of the state, the second one is its geo-strategic location. Chapter 4 looks at the external environment at the time of the transition, while Chapter 5 examines in more detail the linkages between domestic and international variables providing a dynamic explanation of their mutual influences. It argues that the amount of resources and the strategies of actions available to domestic actors are decisively dependent upon international variables and shift accordingly throughout the volatile periods of liberalisation and democratisation. Chapter 6 deals with the crucial issue of international perceptions of political Islam and Islamist movements, focusing on the role of the FIS in the political process. It teases out the different interpretations of the FIS activities and declarations, looking specifically at the impact they had on rival domestic and international actors. Chapter 7 examines the process of integration of post-1992 Algeria, an ostensibly authoritarian regime, into the international political and economic system and analyses Algeria’s role as a regional provider of stability and an ally in the war on terror. Chapter 8 will draw theoretical conclusions about the influence of the international dimension in processes of regime change and regime survival.

Papers by Francesco Cavatorta

The figure of the Arab strongman is often associated with the political culture of the region and... more The figure of the Arab strongman is often associated with the political culture of the region and has been central to explanations for the resilience of authoritarianism despite processes of democratization taking place across the globe since the mid-1970s. The Arab uprisings have challenged both the paradigm of authoritarian resilience and the grip of the strongmen on political power. The demise of a number of Arab regimes seemed to highlight that ordinary Arab citizens had finally seen the merits of democratic governance and had eschewed their reliance on firm authoritarian leadership. Post-uprising politics, however, did not lead to the democratic promised land, and the figure of the strongman has since reappeared forcefully. In some countries, the strongman never left the scene, in some others it made a comeback following a period of democratic instability, and in others both domestic and international forces still hope for its emergence in order to end civil conflicts. This chapter reflects on the resilience of authoritarianism in the Arab world and how it links with arguments about the necessity of strongmen to rule over complex and divided societies. At the heart of the chapter is the examination of an interesting paradox. On the one hand, surveys and empirical studies suggest that ordinary Arab citizens have a very favorable opinion of democracy and believe that democratic governance is the best system to solve the socio-economic problems facing their countries. On the other hand, the same citizens believe that security concerns can only be dealt with through the strong hand of a ruler. In addition, international pressure also periodically shifts from supporting democracy to buttressing strongmen, complicating the domestic game even further.

While the narrative regarding the close relationship between mainstream Islamists and Salafis is ... more While the narrative regarding the close relationship between mainstream Islamists and Salafis is certainly an important aspect of the transition to democracy in Tunisia, it tends to misrepresent the goals of both Ennahdha and the Salafis.

Digest of Middle East Studies, Apr 18, 2013

The paper uses Hogan and Doyle’s (2007; 2008) framework in examining changes in macroeconomic pol... more The paper uses Hogan and Doyle’s (2007; 2008) framework in examining changes in macroeconomic policy in Algeria and Jordan during the late 1980s/early 1990s, to determine if these policy changes constituted critical junctures. Both cases are significantly different from those studied previously using the framework, as neither state was a liberal democracy. The absence of democracy, and as a consequence of accountability, is a factor that the framework has not previously had to contend with. This study will also enable us determine if the framework is sufficiently robust to be applied to the examination of macroeconomic policy changes in non-democratic states. The findings show that in both countries political liberalisation did not follow upon economic liberalisation, giving lie to the often expressed assumption that economic liberalisation and democratization go hand in hand. Instead, as the ruling elite sought to revive the economy, while maintaining its own position in society, economic policy reforms required a gesture towards democratization if little else.

The literature on political trust has long emphasised its relevance for democracy and democratic ... more The literature on political trust has long emphasised its relevance for democracy and democratic consolidation. All types of trust indeed have been considered as indispensable to the sustainability of a democratic system, given that it supplies democratic or democratising polities with the necessary social and political capital to either remain stable or consolidate democracy. This chapter moves on from these assumptions to review the extant literature on political trust in authoritarian settings, a relatively understudied field. It is contended here that the main contribution of this literature to broader studies of political trust has been the questioning of the inherent connection between political trust and democracy, which implies that political trust cannot exist or is in very low supply in authoritarian settings. In fact, examinations of authoritarianism have demonstrated that the larger political context, regardless of its nature, can generate a specific type of political trust.

Mediterranean Politics, 2012

The so-called ‘Arab Awakening’ is a momentous event that surprised both scholars and policy maker... more The so-called ‘Arab Awakening’ is a momentous event that surprised both scholars and policy makers. For over a decade the paradigm of authoritarian resilience had dominated studies of the Arab world, almost entirely replacing the democratization paradigm that had been prominent throughout the 1980s and 1990s. This inter-paradigm debate on how best to explain and interpret the politics of the Arab world now calls for a review, in light of the Arab uprisings. The contributions to this themed issue offer a first attempt at highlighting some of the theoretical issues that should inform our rethinking of this debate thus far. Overall the issue thus aims at making a theoretical contribution by providing a deeper insight into the socio-economic–political structures and the new actors that led to the uprisings in the Arab world. It also explores and considers the opportunities and constraints that these structures offer for sharpening our theoretical tools – which may in turn lead us to use the paradigms and models available to us more flexibly. The case studies that this themed issue deals with by no means exhaust all the issues and case studies that need to be re-thought since the Arab uprisings of December 2010 to date. The aim is to provide useful insights for others to apply more broadly across the whole region.

Democratization, 2013

The role of religion in politics is still understudied as a consequence of the so-called “secular... more The role of religion in politics is still understudied as a consequence of the so-called “secularization paradigm”, which has been hegemonic in twentieth-century social sciences. Particularly, the role of religiosity within political parties has often been neglected for two reasons. First, there is a widespread normative prejudice about the role of religions in democratic and democratizing systems, where they are perceived to be illiberal and potentially anti-democratic actors. Second, there is the methodological difficulty of defining them with precision. This introduction to the special issue proposes the concept of the “religiously oriented party”. This is a party whose policies are openly based on a specific interpretation of religious precepts, but it can also be a formally secular one with relevant sections of its manifesto dedicated to religious values, explicitly appealing to religious constituencies, and/or a party including significant religious factions. With this definition in mind, the introduction explores the relationship between religiously oriented parties and democratization. Finally, the introduction presents the articles included in the special issue.

The article charts the rise of the jihadi Salafi movement in Tunisia during the transitional per... more The article charts the rise of the jihadi Salafi movement in Tunisia during the transitional period and analyses the way in which the national attempt to construct a more liberal and democratic system influenced its internal dynamics and debate. It highlights in particular how democratic mechanisms and liberal norms being put in place in Tunisia impacted on the movement and how then this was reflected in its interactions with the other social and political actors in the system. The unique Tunisian environment in which democratic mechanisms and individual liberal freedoms were introduced immediately after the revolution led the jihadi Salafi movement to operate through contradictory behaviour and actions in a process of what can be called ‘stop-start’ democratic learning, which ultimately failed. The novelty of the political arrangements was beneficial to jihadi Salafism initially, as the new liberal environment allowed it to proselytise and organise in the open while railing against democracy and liberalism. In doing so they unwillingly contributed to strengthen the consensus of political actors on the necessity to build a democratic system. However, under the weight of this contradictory attitude, the movement ended up threatening the transition and failed to integrate.

Digest of Middle East Studies, Apr 18, 2013

Mediterranean Politics, 2012

Democratization, 2013

Middle East Policy, Dec 11, 2012

Rather than concentrating on potential explanations for the Tunisian uprising or focusing on the ... more Rather than concentrating on potential explanations for the Tunisian uprising or focusing on the future challenges the country has, this article looks back at the time of Ben Ali and the mythology that the regime created around political, economic and social development in Tunisia. The article argues that the authoritarian resilience paradigm and the democratization one tended to obscure the complexity of Tunisian society and how it reacted and adapted to the policies the regime implemented over the course of over two decades. Thus, the article problematises the rigidity of paradigms and contends that a more nuanced and holistic approach is necessary to understand both Tunisian politics and Arab politics more generally.

Lived Space: Reconsidering Transnationalism among Muslim Minorities, Apr 1, 2011

The aim of this paper will be to analyse the social and political opportunity structures availabl... more The aim of this paper will be to analyse the social and political opportunity structures available to the Muslim population domiciled within the Republic of Ireland (ROI) and to assess how the incentives and disincentives of these structures impact on the individual choice selection of either a national or transnational identity. Critical stress will be placed on the role of the nation state for designing political structures that are exclusionary, as compared to the more open and accessible civil and social opportunities that exist. Notably, the political opportunity structure is recognised as exclusionary by the identification of a civic stratification of the Muslim community into citizens and denizens. This exclusionary institutional system is designed and perpetuated by the Irish nation state. The paper will then move onto a critical analysis of these political exclusionary structures within the Irish political community with particular emphasis on cosmopolitan theory, which aims to transcend the a-moral norms of the existing Westphalian state system and to create new modalities of dialogic communities that stop exclusion and civic stratification and enable denizens to enter the national political realm.
Firstly, the chapter provides background information on the Muslim population in the Republic of Ireland, which has been relatively ignored in European Muslim studies. Such limited research of the Irish context has been perpetuated by a relatively small population of domiciled Muslims and a continuing lack of qualitative and quantitative data that may form the basis of much needed academic insight. Due to these limitations, this paper has had to make some reluctant trade-offs. Specifically, in accordance with research conducted by Koopmans and Statham into civic pluralist polities (of which the ROI has been categorised below), the heterogeneous Muslim community will not be assessed according to its ethnic cleavages but as a holistic entity. Certainly, in time with continuing research and more accessible data, narrowing the focus to Muslim ethnic cleavages will be an academic priority for the Irish Muslim-studies field.
Secondly, the chapter will discuss the Irish social and political opportunity structures such as the political system; racism within Irish society; naturalisation and electoral franchise; and the educational system. The political and social opportunity structure has not been narrowed to the Muslim context per se but has been developed in a broad manner that may be inferred onto all migrants and third country nationals living within the Irish state. Muslim reactions to these structures have been presented through the limited academic work that exists, official organisational documents and newspaper coverage from the Irish Times, the most influential broadsheet in the country. As mentioned, the data available remains sparse in terms of European research already presented in this academic field and this chapter begins to fill this gap.
Lastly, the paper will narrow its focus on one preeminent form of exclusion identified from the social and political opportunity structure: that of the exclusion of denizens to vote in national elections within the Republic of Ireland. This exclusionary practice will be critically analysed using a cosmopolitan perspective that will emphasize the moral rigidity of the nation state system in identifying new ways of incorporating political communities that have national and transnational links. Particular emphasis will be placed on the cosmopolitan theories of Andrew Linklater and on the dialogic ethics of Jürgen Habermas.

Buerger im Staat, 2012

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Paola Rivetti and Francesco Cavatorta, in The SAGE Handbook of European Foreign Policy, eds. Knud... more Paola Rivetti and Francesco Cavatorta, in The SAGE Handbook of European Foreign Policy, eds. Knud Erik Jorgensen, Aasne Kalland Aarstad, Edith Drieskens, Katie Laatikainen, Ben Tonra, July 2015

European Political Science, Jan 1, 2003

European Foreign Affairs …, Jan 1, 2008

Journal of European Public …, Jan 1, 2004

Contemporary Politics, Jan 1, 2007

The paper examines the normative foundations of EU foreign and security policy against the contex... more The paper examines the normative foundations of EU foreign and security policy against the context of one of the world’s most intractable disputes, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Recent scholarship has developed a thesis that the European Union – perhaps uniquely – is a ‘normative power’ – an international actor dedicated to the export of values and norms rather than (or in additional to?) the pursuit of interests. These generates a number of questions, perhaps the core of which is under what conditions and in what circumstances can and does the EU use a strategy of norm export and to what effect? The aim of this paper is thus to assess how EU foreign and security policy is pursued on the ground, how EU officials perceive their own role and – crucially - how they are seen by others within this particular peace process. The paper concludes that there is only limited evidence for the thesis of the Union as a normative power and that the explanatory power of rationalism and instrumentalism thus remains considerable. However, the very fact that many officials – from both the EU institutions and the Member States – have been able to internalise core norms is testimony to the changes that have occurred in foreign-policy making.

Electoral politics in the Arab world are either portrayed as clientelistic affairs void of conten... more Electoral politics in the Arab world are either portrayed as clientelistic affairs void of content or as highly ideological clashes between Islamist and Secular Left forces. Although both arguments are intuitively appealing, the empirical evidence to date is limited. This article seeks to contribute to the debate by investigating the extent of programmatic voter support for Islamist and Secular Left parties in seven Arab countries with data from recent surveys by the Arab Barometer, Afrobarometer and World Values Survey. Ideological congruence between voters and parties exists but is limited to the Islamist–Secular core divide with regard to the role of religion in politics and gender values. In contrast, there are virtually no differences in economic attitudes between respondents and there is no evidence of class-based voting, with Islamist and Secular Left parties sharing the same voter base of better-off, more educated voters. Core results are robust across surveys.

The rise of Islamism following the Arab Spring has renewed interest in the democratic credibility... more The rise of Islamism following the Arab Spring has renewed interest in the democratic credibility of Islamist parties and movements. Focusing on the case of Mauritania’s Islamists this article analyses the validity of the moderation hypothesis and argues that for some Islamist parties, moderation, when histor- ically situated, has always been a key trait. The case of Mauritanian Islamism is interesting because it takes place within an intellectual and geographical place that straddles both the Arab world and sub-Saharan Africa, therefore providing insights on how Islamism has become an influential ideological framework in both worlds, that are much less separate than superficially believed.

Rivista di Politica, N. 2, 2014, Rubbettino, 2014

In seguito alle rivolte che hanno portato alla caduta del regime di Ben ‘Ali, la scena politica d... more In seguito alle rivolte che hanno portato alla caduta del regime di Ben ‘Ali, la scena politica della Tunisia è stata inizialmente dominata dal partito islamico Ennahda. Dopo anni di repressione, quest’ultimo ha così avviato un processo di istituzionalizzazione, che lo ha reso uno dei principali attori politici protagonisti del processo di democratizzazione. Ciononostante, Ennahda non incarna l’unica forma di Islam politico in Tunisia. In parte come reazione al processo di inclusione di Ennahda e, dall’altro lato, come effetto del processo di liberalizzazione politica seguita alla caduta del regime, un’altra forma di Islam politico è gradualmente emersa: il salafismo. L’articolo ripercorre l’evoluzione – ideologica e strategica – dei movimenti salafiti in Tunisia,enfatizzandone le differenziazioni interne

Middle Eastern Studies, 2019

The Arab uprisings’ failure to bring about either the scale or type of political change in the Ma... more The Arab uprisings’ failure to bring about either the scale or type of political change in the Maghreb that it initially seemed to promise belies the significance of its impact on the region. While Algeria, Mauritania and Morocco continue to be ruled by the same competitive authoritarian regimes that held power when the protests began, they, and the new governments in Tunisia and Libya, must now negotiate an altered and more dangerous security environment than before. The unsettling of Tunisia’s security apparatus and the outbreak of full-blown civil war in Libya have created new opportunities for terror and criminal groups to thrive and expand. The primary aim of this special issue is to chart and explain many of the critical changes in the Maghreb’s security environment that have occurred as a result of the Arab Spring. Each of the articles collected here identifies and analyses at least one important security issue in one or more Maghreb country as well as explain how that issue has emerged in response to or been affected by the Arab Spring.