Jeffrey Lian | Asbury Theological Seminary (original) (raw)
Papers by Jeffrey Lian
The northern Chin of Burma have a high conversion rate to Christianity. Using academic studies, i... more The northern Chin of Burma have a high conversion rate to Christianity. Using academic studies, interviews, political writings and missionary accounts, this thesis describes the various reasons for conversion, such as a shift in worldview (Hefner), rationalization (Geertz, Bellah, Weber) and cost/benefit ratio. In this case study, conversion seems to have fulfilled its central purpose for the Chin in creating an elite, a small group endowed with power. The converted Chin have achieved this role first by separating themselves externally from the Burman and internally from other Chin, and then by using the particular role of Christianity in the world to gain financial and political power. Externally, the separation from the majority, the Buddhist Burman, was a rejection of Burman rule. Internally, both the Tedim and Hakha, two administrative divisions of the Northern Chin Hills, tried to keep conversion exclusively to themselves, thus yielding the "prophet's power" or Heilbesitz, as Weber referred to it, for themselves. Part of the Christian mission in the Chin Hills was to teach locals how to preach and convert their fellows. This is referred to as Indiginization. Growth of Christianity occurred once Indiginization took place and the Chin began to participate in the worldwide Christian movement. Also, needless to say, the locals understand the culture and language much better than the missionaries and in this way are able to reach more potential converts. Nowadays, the Chin use the Christian platform to raise world sympathy for the political situation in Burma, solicit funds to support Christian causes, and to gain legitimacy. The success of Christianity as a gateway to the world stage and power can be measured by the fact that some Chin go so far as to claim that the Chin were "chosen by God," and it is their mission to convert the world. The thesis concludes that by converting to Christianity, the Hakha specifically have managed to elevate themselves as the elite of the Chin. This elite status allows the Hakha to represent the whole of the Chin on the world stage. Preface Researchers in the social sciences often choose their course of study for very personal reasons. And although there is an argument for objectivity over subjectivity, these studies, I believe are not necessarily tainted by personal perspectives. The mere fact that a social scientist is close to the subject matter may actually improve the study. I believe this to be a fact in my case, at least in terms of the Chin. That is to say, both the process of conversion and its relationship to identity politics described below was not a personal experience of mine. In this way, I contend that my study was as objective as possible. Still, the fact that I am Chin does play a role in the larger framework. That is, I truly care about the future of all of the Chin and/or the Zomi1 as will be addressed later. In this way, I was able to delve into the material and note my observations with a clarity that I may not have achieved had I not been personally involved. My father, Vum Son, passed away unexpectedly in September of 2005. Although I grew up with Chin refugees living in our home before getting political asylum or moving on to take care of themselves, I was very much uninvolved. In fact, I was mostly annoyed. Footprints on toilet seats, buckets in bathtubs and the slaughtering of animals in our backyard became the bane of my existence as a teenager. Then, there were the all-night prayer sessions. My father, a staunch atheist, participated in these Bible meetings and even seemed to enjoy them. But my sister and I were always looking for opportunities to escape. My father was very active in Chin politics. During the 1980s, my father worked on oil rigs and in his spare time studied Zomi history. He published Zo History in 1986. Soon, however, he was engrossed in Chin Politics. He referred to his activism work as his "hobby." Of course I was aware of his activities, but I had created my own life and, to some degree, achieved comfortable middle class. In fact, when he died, I was planning on returning to university to do a degree "for pure enjoyment." After his death, I learned that my father was to take a trip to India to "visit his friends" as he always told us. Not having met these friends, I decided to take the trip on his behalf. I thought it would be a way for me to manage my grief. Little did I know that this trip would be life-changing for me. I simply wrote some emails to my uncle and to the other few Chin I actually knew. They assured me that everything was taken care of that I was to take a flight to Delhi and wait. I did so. Two Chin, whom I did not know, picked me up and off we went to Aizawl the capital of Mizoram.2 They quartered me into a hotel and the next morning I met them at 4:30 am for a trip into the jungle. This 'little' trip took 15 hours and took us, illegally, through the mountainous jungle of India into Manipur where the First Chin National Assembly was held at a rebel insurgent camp. For some reason I was not concerned even when, during the trip, I was told to hide under a blanket when driving through villages, because no foreigners were allowed in that part of the world due to all kinds of insurgencies. Nonetheless, I arrived in the jungle and was allotted a very nice hut. I realized my father had been taking trips such as this one for decades. While I thought he was site seeing, drinking tea with friends or shopping in the markets, he was engaged in dangerous political activities. It made sense to me, then, that he never encouraged me to participate in politics with him. The National Assembly was attended by all kinds of Chin from Tedim to the southern Chin State. Differing groups were also represented, student groups, women's groups, health organizations, and political groups. The meeting was held in Burmese. I do not speak Burmese but managed to spend those hours observing the people. I quickly came to realize that most of the powerful leaders were Hakha. Among the Chin at the assembly was a nice young activist from Falam. Her English was impeccable and she answered all my questions regarding the leaders and such. I learned that it was true, the Hakha were in most leadership positions and thus had a strong hold on Chin Politics worldwide. 6 After I left the jungle, I was stranded in Aizawl due to bad weather conditions. My father had managed to gain some distinction in Mizoram due to his work on first identifying the Zomi as one people and second for having created the "Zo Reunification Organization" (ZORO)3 in Mizoram. Hence, I had time on my hands and thus met Mizo who worked with my father. Like in the jungle, I felt a certain kinship with these people. Upon my return to Europe I decided to learn as much as possible of my father's work. Just a few months later in July, I was invited to tour Scandinavia to visit resettled Chin. I eagerly agreed. I joined the delegation, which was made up of political leaders. All of them were Hakha. Sakhong, one of the delegation members was clearly the unspoken leader and his having obtained a Ph.D. in theology in a Western country (Sweden) apparently gave him a great deal of credibility. I had a translator and was taken aback by the religious rhetoric. They spoke about the Chin's responsibility to show the rest of the world their piousness. They were to send remittances home and although many planned on making a life in Rangoon once democracy were to come, Sakhong insisted that they first build a house in Hakha. There were other incidences that surprised me. In fact, on my tour, I expected to meet people from my own ethnic subgroup , the Sizang.4 I did not. In fact, I quickly realized that no matter which country we visited, the resettled Chin were always Hakha. The leaders, who of course, communicated in English with me, kept referring to Hakha as "Chin language." I thought it strange. I was suspicious. When I returned that summer, I had already enrolled in this Master's program with the explicit plan to study the history of the Zo. I was encouraged to address the conversion and identity politics issues from a contemporary perspective. My own curiosity also pushed me along these lines. Hence, the thesis below is the amalgamation of my experiences of late and my realization that in order to be effective for the whole of the Zo, academic endeavors are necessary. Therefore, I elected not to participate in the identity politics and thus activism for the Chin.
The northern Chin of Burma have a high conversion rate to Christianity. Using academic studies, i... more The northern Chin of Burma have a high conversion rate to Christianity. Using academic studies, interviews, political writings and missionary accounts, this thesis describes the various reasons for conversion, such as a shift in worldview (Hefner), rationalization (Geertz, Bellah, Weber) and cost/benefit ratio. In this case study, conversion seems to have fulfilled its central purpose for the Chin in creating an elite, a small group endowed with power. The converted Chin have achieved this role first by separating themselves externally from the Burman and internally from other Chin, and then by using the particular role of Christianity in the world to gain financial and political power.
Abstract of D.MIN dissertation This project outlines a proposal for Christian engagement in the r... more Abstract of D.MIN dissertation
This project outlines a proposal for Christian engagement in the religious and social setting in Myanmar, with particular emphasis on Buddhist-Christian dialogue. In a religious pluralistic country such as Myanmar, there is a high potential for conflict between the major ethnic group (Burmese Buddhists) and minor ethnic groups of other religious backgrounds. The Myanmar government has privileged Buddhism and repressed religious and ethnic minorities, partly in response to the oppression of the colonial period. In Myanmar Christianity and Islam are the primary minority religions, with Muslims prominent among the Rakhine ethnic group and Christian dominant among the Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon, and Shan. The paper gives a concise historical background on the Theravada Buddhist tradition, the arrival of Christianity and their relations in different periods, including the recent cultural and political opening in the country. I analyze the urgency for dialogue and social reconciliation in the contemporary setting. I review various kinds of interreligious dialogue and their relevance or viability in Myanmar. Many of these cannot be employed successfully, because of existing hostility and suspicion. I then propose a model of dialogue-cooperative love-in-action---which I believe is most appropriate for this context. This model seeks to build a dialogue through cooperation for social improvement across religious and ethnic boundaries. In particular, it proposes partnerships between faith-based development organizations and international nongovernmental organizations, which have been given opportunity to operate in Myanmar. The writer draws upon his own experience in this work and describes his own practical implementation of this vision, in the creation of a non-profit organization, the Rural Development Agency. The steps necessary to educate and equip church leaders and churches for participation in this form of dialogue are outlined
cultural practice and belief systems. Unfortunately, Christian missionary condemned the indigenou... more cultural practice and belief systems. Unfortunately, Christian missionary condemned the indigenous beliefs systems as evils, favoring to their own Christianity instead. In the course of time, I learnt to know that American Baptist Missionaries in our region forbid folkdance, drinking Zu, and considered ancestral elements as source of evils. Since then, Christian in our community has the same concept.
"Love your neighbors as yourself"
Drafts by Jeffrey Lian
Jeffrey Pau Do Lian, 2014
This project outlines a proposal for Christian engagement in the religious and social setting in ... more This project outlines a proposal for Christian engagement in the religious and social setting in Myanmar, with particular emphasis on Buddhist-Christian dialogue. In a religious pluralistic country such as Myanmar, there is a high potential for conflict between the major ethnic group (Burmese Buddhists) and minor ethnic groups of other religious backgrounds. The Myanmar government has privileged Buddhism and repressed religious and ethnic minorities, partly in response to the oppression of the colonial period. In Myanmar Christianity and Islam are the primary minority religions, with Muslims prominent among the Rakhine ethnic group and Christians dominant among the Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon, and Shan. The paper gives a concise historical background on the Theravada Buddhist tradition, the arrival of Christianity and their relations in different periods, including the recent cultural and political opening in the country. I analyze the urgency for dialogue and social reconciliation in the contemporary setting. I review various kinds of interreligious dialogue and their relevance or viability in Myanmar. Many of these cannot be employed successfully, because of existing hostility and suspicion. I then propose a model of dialogue-cooperative love-in-action---which I believe is most appropriate for this context. This model seeks to build a dialogue through cooperation for social improvement across religious and ethnic boundaries. In particular, it proposes partnerships between faith-based development organizations and international nongovernmental organizations, which have been given opportunity to operate in Myanmar. The writer draws upon his own experience in this work and describes his own practical implementation of this vision, in the creation of a non-profit organization, the Rural Development Agency. The steps necessary to educate and equip church leaders and churches for participation in this form of dialogue are outlined.
The northern Chin of Burma have a high conversion rate to Christianity. Using academic studies, i... more The northern Chin of Burma have a high conversion rate to Christianity. Using academic studies, interviews, political writings and missionary accounts, this thesis describes the various reasons for conversion, such as a shift in worldview (Hefner), rationalization (Geertz, Bellah, Weber) and cost/benefit ratio. In this case study, conversion seems to have fulfilled its central purpose for the Chin in creating an elite, a small group endowed with power. The converted Chin have achieved this role first by separating themselves externally from the Burman and internally from other Chin, and then by using the particular role of Christianity in the world to gain financial and political power. Externally, the separation from the majority, the Buddhist Burman, was a rejection of Burman rule. Internally, both the Tedim and Hakha, two administrative divisions of the Northern Chin Hills, tried to keep conversion exclusively to themselves, thus yielding the "prophet's power" or Heilbesitz, as Weber referred to it, for themselves. Part of the Christian mission in the Chin Hills was to teach locals how to preach and convert their fellows. This is referred to as Indiginization. Growth of Christianity occurred once Indiginization took place and the Chin began to participate in the worldwide Christian movement. Also, needless to say, the locals understand the culture and language much better than the missionaries and in this way are able to reach more potential converts. Nowadays, the Chin use the Christian platform to raise world sympathy for the political situation in Burma, solicit funds to support Christian causes, and to gain legitimacy. The success of Christianity as a gateway to the world stage and power can be measured by the fact that some Chin go so far as to claim that the Chin were "chosen by God," and it is their mission to convert the world. The thesis concludes that by converting to Christianity, the Hakha specifically have managed to elevate themselves as the elite of the Chin. This elite status allows the Hakha to represent the whole of the Chin on the world stage. Preface Researchers in the social sciences often choose their course of study for very personal reasons. And although there is an argument for objectivity over subjectivity, these studies, I believe are not necessarily tainted by personal perspectives. The mere fact that a social scientist is close to the subject matter may actually improve the study. I believe this to be a fact in my case, at least in terms of the Chin. That is to say, both the process of conversion and its relationship to identity politics described below was not a personal experience of mine. In this way, I contend that my study was as objective as possible. Still, the fact that I am Chin does play a role in the larger framework. That is, I truly care about the future of all of the Chin and/or the Zomi1 as will be addressed later. In this way, I was able to delve into the material and note my observations with a clarity that I may not have achieved had I not been personally involved. My father, Vum Son, passed away unexpectedly in September of 2005. Although I grew up with Chin refugees living in our home before getting political asylum or moving on to take care of themselves, I was very much uninvolved. In fact, I was mostly annoyed. Footprints on toilet seats, buckets in bathtubs and the slaughtering of animals in our backyard became the bane of my existence as a teenager. Then, there were the all-night prayer sessions. My father, a staunch atheist, participated in these Bible meetings and even seemed to enjoy them. But my sister and I were always looking for opportunities to escape. My father was very active in Chin politics. During the 1980s, my father worked on oil rigs and in his spare time studied Zomi history. He published Zo History in 1986. Soon, however, he was engrossed in Chin Politics. He referred to his activism work as his "hobby." Of course I was aware of his activities, but I had created my own life and, to some degree, achieved comfortable middle class. In fact, when he died, I was planning on returning to university to do a degree "for pure enjoyment." After his death, I learned that my father was to take a trip to India to "visit his friends" as he always told us. Not having met these friends, I decided to take the trip on his behalf. I thought it would be a way for me to manage my grief. Little did I know that this trip would be life-changing for me. I simply wrote some emails to my uncle and to the other few Chin I actually knew. They assured me that everything was taken care of that I was to take a flight to Delhi and wait. I did so. Two Chin, whom I did not know, picked me up and off we went to Aizawl the capital of Mizoram.2 They quartered me into a hotel and the next morning I met them at 4:30 am for a trip into the jungle. This 'little' trip took 15 hours and took us, illegally, through the mountainous jungle of India into Manipur where the First Chin National Assembly was held at a rebel insurgent camp. For some reason I was not concerned even when, during the trip, I was told to hide under a blanket when driving through villages, because no foreigners were allowed in that part of the world due to all kinds of insurgencies. Nonetheless, I arrived in the jungle and was allotted a very nice hut. I realized my father had been taking trips such as this one for decades. While I thought he was site seeing, drinking tea with friends or shopping in the markets, he was engaged in dangerous political activities. It made sense to me, then, that he never encouraged me to participate in politics with him. The National Assembly was attended by all kinds of Chin from Tedim to the southern Chin State. Differing groups were also represented, student groups, women's groups, health organizations, and political groups. The meeting was held in Burmese. I do not speak Burmese but managed to spend those hours observing the people. I quickly came to realize that most of the powerful leaders were Hakha. Among the Chin at the assembly was a nice young activist from Falam. Her English was impeccable and she answered all my questions regarding the leaders and such. I learned that it was true, the Hakha were in most leadership positions and thus had a strong hold on Chin Politics worldwide. 6 After I left the jungle, I was stranded in Aizawl due to bad weather conditions. My father had managed to gain some distinction in Mizoram due to his work on first identifying the Zomi as one people and second for having created the "Zo Reunification Organization" (ZORO)3 in Mizoram. Hence, I had time on my hands and thus met Mizo who worked with my father. Like in the jungle, I felt a certain kinship with these people. Upon my return to Europe I decided to learn as much as possible of my father's work. Just a few months later in July, I was invited to tour Scandinavia to visit resettled Chin. I eagerly agreed. I joined the delegation, which was made up of political leaders. All of them were Hakha. Sakhong, one of the delegation members was clearly the unspoken leader and his having obtained a Ph.D. in theology in a Western country (Sweden) apparently gave him a great deal of credibility. I had a translator and was taken aback by the religious rhetoric. They spoke about the Chin's responsibility to show the rest of the world their piousness. They were to send remittances home and although many planned on making a life in Rangoon once democracy were to come, Sakhong insisted that they first build a house in Hakha. There were other incidences that surprised me. In fact, on my tour, I expected to meet people from my own ethnic subgroup , the Sizang.4 I did not. In fact, I quickly realized that no matter which country we visited, the resettled Chin were always Hakha. The leaders, who of course, communicated in English with me, kept referring to Hakha as "Chin language." I thought it strange. I was suspicious. When I returned that summer, I had already enrolled in this Master's program with the explicit plan to study the history of the Zo. I was encouraged to address the conversion and identity politics issues from a contemporary perspective. My own curiosity also pushed me along these lines. Hence, the thesis below is the amalgamation of my experiences of late and my realization that in order to be effective for the whole of the Zo, academic endeavors are necessary. Therefore, I elected not to participate in the identity politics and thus activism for the Chin.
The northern Chin of Burma have a high conversion rate to Christianity. Using academic studies, i... more The northern Chin of Burma have a high conversion rate to Christianity. Using academic studies, interviews, political writings and missionary accounts, this thesis describes the various reasons for conversion, such as a shift in worldview (Hefner), rationalization (Geertz, Bellah, Weber) and cost/benefit ratio. In this case study, conversion seems to have fulfilled its central purpose for the Chin in creating an elite, a small group endowed with power. The converted Chin have achieved this role first by separating themselves externally from the Burman and internally from other Chin, and then by using the particular role of Christianity in the world to gain financial and political power.
Abstract of D.MIN dissertation This project outlines a proposal for Christian engagement in the r... more Abstract of D.MIN dissertation
This project outlines a proposal for Christian engagement in the religious and social setting in Myanmar, with particular emphasis on Buddhist-Christian dialogue. In a religious pluralistic country such as Myanmar, there is a high potential for conflict between the major ethnic group (Burmese Buddhists) and minor ethnic groups of other religious backgrounds. The Myanmar government has privileged Buddhism and repressed religious and ethnic minorities, partly in response to the oppression of the colonial period. In Myanmar Christianity and Islam are the primary minority religions, with Muslims prominent among the Rakhine ethnic group and Christian dominant among the Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon, and Shan. The paper gives a concise historical background on the Theravada Buddhist tradition, the arrival of Christianity and their relations in different periods, including the recent cultural and political opening in the country. I analyze the urgency for dialogue and social reconciliation in the contemporary setting. I review various kinds of interreligious dialogue and their relevance or viability in Myanmar. Many of these cannot be employed successfully, because of existing hostility and suspicion. I then propose a model of dialogue-cooperative love-in-action---which I believe is most appropriate for this context. This model seeks to build a dialogue through cooperation for social improvement across religious and ethnic boundaries. In particular, it proposes partnerships between faith-based development organizations and international nongovernmental organizations, which have been given opportunity to operate in Myanmar. The writer draws upon his own experience in this work and describes his own practical implementation of this vision, in the creation of a non-profit organization, the Rural Development Agency. The steps necessary to educate and equip church leaders and churches for participation in this form of dialogue are outlined
cultural practice and belief systems. Unfortunately, Christian missionary condemned the indigenou... more cultural practice and belief systems. Unfortunately, Christian missionary condemned the indigenous beliefs systems as evils, favoring to their own Christianity instead. In the course of time, I learnt to know that American Baptist Missionaries in our region forbid folkdance, drinking Zu, and considered ancestral elements as source of evils. Since then, Christian in our community has the same concept.
"Love your neighbors as yourself"
Jeffrey Pau Do Lian, 2014
This project outlines a proposal for Christian engagement in the religious and social setting in ... more This project outlines a proposal for Christian engagement in the religious and social setting in Myanmar, with particular emphasis on Buddhist-Christian dialogue. In a religious pluralistic country such as Myanmar, there is a high potential for conflict between the major ethnic group (Burmese Buddhists) and minor ethnic groups of other religious backgrounds. The Myanmar government has privileged Buddhism and repressed religious and ethnic minorities, partly in response to the oppression of the colonial period. In Myanmar Christianity and Islam are the primary minority religions, with Muslims prominent among the Rakhine ethnic group and Christians dominant among the Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon, and Shan. The paper gives a concise historical background on the Theravada Buddhist tradition, the arrival of Christianity and their relations in different periods, including the recent cultural and political opening in the country. I analyze the urgency for dialogue and social reconciliation in the contemporary setting. I review various kinds of interreligious dialogue and their relevance or viability in Myanmar. Many of these cannot be employed successfully, because of existing hostility and suspicion. I then propose a model of dialogue-cooperative love-in-action---which I believe is most appropriate for this context. This model seeks to build a dialogue through cooperation for social improvement across religious and ethnic boundaries. In particular, it proposes partnerships between faith-based development organizations and international nongovernmental organizations, which have been given opportunity to operate in Myanmar. The writer draws upon his own experience in this work and describes his own practical implementation of this vision, in the creation of a non-profit organization, the Rural Development Agency. The steps necessary to educate and equip church leaders and churches for participation in this form of dialogue are outlined.