Sarah Lambrecht | University of Antwerp (original) (raw)
Books by Sarah Lambrecht
Published Jul 2021, Reviewed May 2021 / IEL Constitutional Law, 2021
Derived from the renowned multi-volume 'International Encyclopaedia of Laws', this alysis of cons... more Derived from the renowned multi-volume 'International Encyclopaedia of Laws', this alysis of constitutional law in Belgium provides essential information on the country's sources of constitutional law, its form of government, and its administrative structure. Lawyers who handle transnational matters will appreciate the clarifications of particular terminology and its application. Throughout the book, the treatment emphasizes the specific points at which constitutional law affects the interpretation of legal rules and procedure. Thorough coverage by a local expert fully describes the political system, the historical background, the role of treaties, legislation, jurisprudence, and administrative regulations. The discussion of the form and structure of government outlines its legal status, the jurisdiction and workings of the central state organs, the subdivisions of the state, its decentralized authorities, and concepts of citizenship. Special issues include the legal position of aliens, foreign relations, taxing and spending powers, emergency laws, the power of the military, and the constitutional relationship between church and state. Details are presented in such a way that readers who are unfamiliar with specific terms and concepts in varying contextswill fully grasp their meaning and significance.
Authors:
Alen André, Bortels Heidi, Dalle Benjamin, De Schepper Valérie, Haljan David, Keyaerts David, Judo Frank, Lambrecht Sarah, Pas Wouter, Peters Patrick, Souverijns Tim, Theunis Jan, Van Nieuwenhove Jeroen, Vandaele Arne, Verrijdt Willem
Editors:
André Alen, David Haljan, Willem Verrijdt
For some time now, the European Court of Human Rights is under substantial pressure. From a case ... more For some time now, the European Court of Human Rights is under substantial pressure. From a case overload crisis it stumbled into a legitimacy crisis with regard to certain countries. This should be taken seriously, since scholars warn that institutions with eroding legitimacy risk demise or reform. The goal of this volume is to explore how widespread this critical attitude of the European Court of Human Rights really is. It also assesses to what extent such criticism is being translated in strategies at the political level or at the judicial level and brings about concrete changes in the dynamics between national and European fundamental rights protection. The book is topical and innovative, as these questions have so far remained largely unexplored, especially cross-nationally.
Far from focusing exclusively on those voices that are currently raised so loud, conclusions are based on comparative in-depth reports, covering fifteen Contracting Parties and the EU.
With contributions of Olgun Akbulut, Tilmann Altwicker, Katarzyna Blay-Grabarczyk, Anna Gamper, Janneke Gerards, Krystyna Kowalik-Bańczyk, Sarah Lambrecht, Koen Lemmens, Lubomir Majerčík, Giuseppe Martinico, Roger Masterman, Aaron Matta, Christophe Maubernard, Armen Mazmanyan, Katharina Pabel, Eszter Polgári, Patricia Popelier, Clara Rauchegger, Michael Reiertsen and Henrik Wenander.
Peer-reviewed Journal Article by Sarah Lambrecht
Journal of human rights practice, 2020
European Human Rights Law Review (2015) 2, 185-198
In a historic Opinion issued on December 18, 2014, the Court of Justice of the European Union rul... more In a historic Opinion issued on December 18, 2014, the Court of Justice of the European Union ruled that the draft agreement on the EU accession to the ECHR is not compatible with the EU Treaties. This contribution first analyses the CJEU’s objections in Opinion 2/13. Subsequently, the future of the EU accession to the ECHR following the Opinion and the potential consequences for the Convention system are briefly examined.
The contribution concludes that the CJEU’s reasoning, particularly concerning art. 53 of the ECHR, the principle of mutual trust and the CFSP, appears to not be centred around closing the gap in European fundamental rights protection, but rather solely focused on ensuring its exclusive jurisdiction. However, the rights perspective should have played an equally important role in Opinion 2/13 as closing the gap in European fundamental rights protection is the ratio leges behind the legal obligation to accede in art. 6 TEU. The CJEU also externalises internally resolvable issues, especially as regards Protocol No. 16 and inter-Party cases. Due to this approach, the CJEU’s checklist of amendments is both long and politically unfeasible. Consequently, the hope to have finally arrived in the concluding stages of the strenuous thirty year long accession process seems once more crushed. Again, the sting is in the tail.
European Public Law 21 (2015) 2, 257–283
This article focuses on reform efforts at the national and European level to lessen the influence... more This article focuses on reform efforts at the national and European level to lessen the influence of the Strasbourg Court's case law. The article aims to determine to what extent this strategy will be successful. On the one hand, two reform proposals to shield the influence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) through changing the dynamics at the national level are examined, namely the pending proposal to replace the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) with a home-grown Bill of Rights and the pending proposal in the Netherlands to extend the ban of judicial review to international treaties. The UK reform proposal is the most likely to come into being. The Dutch reform proposal should instead be interpreted as a warning shot, since it is very unlikely to pass. Irrespective, this reform proposal would be a successful, albeit very drastic, measure to reduce the influence of the Strasbourg Court. On the other hand, current efforts to reform the European level of rights protection are analysed with an emphasis on reform proposals pressing the need for more subsidiarity and a broader margin of appreciation. These efforts resulted in Protocol 15, which has the ability to lessen the influence of the Strasbourg Court, although the Court has plenty of tools available to not let Protocol 15 result in a diminution of its influence.
German Law Journal, Apr 2014
This article focuses on the strategy to replace the UK Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) with a home-gr... more This article focuses on the strategy to replace the UK Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) with a home-grown Bill of Rights to lessen the influence of the European Court of Human Rights’ case law. Without attempting to disregard the national-specific elements, the discussion of these questions is very relevant for all States confronted with the influence of Strasbourg. The tension between coherence, efficiency and autonomy is overarching. The article therefore approaches the issue not only from an outsider’s perspective but also, where relevant, from a comparative constitutional law perspective. Both perspectives seem to be largely absent from the current (academic) debate. Firstly, this article analyzes the current relationship between the UK Supreme Court and the Strasbourg Court, which reveals that the judicial arguments in support of a mirror principle are not so much based on section 2(1) HRA, as they are, in the domestic courts’ relationship with Strasbourg, on concerns about international obligations, hierarchy, effectiveness of the Strasbourg Court, coherence and efficiency. Internally, judicial arguments are founded on concerns about separation of powers, limited jurisdiction, and accustomedness to the precedent system. In the second part, this article focuses on the potential impact of a home-grown Bill of Rights on the current relationship between both courts; concluding that a home-grown Bill of Rights will most likely cause domestic courts to receive less latitude by Strasbourg and will not absolve domestic judges from the duty of taking into account the Strasbourg case law.
A Constitution for Flanders has been preoccupying Flemish politicians and scholars for over twent... more A Constitution for Flanders has been preoccupying Flemish politicians and scholars for over twenty years. On 23 May 2012, the majority parties presented in the Flemish Parliament the Charter for Flanders. Since Flanders only has embryonic constitution-making power, this is not a proposal for a Constitution but merely a proposal for a resolution. As a (non-binding) resolution, the Charter has no legal implications, but rather an important political value. First, the text reveals a strong connection with the EU. The Charter’s drafters interwove the fundamental right provisions in the Belgian Constitution with those in the Charter of Fundamental Rights for the European Union, which resulted in an expansive fundamental rights catalogue. Furthermore, the Charter contains a clear political commitment; ‘it gives the impetus to a Constitution of Flanders in the framework of the constitution-making Flanders ought to acquire’. The Charter’s preamble also confirms that Flanders is a nation with its own language and culture. The lack of participation of opposition parties and citizens in the drafting process was met with fierce criticism. The dossier slumbered in the competent commission without any parliamentary debate for two years. In 2013, the Christian Democratic Party announced that the dossier would be reactivated. However, this did not occur before the ‘Mother of all elections’ (regional, federal and European elections) in May 2014. As a consequence, the proposal for a Charter expired. It is unclear if the new Flemish Government composed of the Flemish-Nationalists, the Liberals and Christian-Democrats will revive the Charter for Flanders. Hopefully, this reactivation will at least be accompanied with intense parliamentary debates and textual clarifications. Especially, since the drafters consider the Charter a stepping-stone to a (legally binding) Constitution for Flanders.
![Research paper thumbnail of Handvest voor Vlaanderen [Charter for Flanders]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/33746411/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Een Grondwet voor Vlaanderen houdt de Vlaamse politiek en rechtsleer al meer dan twintig jaar bez... more Een Grondwet voor Vlaanderen houdt de Vlaamse politiek en rechtsleer al meer dan twintig jaar bezig. Op 23 mei 2012 stelden de meerderheidspartijen in het Vlaams Parlement het Handvest voor Vlaanderen voor. Aangezien Vlaanderen louter een embryonale grondwetgevende bevoegdheid heeft, is dit géén grondwetsvoorstel maar een voorstel tot resolutie. Als (niet-bindende) resolutie heeft het geen juridische implicaties, maar enkel een belangrijke politieke waarde. De tekst toont ten eerste een sterke verbondenheid met de EU. Zo vervlochten de opstellers van het Handvest de grondrechtenbepalingen in de Grondwet met die in het EU-Grondrechtenhandvest wat voor een zeer uitgebreide grondrechtencatalogus zorgt. Daarnaast stelt het Handvest ook een duidelijk politiek engagement voorop, dat de ‘aanzet vormt voor een Grondwet voor Vlaanderen in het kader van de grondwetgevende bevoegdheid die Vlaanderen dient te verwerven’. Ook wordt bevestigd in de preambule dat Vlaanderen een natie is met eigen taal en cultuur. Het gebrek aan participatie van de andere politieke partijen en de burger in het totstandkomingsproces stootte echter op stevige kritiek. Nu sluimert het dossier al bijna een jaar in de bevoegde Commissie zonder enig parlementair debat. Recentelijk heeft CD&V aangekondigd dat het dossier opnieuw zal geactiveerd worden. Hopelijk zal dit ook gepaard gaan met intense parlementaire debatten en tekstuele verhelderingen. Zeker aangezien de opstellers het Handvest beschouwen als een tussenstop naar een (bindende) Grondwet voor Vlaanderen.
![Research paper thumbnail of De houding van vier hoogste rechtscolleges ten aanzien van het EVRM en het Europees Hof voor de Rechten van de Mens: Strasbourg has spoken… [The attitude of four supreme courts towards the ECHR and the ECtHR: Strasbourg has spoken...]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/61871253/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](I. Inleiding: toenemende kritiek op het EHRM II. De impact van het EVRM op de rechtspraak van v... more I. Inleiding: toenemende kritiek op het EHRM
II. De impact van het EVRM op de rechtspraak van vier hoogste nationale rechtscolleges
A. De Nederlandse Hoge Raad tussen monisme en het toetsingsverbod
B. Het VK Supreme Court en de duplicatie van EVRM-rechten via de Human Rights Act 1998
C. Onrechtstreekste toetsing aan het EVRM door het Belgische Grondwettelijk Hof
D. Het Duitse Federaal Grondwettelijk Hof gespleten tussen dualisme en openheid
III. De impact van de rechtspraak van het EHRM op de rechtspraak van vier hoogste nationale rechtscolleges
A. De Nederlandse Hoge Raad en de incorporatietheorie
B. VK Supreme Court en de spiegelbenadering
C. De volgzaamheid van het Belgische Grondwettelijk Hof
D. De zeldzame verwijzingen door het Duitse Federaal Grondwettelijk Hof
E. Een vergelijkend overzicht
IV. Grenzen aan het volgen van de rechtspraak van het EHRM
A. Het overstijgen van de ‘minimumstandaard’ en het invullen van de appreciatiemarge
B. Gebrek aan heldere en consistente rechtspraak van het EHRM
C. Weigering om rechtspraak van het EHRM te volgen
1. Het EHRM heeft de nationale juridische context misverstaan of de impact van de rechtspraak verkeerd ingeschat
2. Onverenigbaar met de grondwettelijke kern of met een fundamenteel materieel of procedureel aspect van het nationaal recht
V. Conclusie
Book Chapter by Sarah Lambrecht
Nouveaux regards sur des modèles classiques de démocratie constitutionelle: Etats-Unis, Europe / Bottini, Eleonora [edit.]; et al. - ISBN 978-2-84934-274-9 - Paris, Mare & Martin, 2019, p. 359-387 , 2019
The EU Charter of fundamental rights in the Member States / Bobek, Michal [edit.]; et al. / Oxford : Hart, 2020
Grondrechten in fiscalibus, 1989-2014, 2016
This paper gives an overview of how the diffuse and centralised rights review in Belgium is organ... more This paper gives an overview of how the diffuse and centralised rights review in Belgium is organised. The distinct competences of the Constitutional Court, Court of Cassation, the Council of State, the European Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice are elaborated upon, as well as the mechanisms created to facilitate the co-existence of diffuse and centralised rights review.
Criticism of the European Court of Human Rights : Shifting the Convention System: Counter-Dynamics at the National and EU Level, 2016
For some time now, the European Court of Human Rights is under substantial pressure. From a case ... more For some time now, the European Court of Human Rights is under substantial pressure. From a case overload crisis it stumbled into a legitimacy crisis with regard to certain countries. This should be taken seriously, since scholars warn that institutions with eroding legitimacy risk demise or reform. The goal of this volume is to explore how widespread this critical attitude of the European Court of Human Rights really is. It also assesses to what extent such criticism is being translated in strategies at the political level or at the judicial level and brings about concrete changes in the dynamics between national and European fundamental rights protection. The book is topical and innovative, as these questions have so far remained largely unexplored, especially cross-nationally.
Far from focusing exclusively on those voices that are currently raised so loud, conclusions are based on comparative in-depth reports, covering fifteen Contracting Parties and the EU.
Refonder les droits de l’homme, 2019
Lambrecht, S., “Criticism of the European Convention on Human Rights System: Tracing its Origins,... more Lambrecht, S., “Criticism of the European Convention on Human Rights System: Tracing its Origins, Contents and Degrees”, in: Dubout, E. & Touzé, S., (dir.), Refonder les droits de l’homme. Des critiques aux pratiques, (Publications du Centre de Recherche sur les Droits de l’Homme et le Droit Humanitaire), Paris, Editions A. Pedone, 2019, 45-75.
Traité des rapports entre ordres juridique, 2016
André Alen, Sarah Lambrecht and Willem Verrijdt, ‘Belgique’, Constance Grewe (ed.) Perspective co... more André Alen, Sarah Lambrecht and Willem Verrijdt, ‘Belgique’, Constance Grewe (ed.) Perspective comparatistes: Dialogue entre juges constitutionnels européens, in Baptiste Bonnet (ed.), Traité des rapports entre ordres juridique (LGDJ 2016) 1393-1418.
The post-May 2015 election developments will reveal if the threats to leave the Convention system... more The post-May 2015 election developments will reveal if the threats to leave the Convention system made by several Conservative members of government, including Prime Minister Cameron, are idle threats – merely part of a political rhetoric to win UKIP voters, satisfy the Euro-sceptic current within the Conservative Party or pressure the ECtHR into offering a broader margin of appreciation and delivering restrictive judgments – or a truly realistic prospect. The unexpected absolute majority of the Conservative Party in the House of Commons following the May 2015 general election makes the withdrawal scenario in any case a possible prospect.
Throughout the history of UK’s strained relationship with the Convention system, similar threats have recurred but have never been followed through. The domestic complexities of withdrawal cannot be underestimated. Withdrawal would call into question the devolution settlements for Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland instigating political instability. One can wonder whether there is sufficient political willingness to risk such developments. Furthermore, the domestic consequences for rights protection would be significant. With regard to
matters that fall within the scope of EU law, the entanglement with the Convention system would remain and, if the EU accession to the ECHR solidifies, will grow much stronger. In relation to the Convention system, the withdrawal of the
UK would result in the entire supranational structure of the Convention system loosing one of its foundational stones. The collateral damage would be significant, if not, disastrous, potentially creating a corrosive effect throughout certain European states.
Information bibliographique de la Deutsche Nationalbibliothek La Deutsche Nationalbibliothek a ré... more Information bibliographique de la Deutsche Nationalbibliothek La Deutsche Nationalbibliothek a répertorié cette publication dans la Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; les données bibliographiques détaillées peuvent être consultées sur Internet à l'adresse http://dnb.d-nb.de.
Blog Post by Sarah Lambrecht
At the High Level Conference meeting in Copenhagen on 12 and 13 April 2018 under the Danish Chair... more At the High Level Conference meeting in Copenhagen on 12 and 13 April 2018 under the Danish Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, the Copenhagen Declaration was adopted. This Declaration was much anticipated, as the draft version issued on 5 February 2018 by the Danish Government was heavily criticised. Academics, NGOs, national human rights institutions, members of national parliaments in PACE and civil servants expressed grave concern about the harm the draft Copenhagen Declaration could do to the Court’s independence and authority, about its misconstruction of the Court’s jurisdiction and role (especially when defining the Convention system’s subsidiary nature), its potential to undermine the universality of human rights, and its objective of installing new channels of ‘dialogue’, which could have the effect of exposing the Court to undue political pressure by national governments. Overall, most commentators agreed that the initial draft, if adopted as such, would damage the Convention’s system of protection of human rights in Europe as a whole. It has now turned out that much of this criticism was shared by a large number of States and that the text of the final Copenhagen Declaration is very different from the draft version in tone and content.
The Danish Government wishes to initiate a renewed discussion on the future of the European Conve... more The Danish Government wishes to initiate a renewed discussion on the future of the European Convention on Human Rights system, as one of its priorities of the Danish Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe from November 2017 till May 2018. The draft Declaration issued by the Danish Government primarily aims to strengthen the position of the States Parties in the Convention system. If not fundamentally altered, this will most likely have an impact on the other stakeholders, in particular the individuals that claim to be the victim of a rights violation by a State Party. In contrast to the Brussels Declaration and even the Brighton Declaration, the overall emphasis has moved away from the urgent matter of better national implementation of Convention rights and the execution of judgments, as already mentioned in the opening contribution of this series. Especially at a time when there is a clear regression of the rule of law in several States Parties, the lack of a strong agenda on this issue is highly problematic. This should be rectified in the final Declaration. It is doubtful, in contrast to what the draft Declaration implies, that the new proposals for States Parties to have a 'stronger interplay' with the Court will create the setting for ‘a well-functioning interplay between the national and European levels’. Hopefully, the States Parties will take their time to carefully analyze the proposals set forth by the Danish Government, and their potential repercussions on the Court’s independence.
Published Jul 2021, Reviewed May 2021 / IEL Constitutional Law, 2021
Derived from the renowned multi-volume 'International Encyclopaedia of Laws', this alysis of cons... more Derived from the renowned multi-volume 'International Encyclopaedia of Laws', this alysis of constitutional law in Belgium provides essential information on the country's sources of constitutional law, its form of government, and its administrative structure. Lawyers who handle transnational matters will appreciate the clarifications of particular terminology and its application. Throughout the book, the treatment emphasizes the specific points at which constitutional law affects the interpretation of legal rules and procedure. Thorough coverage by a local expert fully describes the political system, the historical background, the role of treaties, legislation, jurisprudence, and administrative regulations. The discussion of the form and structure of government outlines its legal status, the jurisdiction and workings of the central state organs, the subdivisions of the state, its decentralized authorities, and concepts of citizenship. Special issues include the legal position of aliens, foreign relations, taxing and spending powers, emergency laws, the power of the military, and the constitutional relationship between church and state. Details are presented in such a way that readers who are unfamiliar with specific terms and concepts in varying contextswill fully grasp their meaning and significance.
Authors:
Alen André, Bortels Heidi, Dalle Benjamin, De Schepper Valérie, Haljan David, Keyaerts David, Judo Frank, Lambrecht Sarah, Pas Wouter, Peters Patrick, Souverijns Tim, Theunis Jan, Van Nieuwenhove Jeroen, Vandaele Arne, Verrijdt Willem
Editors:
André Alen, David Haljan, Willem Verrijdt
For some time now, the European Court of Human Rights is under substantial pressure. From a case ... more For some time now, the European Court of Human Rights is under substantial pressure. From a case overload crisis it stumbled into a legitimacy crisis with regard to certain countries. This should be taken seriously, since scholars warn that institutions with eroding legitimacy risk demise or reform. The goal of this volume is to explore how widespread this critical attitude of the European Court of Human Rights really is. It also assesses to what extent such criticism is being translated in strategies at the political level or at the judicial level and brings about concrete changes in the dynamics between national and European fundamental rights protection. The book is topical and innovative, as these questions have so far remained largely unexplored, especially cross-nationally.
Far from focusing exclusively on those voices that are currently raised so loud, conclusions are based on comparative in-depth reports, covering fifteen Contracting Parties and the EU.
With contributions of Olgun Akbulut, Tilmann Altwicker, Katarzyna Blay-Grabarczyk, Anna Gamper, Janneke Gerards, Krystyna Kowalik-Bańczyk, Sarah Lambrecht, Koen Lemmens, Lubomir Majerčík, Giuseppe Martinico, Roger Masterman, Aaron Matta, Christophe Maubernard, Armen Mazmanyan, Katharina Pabel, Eszter Polgári, Patricia Popelier, Clara Rauchegger, Michael Reiertsen and Henrik Wenander.
Journal of human rights practice, 2020
European Human Rights Law Review (2015) 2, 185-198
In a historic Opinion issued on December 18, 2014, the Court of Justice of the European Union rul... more In a historic Opinion issued on December 18, 2014, the Court of Justice of the European Union ruled that the draft agreement on the EU accession to the ECHR is not compatible with the EU Treaties. This contribution first analyses the CJEU’s objections in Opinion 2/13. Subsequently, the future of the EU accession to the ECHR following the Opinion and the potential consequences for the Convention system are briefly examined.
The contribution concludes that the CJEU’s reasoning, particularly concerning art. 53 of the ECHR, the principle of mutual trust and the CFSP, appears to not be centred around closing the gap in European fundamental rights protection, but rather solely focused on ensuring its exclusive jurisdiction. However, the rights perspective should have played an equally important role in Opinion 2/13 as closing the gap in European fundamental rights protection is the ratio leges behind the legal obligation to accede in art. 6 TEU. The CJEU also externalises internally resolvable issues, especially as regards Protocol No. 16 and inter-Party cases. Due to this approach, the CJEU’s checklist of amendments is both long and politically unfeasible. Consequently, the hope to have finally arrived in the concluding stages of the strenuous thirty year long accession process seems once more crushed. Again, the sting is in the tail.
European Public Law 21 (2015) 2, 257–283
This article focuses on reform efforts at the national and European level to lessen the influence... more This article focuses on reform efforts at the national and European level to lessen the influence of the Strasbourg Court's case law. The article aims to determine to what extent this strategy will be successful. On the one hand, two reform proposals to shield the influence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) through changing the dynamics at the national level are examined, namely the pending proposal to replace the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) with a home-grown Bill of Rights and the pending proposal in the Netherlands to extend the ban of judicial review to international treaties. The UK reform proposal is the most likely to come into being. The Dutch reform proposal should instead be interpreted as a warning shot, since it is very unlikely to pass. Irrespective, this reform proposal would be a successful, albeit very drastic, measure to reduce the influence of the Strasbourg Court. On the other hand, current efforts to reform the European level of rights protection are analysed with an emphasis on reform proposals pressing the need for more subsidiarity and a broader margin of appreciation. These efforts resulted in Protocol 15, which has the ability to lessen the influence of the Strasbourg Court, although the Court has plenty of tools available to not let Protocol 15 result in a diminution of its influence.
German Law Journal, Apr 2014
This article focuses on the strategy to replace the UK Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) with a home-gr... more This article focuses on the strategy to replace the UK Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) with a home-grown Bill of Rights to lessen the influence of the European Court of Human Rights’ case law. Without attempting to disregard the national-specific elements, the discussion of these questions is very relevant for all States confronted with the influence of Strasbourg. The tension between coherence, efficiency and autonomy is overarching. The article therefore approaches the issue not only from an outsider’s perspective but also, where relevant, from a comparative constitutional law perspective. Both perspectives seem to be largely absent from the current (academic) debate. Firstly, this article analyzes the current relationship between the UK Supreme Court and the Strasbourg Court, which reveals that the judicial arguments in support of a mirror principle are not so much based on section 2(1) HRA, as they are, in the domestic courts’ relationship with Strasbourg, on concerns about international obligations, hierarchy, effectiveness of the Strasbourg Court, coherence and efficiency. Internally, judicial arguments are founded on concerns about separation of powers, limited jurisdiction, and accustomedness to the precedent system. In the second part, this article focuses on the potential impact of a home-grown Bill of Rights on the current relationship between both courts; concluding that a home-grown Bill of Rights will most likely cause domestic courts to receive less latitude by Strasbourg and will not absolve domestic judges from the duty of taking into account the Strasbourg case law.
A Constitution for Flanders has been preoccupying Flemish politicians and scholars for over twent... more A Constitution for Flanders has been preoccupying Flemish politicians and scholars for over twenty years. On 23 May 2012, the majority parties presented in the Flemish Parliament the Charter for Flanders. Since Flanders only has embryonic constitution-making power, this is not a proposal for a Constitution but merely a proposal for a resolution. As a (non-binding) resolution, the Charter has no legal implications, but rather an important political value. First, the text reveals a strong connection with the EU. The Charter’s drafters interwove the fundamental right provisions in the Belgian Constitution with those in the Charter of Fundamental Rights for the European Union, which resulted in an expansive fundamental rights catalogue. Furthermore, the Charter contains a clear political commitment; ‘it gives the impetus to a Constitution of Flanders in the framework of the constitution-making Flanders ought to acquire’. The Charter’s preamble also confirms that Flanders is a nation with its own language and culture. The lack of participation of opposition parties and citizens in the drafting process was met with fierce criticism. The dossier slumbered in the competent commission without any parliamentary debate for two years. In 2013, the Christian Democratic Party announced that the dossier would be reactivated. However, this did not occur before the ‘Mother of all elections’ (regional, federal and European elections) in May 2014. As a consequence, the proposal for a Charter expired. It is unclear if the new Flemish Government composed of the Flemish-Nationalists, the Liberals and Christian-Democrats will revive the Charter for Flanders. Hopefully, this reactivation will at least be accompanied with intense parliamentary debates and textual clarifications. Especially, since the drafters consider the Charter a stepping-stone to a (legally binding) Constitution for Flanders.
Een Grondwet voor Vlaanderen houdt de Vlaamse politiek en rechtsleer al meer dan twintig jaar bez... more Een Grondwet voor Vlaanderen houdt de Vlaamse politiek en rechtsleer al meer dan twintig jaar bezig. Op 23 mei 2012 stelden de meerderheidspartijen in het Vlaams Parlement het Handvest voor Vlaanderen voor. Aangezien Vlaanderen louter een embryonale grondwetgevende bevoegdheid heeft, is dit géén grondwetsvoorstel maar een voorstel tot resolutie. Als (niet-bindende) resolutie heeft het geen juridische implicaties, maar enkel een belangrijke politieke waarde. De tekst toont ten eerste een sterke verbondenheid met de EU. Zo vervlochten de opstellers van het Handvest de grondrechtenbepalingen in de Grondwet met die in het EU-Grondrechtenhandvest wat voor een zeer uitgebreide grondrechtencatalogus zorgt. Daarnaast stelt het Handvest ook een duidelijk politiek engagement voorop, dat de ‘aanzet vormt voor een Grondwet voor Vlaanderen in het kader van de grondwetgevende bevoegdheid die Vlaanderen dient te verwerven’. Ook wordt bevestigd in de preambule dat Vlaanderen een natie is met eigen taal en cultuur. Het gebrek aan participatie van de andere politieke partijen en de burger in het totstandkomingsproces stootte echter op stevige kritiek. Nu sluimert het dossier al bijna een jaar in de bevoegde Commissie zonder enig parlementair debat. Recentelijk heeft CD&V aangekondigd dat het dossier opnieuw zal geactiveerd worden. Hopelijk zal dit ook gepaard gaan met intense parlementaire debatten en tekstuele verhelderingen. Zeker aangezien de opstellers het Handvest beschouwen als een tussenstop naar een (bindende) Grondwet voor Vlaanderen.
I. Inleiding: toenemende kritiek op het EHRM II. De impact van het EVRM op de rechtspraak van v... more I. Inleiding: toenemende kritiek op het EHRM
II. De impact van het EVRM op de rechtspraak van vier hoogste nationale rechtscolleges
A. De Nederlandse Hoge Raad tussen monisme en het toetsingsverbod
B. Het VK Supreme Court en de duplicatie van EVRM-rechten via de Human Rights Act 1998
C. Onrechtstreekste toetsing aan het EVRM door het Belgische Grondwettelijk Hof
D. Het Duitse Federaal Grondwettelijk Hof gespleten tussen dualisme en openheid
III. De impact van de rechtspraak van het EHRM op de rechtspraak van vier hoogste nationale rechtscolleges
A. De Nederlandse Hoge Raad en de incorporatietheorie
B. VK Supreme Court en de spiegelbenadering
C. De volgzaamheid van het Belgische Grondwettelijk Hof
D. De zeldzame verwijzingen door het Duitse Federaal Grondwettelijk Hof
E. Een vergelijkend overzicht
IV. Grenzen aan het volgen van de rechtspraak van het EHRM
A. Het overstijgen van de ‘minimumstandaard’ en het invullen van de appreciatiemarge
B. Gebrek aan heldere en consistente rechtspraak van het EHRM
C. Weigering om rechtspraak van het EHRM te volgen
1. Het EHRM heeft de nationale juridische context misverstaan of de impact van de rechtspraak verkeerd ingeschat
2. Onverenigbaar met de grondwettelijke kern of met een fundamenteel materieel of procedureel aspect van het nationaal recht
V. Conclusie
Nouveaux regards sur des modèles classiques de démocratie constitutionelle: Etats-Unis, Europe / Bottini, Eleonora [edit.]; et al. - ISBN 978-2-84934-274-9 - Paris, Mare & Martin, 2019, p. 359-387 , 2019
The EU Charter of fundamental rights in the Member States / Bobek, Michal [edit.]; et al. / Oxford : Hart, 2020
Grondrechten in fiscalibus, 1989-2014, 2016
This paper gives an overview of how the diffuse and centralised rights review in Belgium is organ... more This paper gives an overview of how the diffuse and centralised rights review in Belgium is organised. The distinct competences of the Constitutional Court, Court of Cassation, the Council of State, the European Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice are elaborated upon, as well as the mechanisms created to facilitate the co-existence of diffuse and centralised rights review.
Criticism of the European Court of Human Rights : Shifting the Convention System: Counter-Dynamics at the National and EU Level, 2016
For some time now, the European Court of Human Rights is under substantial pressure. From a case ... more For some time now, the European Court of Human Rights is under substantial pressure. From a case overload crisis it stumbled into a legitimacy crisis with regard to certain countries. This should be taken seriously, since scholars warn that institutions with eroding legitimacy risk demise or reform. The goal of this volume is to explore how widespread this critical attitude of the European Court of Human Rights really is. It also assesses to what extent such criticism is being translated in strategies at the political level or at the judicial level and brings about concrete changes in the dynamics between national and European fundamental rights protection. The book is topical and innovative, as these questions have so far remained largely unexplored, especially cross-nationally.
Far from focusing exclusively on those voices that are currently raised so loud, conclusions are based on comparative in-depth reports, covering fifteen Contracting Parties and the EU.
Refonder les droits de l’homme, 2019
Lambrecht, S., “Criticism of the European Convention on Human Rights System: Tracing its Origins,... more Lambrecht, S., “Criticism of the European Convention on Human Rights System: Tracing its Origins, Contents and Degrees”, in: Dubout, E. & Touzé, S., (dir.), Refonder les droits de l’homme. Des critiques aux pratiques, (Publications du Centre de Recherche sur les Droits de l’Homme et le Droit Humanitaire), Paris, Editions A. Pedone, 2019, 45-75.
Traité des rapports entre ordres juridique, 2016
André Alen, Sarah Lambrecht and Willem Verrijdt, ‘Belgique’, Constance Grewe (ed.) Perspective co... more André Alen, Sarah Lambrecht and Willem Verrijdt, ‘Belgique’, Constance Grewe (ed.) Perspective comparatistes: Dialogue entre juges constitutionnels européens, in Baptiste Bonnet (ed.), Traité des rapports entre ordres juridique (LGDJ 2016) 1393-1418.
The post-May 2015 election developments will reveal if the threats to leave the Convention system... more The post-May 2015 election developments will reveal if the threats to leave the Convention system made by several Conservative members of government, including Prime Minister Cameron, are idle threats – merely part of a political rhetoric to win UKIP voters, satisfy the Euro-sceptic current within the Conservative Party or pressure the ECtHR into offering a broader margin of appreciation and delivering restrictive judgments – or a truly realistic prospect. The unexpected absolute majority of the Conservative Party in the House of Commons following the May 2015 general election makes the withdrawal scenario in any case a possible prospect.
Throughout the history of UK’s strained relationship with the Convention system, similar threats have recurred but have never been followed through. The domestic complexities of withdrawal cannot be underestimated. Withdrawal would call into question the devolution settlements for Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland instigating political instability. One can wonder whether there is sufficient political willingness to risk such developments. Furthermore, the domestic consequences for rights protection would be significant. With regard to
matters that fall within the scope of EU law, the entanglement with the Convention system would remain and, if the EU accession to the ECHR solidifies, will grow much stronger. In relation to the Convention system, the withdrawal of the
UK would result in the entire supranational structure of the Convention system loosing one of its foundational stones. The collateral damage would be significant, if not, disastrous, potentially creating a corrosive effect throughout certain European states.
Information bibliographique de la Deutsche Nationalbibliothek La Deutsche Nationalbibliothek a ré... more Information bibliographique de la Deutsche Nationalbibliothek La Deutsche Nationalbibliothek a répertorié cette publication dans la Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; les données bibliographiques détaillées peuvent être consultées sur Internet à l'adresse http://dnb.d-nb.de.
At the High Level Conference meeting in Copenhagen on 12 and 13 April 2018 under the Danish Chair... more At the High Level Conference meeting in Copenhagen on 12 and 13 April 2018 under the Danish Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, the Copenhagen Declaration was adopted. This Declaration was much anticipated, as the draft version issued on 5 February 2018 by the Danish Government was heavily criticised. Academics, NGOs, national human rights institutions, members of national parliaments in PACE and civil servants expressed grave concern about the harm the draft Copenhagen Declaration could do to the Court’s independence and authority, about its misconstruction of the Court’s jurisdiction and role (especially when defining the Convention system’s subsidiary nature), its potential to undermine the universality of human rights, and its objective of installing new channels of ‘dialogue’, which could have the effect of exposing the Court to undue political pressure by national governments. Overall, most commentators agreed that the initial draft, if adopted as such, would damage the Convention’s system of protection of human rights in Europe as a whole. It has now turned out that much of this criticism was shared by a large number of States and that the text of the final Copenhagen Declaration is very different from the draft version in tone and content.
The Danish Government wishes to initiate a renewed discussion on the future of the European Conve... more The Danish Government wishes to initiate a renewed discussion on the future of the European Convention on Human Rights system, as one of its priorities of the Danish Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe from November 2017 till May 2018. The draft Declaration issued by the Danish Government primarily aims to strengthen the position of the States Parties in the Convention system. If not fundamentally altered, this will most likely have an impact on the other stakeholders, in particular the individuals that claim to be the victim of a rights violation by a State Party. In contrast to the Brussels Declaration and even the Brighton Declaration, the overall emphasis has moved away from the urgent matter of better national implementation of Convention rights and the execution of judgments, as already mentioned in the opening contribution of this series. Especially at a time when there is a clear regression of the rule of law in several States Parties, the lack of a strong agenda on this issue is highly problematic. This should be rectified in the final Declaration. It is doubtful, in contrast to what the draft Declaration implies, that the new proposals for States Parties to have a 'stronger interplay' with the Court will create the setting for ‘a well-functioning interplay between the national and European levels’. Hopefully, the States Parties will take their time to carefully analyze the proposals set forth by the Danish Government, and their potential repercussions on the Court’s independence.
The Danish Government has made the further reform of the Convention system one of its priorities ... more The Danish Government has made the further reform of the Convention system one of its priorities of its Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe from November 2017 till May 2018. In February, a draft Declaration was published in lead-up to the High Level Conference set to take place in Copenhagen on 12 and 13 April 2018. While the draft contains the same three elements as previous Declarations, the rhetoric is different and several proposals are new. Both deserve close attention.
In a short series of blogposts, five academics based at Dutch and Belgian universities will comment on various aspects of the draft Copenhagen Declaration. Lize Glas (Radboud University) will comment on the proposals for increasing State interventions in pending procedures and other proposed ways to strengthen dialogue; Leonie Huijbers (Utrecht University) will consider the attention paid to the principle of subsidiarity and the need for more process-based review by the Court; Janneke Gerards (Utrecht University) will discuss the role of the margin of appreciation doctrine; Antoine Buyse (Utrecht University) will comment on the role to be played by civil society; and Sarah Lambrecht (Antwerp University) will give her views on the proposal for States Parties to discuss and adopt texts on general developments in the Court’s case law and the role to be played by States Parties in deciding on the referral of cases to the Grand Chamber. By writing these blogposts, we hope to provide a sound basis for debate on the Copenhagen Declaration and the Convention system’s future.
Criticism of the European Court of Human Rights is not merely a UK phenomenon. Sporadic criticism... more Criticism of the European Court of Human Rights is not merely a UK phenomenon. Sporadic criticism of specific judgments of the European Court of Human Rights, especially in sensitive matters, is common. However, widespread structural criticism is quite rare. Even more rare is the translation of this type of criticism in concrete reform proposals to lessen the influence of the European Court of Human Rights’ case law. Even in countries, such as the Netherlands and Switzerland, where such proposals have been put forward, they failed to gain traction due to a lack of support by the full Government or a majority in Parliament. In this sense, the UK is—as of now—still a unique case. In conclusion, one can wonder though to what extent the proposed changes are not principally directed at weakening the powers of the domestic courts—under the guise of strengthening their role by stopping the perceived mission creep of the European Court of Human Rights.
Criticism of the European Court of Human Rights, 2016
For some time now, the European Court of Human Rights is under substantial pressure. From a case ... more For some time now, the European Court of Human Rights is under substantial pressure. From a case overload crisis it stumbled into a legitimacy crisis with regard to certain countries. This should be taken seriously, since scholars warn that institutions with eroding legitimacy risk demise or reform. The goal of this volume is to explore how widespread this critical attitude of the European Court of Human Rights really is. It also assesses to what extent such criticism is being translated in strategies at the political level or at the judicial level and brings about concrete changes in the dynamics between national and European fundamental rights protection. The book is topical and innovative, as these questions have so far remained largely unexplored, especially cross-nationally. Far from focusing exclusively on those voices that are currently raised so loud, conclusions are based on comparative in-depth reports, covering fifteen Contracting Parties and the EU. With contributions of Olgun Akbulut, Tilmann Altwicker, Katarzyna Blay-Grabarczyk, Anna Gamper, Janneke Gerards, Krystyna Kowalik-Bańczyk, Sarah Lambrecht, Koen Lemmens, Lubomir Majerčík, Giuseppe Martinico, Roger Masterman, Aaron Matta, Christophe Maubernard, Armen Mazmanyan, Katharina Pabel, Eszter Polgári, Patricia Popelier, Clara Rauchegger, Michael Reiertsen and Henrik Wenander.
Journal of Human Rights Practice, 2020
The Belgian judiciary has a deeply ingrained tradition of openness towards international and Euro... more The Belgian judiciary has a deeply ingrained tradition of openness towards international and European law. This note discusses the implementation practice of the Belgian Constitutional Court with regard to the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.
Criticism of the European Court of Human Rights is not merely a UK phenomenon. Sporadic criticism... more Criticism of the European Court of Human Rights is not merely a UK phenomenon. Sporadic criticism of specific judgments of the European Court of Human Rights, especially in sensitive matters, is common. However, widespread structural criticism is quite rare. Even more rare is the translation of this type of criticism in concrete reform proposals to lessen the influence of the European Court of Human Rights’ case law. Even in countries, such as the Netherlands and Switzerland, where such proposals have been put forward, they failed to gain traction due to a lack of support by the full Government or a majority in Parliament. In this sense, the UK is—as of now—still a unique case. In conclusion, one can wonder though to what extent the proposed changes are not principally directed at weakening the powers of the domestic courts—under the guise of strengthening their role by stopping the perceived mission creep of the European Court of Human Rights.
Perspectives on Federalism, 2014
A Constitution for Flanders has been preoccupying Flemish politicians and scholars for over twent... more A Constitution for Flanders has been preoccupying Flemish politicians and scholars for over twenty years. On 23 May 2012, the majority parties presented in the Flemish Parliament the Charter for Flanders. Since Flanders only has embryonic constitution- making power, this is not a proposal for a Constitution but merely a proposal for a resolution. As a (non-binding) resolution, the Charter has no legal implications, but rather an important political value. First, the text reveals a strong connection with the EU. The Charter’s drafters interwove the fundamental right provisions in the Belgian Constitution with those in the Charter of Fundamental Rights for the European Union, which resulted in an expansive fundamental rights catalogue. Furthermore, the Charter contains a clear political commitment; ‘it gives the impetus to a Constitution of Flanders in the framework of the constitution-making Flanders ought to acquire’. The Charter’s preamble also confirms that Flanders is a nation wi...
![Research paper thumbnail of Voorwoord [Bijdragen over de meergelaagdheid van het publiekrecht]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/82272153/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](The research program of the Center for Economic Studies (CES) produces a wide range of economic a... more The research program of the Center for Economic Studies (CES) produces a wide range of economic analyses to improve the statistical programs of the U.S. Census Bureau. Many of these analyses take the form of CES research papers. The papers have not undergone the review accorded Census Bureau publications and no endorsement should be inferred. Any opinions and conclusions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the U.S. Census Bureau. All results have been reviewed to ensure that no confidential information is disclosed. Republication in whole or part must be cleared with the authors. To obtain information about the series, see www.census.gov/ces or contact J.
The post-May 2015 election developments will reveal if the threats to leave the Convention system... more The post-May 2015 election developments will reveal if the threats to leave the Convention system made by several Conservative members of government, including Prime Minister Cameron, are idle threats – merely part of a political rhetoric to win UKIP voters, satisfy the Euro-sceptic current within the Conservative Party or pressure the ECtHR into offering a broader margin of appreciation and delivering restrictive judgments – or a truly realistic prospect. The unexpected absolute majority of the Conservative Party in the House of Commons following the May 2015 general election makes the withdrawal scenario in any case a possible prospect. Throughout the history of UK’s strained relationship with the Convention system, similar threats have recurred but have never been followed through. The domestic complexities of withdrawal cannot be underestimated. Withdrawal would call into question the devolution settlements for Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland instigating political instability. One can wonder whether there is sufficient political willingness to risk such developments. Furthermore, the domestic consequences for rights protection would be significant. With regard to matters that fall within the scope of EU law, the entanglement with the Convention system would remain and, if the EU accession to the ECHR solidifies, will grow much stronger. In relation to the Convention system, the withdrawal of the UK would result in the entire supranational structure of the Convention system loosing one of its foundational stones. The collateral damage would be significant, if not, disastrous, potentially creating a corrosive effect throughout certain European states.
European Public Law, 2015
This article focuses on reform efforts at the national and European level to lessen the influence... more This article focuses on reform efforts at the national and European level to lessen the influence of the Strasbourg Court's case law. The article aims to determine to what extent this strategy will be successful. On the one hand, two reform proposals to shield the influence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) through changing the dynamics at the national level are examined, namely the pending proposal to replace the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) with a home-grown Bill of Rights and the pending proposal in the Netherlands to extend the ban of judicial review to international treaties. The UK reform proposal is the most likely to come into being. The Dutch reform proposal should instead be interpreted as a warning shot, since it is very unlikely to pass. Irrespective, this reform proposal would be a successful, albeit very drastic, measure to reduce the influence of the Strasbourg Court. On the other hand, current efforts to reform the European level of rights protection a...
In a historic Opinion issued on December 18, 2014, the Court of Justice of the European Union rul... more In a historic Opinion issued on December 18, 2014, the Court of Justice of the European Union ruled that the draft agreement on the EU accession to the ECHR is not compatible with the EU Treaties. This contribution first analyses the CJEU’s objections in Opinion 2/13. Subsequently, the future of the EU accession to the ECHR following the Opinion and the potential consequences for the Convention system are briefly examined. The contribution concludes that the CJEU’s reasoning, particularly concerning art. 53 of the ECHR, the principle of mutual trust and the CFSP, appears to not be centred around closing the gap in European fundamental rights protection, but rather solely focused on ensuring its exclusive jurisdiction. However, the rights perspective should have played an equally important role in Opinion 2/13 as closing the gap in European fundamental rights protection is the ratio leges behind the legal obligation to accede in art. 6 TEU. The CJEU also externalises internally resolvable issues, especially as regards Protocol No. 16 and inter-Party cases. Due to this approach, the CJEU’s checklist of amendments is both long and politically unfeasible. Consequently, the hope to have finally arrived in the concluding stages of the strenuous thirty year long accession process seems once more crushed. Again, the sting is in the tail.
The combination of populism and sovereignism represents a terrible challenge for the European int... more The combination of populism and sovereignism represents a terrible challenge for the European integration process. The aim of this panel is to explore the nature of these two concepts and the way in which they affect one of the pillars of post-WWII constitutionalism: the principle of constitutional openness. Contrary to what populists claim, the EU does not represent a threat to national constitutional law, but an added value to protect fundamental rights protected by national constitutional charters.