Wendy J Turner | Augusta University (original) (raw)
Papers by Wendy J Turner
The Sixteenth century journal, Nov 30, 2011
Brepols Publishers eBooks, 2013
Comitatus-a Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Oct 1, 2001
Comitatus-a Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2004
Comitatus-a Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2003
BRILL eBooks, 2008
Over the twentieth century, the Lunacy Office (renamed the Court of Protection in 1947) was respo... more Over the twentieth century, the Lunacy Office (renamed the Court of Protection in 1947) was responsible for appointing 'receivers' to manage the property of adults in England who were found incapable of managing their own affairs. Tens of thousands of people were in this position by the 1920s, and numbers continued to grow until after Second World War. This article uses the archives of the Office to examine the evolution of the concept of mental incapacity over the first half of the twentieth century, offering a corrective to the popular impression that the time before the Mental Capacity Act of 2005 was an era of ignorance and bad practice. It examines the changing ways in which being 'incapable' was understood and described, with particular reference to shifting ideas of citizenship. I argue that incapacity was not always seen as absolute or permanent in the first half of the century, that models of incapacity began to include perceived vulnerability in the interwar period and that women in particular were seen in this way. From the 1940s, though, the profile of those found incapable was changing, and the growing welfare state and its principles of employment and universality saw the idea of incapacity narrowing and solidifying around knowledge deficits, especially among the elderly. This brings the history of the Lunacy Office into the twentieth century and connects it to current concerns around assessments of mental capacity today.
Comitatus-a Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2003
Routledge eBooks, Apr 21, 2021
... Making Women's Medicine Masculine: The Rise of Male Authority in Pre-Modern Gynaecology ... more ... Making Women's Medicine Masculine: The Rise of Male Authority in Pre-Modern Gynaecology by Monica H. Green. MONICA AZZOLINI. ... More content like this. Find more content: like this article. Find more content written by: MONICA AZZOLINI. ...
and equally hyperbolic publications from religious perspectives may have similar unintentional ef... more and equally hyperbolic publications from religious perspectives may have similar unintentional effects, thus illustrating the importance of a properly located debate. Secondly, the appropriateness of science as a means to assess religious belief is called into question. Ryan C. Falconi utilises major players in the "Great Debate" such as J. L. Mackie ("atheistic philosopher") and Richard Swinburne ("theistic philosopher") to demonstrate that the religious and non-religious alike generally lack a "cursory investigation into the grammar of religious beliefs": "Religious beliefs are not hypotheses about the world." 7 Whether atheists place epistemic authority firmly in the hands of science, or whether the religious place similar authority in doctrine or scripture, 8 arguments based in empirical evidence miss the point entirely and prevent a meaningful conversation. And finally, it is essential to acknowledge that so-called "New Atheists" are by no means emblematic of contemporary atheism as a whole. Richard Cimino and Christopher Smith cite Meera Nanda's description of Sam Harris as "a Trojan horse for the New Age" and Julian Baggini's attack on new atheist tactics, demonstrating clear differences of opinion in the contemporary milieu. 9 And Jeff Nall's presentation of the perspective of Dale McGowan, who believes, for example, that atheists should empathise with believers and be "thoroughly ashamed" if they see their "kids mocking or sneering at religious belief," 10 shows an attitude of tolerance notably absent in much New Atheist literature. While it is refreshing to see such varied perspectives presented within one easily readable volume, it is unfortunate that many authors engage in criticism and evaluation, rather than description and discussion. Although this balance is likely to develop with the growing maturity of this field of study, the perspectives and disciplines of some authors perhaps preclude a more even-handed, phenomenologically neutral treatment of this phenomenon. On the other hand, it is refreshing to read articles which seriously discuss the "rewards" offered by New Atheism 11 and demonstrate that it "in fact contain[s] much of an emphatically constructive, life-affirming nature." 12 It is also lamentable that this volume is not quite as up-to-date as might be expected, with important recent atheistic works, such as Victor Stenger's The New Atheism (2009), notably absent from the bibliography. In addition, no mention is made of Gary Wolf's "The Church of the Non-Believers" (Wired, 2006) which is the currently accepted origin of the appellation "New Atheist." And for a book which tackles such a topical issue and aims to be relevant to the educated general reader, the price tag may somewhat limit its exposure. However, these minor criticisms pale in comparison to the wealth of information presented from a wide variety of perspectives in this consistently well-written compendium. If individuals from all sides of this contemporary phenomenon read this volume, perhaps we would no longer be left with Nietzsche's prophesied situation, where "one neighbour never underst[ands] another: his soul [i]s always amazed at his neighbour's madness and wickedness." 13
This chapter talks about the London businessmen and alchemists who played a role in raising money... more This chapter talks about the London businessmen and alchemists who played a role in raising money for the Hundred Years War. The London businessmen wished to keep their business in the English-held enclave, a goal that necessarily meant preserving an English presence in France. In short, their financial and business interests left them no choice but to take an interest in affairs of the state surrounding the Hundred Years War (1337-1453). Similarly, English alchemists had their eye on the cheap French copper coins that were coming home with the troops. From the 1440s onward, Henry VI also appears to have become increasingly enamored with the idea of paying the crown’s burgeoning debts, including its war debt, with alchemical gold. To this end, he enlisted London businessmen to help investigate the truth behind the science of alchemy and engage in its practice. Keywords:Alchemists; Businessmen; France; Henry VI; Hundred Years War; London
BRILL eBooks, 2010
After dinner on an October evening in 1285, Brother Walter returned to his chamber and went to be... more After dinner on an October evening in 1285, Brother Walter returned to his chamber and went to bed. In his room was the ill clerk, Richard le Pessoner, loved by Walter. Richard awoke "frantic and mad … [then] by the instigation of the devil [he] smote Walter on the head as he slept … so that the brains (cervices) came out." 1 Richard went to tell his brethren what he had done. He told them, "laughing: 'I have killed my dear master, brother Walter: come and see where he lies slain; he will never speak another word." 2 Richard's words were in dissonance with his laughter. He had killed the man in October and was still in prison in a state of madness a month later. Richard's story is an example of an inappropriate emotional display; in contrast with the setting, emotion could indicate to officials and witnesses that an individual was mentally unbalanced. Medieval English investigators used descriptions of emotion and memory in conjunction with standards of mental competency as a way of depicting mental confusion or incapacity in their reports. 3 1 Richard hit Walter with at least two objects, once with a "form" (formula) and once with a "trestle" (trestello). TNA: PRO C 145/44, m 40; CIM v. I, no. 2279 (p. 609). Michael Goodich notes in his introduction to Other Middle Ages: Witnesses at the Margins of Medieval Society that there was a "belief in the real presence of the Devil and in his attempts to gain control of the weak-infants, suicides, the mentally distressed, and so on," which seems true in the records concerning Richard's illness and subsequent murder. Goodich, Other Middle Ages: Witnesses at the Margins of Medieval Society (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), p. 11. 2 TNA: PRO C 145/44, m 40; CIM v. I, no. 2279 (p. 609), my emphasis. 3 Recently scholars have become interested in the history of emotion and the history of memory. For more information on emotion in the
Trauma in Medieval Society is an edited collection of articles from a variety of scholars on the ... more Trauma in Medieval Society is an edited collection of articles from a variety of scholars on the history of trauma and the traumatised in medieval Europe. Looking at trauma as a theoretical concept, as part of the literary and historical lives of medieval individuals and communities, this volume brings together scholars from the fields of archaeology, anthropology, history, literature, religion, and languages. The collection offers insights into the physical impairments from and psychological responses to injury, shock, war, or other violence—either corporeal or mental. From biographical to socio-cultural analyses, these articles examine skeletal and archival evidence as well as literary substantiation of trauma as lived experience in the Middle Ages. Contributors are Carla L. Burrell, Sara M. Canavan, Susan L. Einbinder, Michael M. Emery, Bianca Frohne, Ronald J. Ganze, Helen Hickey, Sonja Kerth, Jenni Kuuliala, Christina Lee, Kate McGrath, Charles-Louis Morand Métivier, James C. Ohman, Walton O. Schalick, III, Sally Shockro, Patricia Skinner, Donna Trembinski, Wendy J. Turner, Belle S. Tuten, Anne Van Arsdall, and Marit van Cant
Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, Oct 10, 2012
Intelligence is a peculiar idea. Most human beings have some sense of the meaning of the word, ye... more Intelligence is a peculiar idea. Most human beings have some sense of the meaning of the word, yet they are all too often left with insipid definitions when they assign meaning to it. Some definers have been reduced to acknowledging that intelligence is what the intelligence tester is testing. Others have claimed that intelligence is merely the absence of lack-of-intelligence. If the definition of intelligence has proven to be illusive and unsatisfactory, its measurement over the past century has proven to be highly successful. Indeed, a whole industry of intelligence tests and intelligence testers has emerged in virtually every literate society. These tests and the industry that sustains the tests have contributed in no small part to the legitimization of modern forms of social stratification-with their awards and punishments, their inclusions and exclusions, and their benefits and losses. C. F. Goodey is not particularly interested in the measurement of intelligence, except to show that its measurement reflects a social system of modern meaning for the idea. More importantly for Goodey is the meaning that intelligence and its antithesis, lack-of-intelligence, has had over time. By turning to history as his methodology, Goodey presupposes that intelligence lacks a universal, natural meaning. Instead, he assumes (and sets out to show) that intelligence and intellectual disabilities have meant different things to human beings in different historical periods. In doing so, Goodey rejects the claim made by most psychometricians, namely that the reliability of intelligence tests demonstrates intelligence's ahistorical and transcultural nature. Goody, in short, is no positivist. Intelligence has no nature; rather, it has a history.
Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, Apr 7, 2009
Preface Introduction: literacy, medicine, and gender 1. The gentle hand of a woman? Trota and wom... more Preface Introduction: literacy, medicine, and gender 1. The gentle hand of a woman? Trota and women's medicine at Salerno 2. Men's practice of women's medicine in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries 3. Bruno's paradox: women and literate medicine 4. In a language women understand: the gender of the vernacular 5. Slander and the secrets of women 6. The masculine birth of gynaecology The medieval legacy: medicine of, for, and by women Appendix I: medieval and Renaissance owners of Trotula manuscripts Printed gynaecological and obstetrical texts, 1474-1600 References Index of manuscripts cited General Index
The Sixteenth century journal, Nov 30, 2011
Brepols Publishers eBooks, 2013
Comitatus-a Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Oct 1, 2001
Comitatus-a Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2004
Comitatus-a Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2003
BRILL eBooks, 2008
Over the twentieth century, the Lunacy Office (renamed the Court of Protection in 1947) was respo... more Over the twentieth century, the Lunacy Office (renamed the Court of Protection in 1947) was responsible for appointing 'receivers' to manage the property of adults in England who were found incapable of managing their own affairs. Tens of thousands of people were in this position by the 1920s, and numbers continued to grow until after Second World War. This article uses the archives of the Office to examine the evolution of the concept of mental incapacity over the first half of the twentieth century, offering a corrective to the popular impression that the time before the Mental Capacity Act of 2005 was an era of ignorance and bad practice. It examines the changing ways in which being 'incapable' was understood and described, with particular reference to shifting ideas of citizenship. I argue that incapacity was not always seen as absolute or permanent in the first half of the century, that models of incapacity began to include perceived vulnerability in the interwar period and that women in particular were seen in this way. From the 1940s, though, the profile of those found incapable was changing, and the growing welfare state and its principles of employment and universality saw the idea of incapacity narrowing and solidifying around knowledge deficits, especially among the elderly. This brings the history of the Lunacy Office into the twentieth century and connects it to current concerns around assessments of mental capacity today.
Comitatus-a Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2003
Routledge eBooks, Apr 21, 2021
... Making Women's Medicine Masculine: The Rise of Male Authority in Pre-Modern Gynaecology ... more ... Making Women's Medicine Masculine: The Rise of Male Authority in Pre-Modern Gynaecology by Monica H. Green. MONICA AZZOLINI. ... More content like this. Find more content: like this article. Find more content written by: MONICA AZZOLINI. ...
and equally hyperbolic publications from religious perspectives may have similar unintentional ef... more and equally hyperbolic publications from religious perspectives may have similar unintentional effects, thus illustrating the importance of a properly located debate. Secondly, the appropriateness of science as a means to assess religious belief is called into question. Ryan C. Falconi utilises major players in the "Great Debate" such as J. L. Mackie ("atheistic philosopher") and Richard Swinburne ("theistic philosopher") to demonstrate that the religious and non-religious alike generally lack a "cursory investigation into the grammar of religious beliefs": "Religious beliefs are not hypotheses about the world." 7 Whether atheists place epistemic authority firmly in the hands of science, or whether the religious place similar authority in doctrine or scripture, 8 arguments based in empirical evidence miss the point entirely and prevent a meaningful conversation. And finally, it is essential to acknowledge that so-called "New Atheists" are by no means emblematic of contemporary atheism as a whole. Richard Cimino and Christopher Smith cite Meera Nanda's description of Sam Harris as "a Trojan horse for the New Age" and Julian Baggini's attack on new atheist tactics, demonstrating clear differences of opinion in the contemporary milieu. 9 And Jeff Nall's presentation of the perspective of Dale McGowan, who believes, for example, that atheists should empathise with believers and be "thoroughly ashamed" if they see their "kids mocking or sneering at religious belief," 10 shows an attitude of tolerance notably absent in much New Atheist literature. While it is refreshing to see such varied perspectives presented within one easily readable volume, it is unfortunate that many authors engage in criticism and evaluation, rather than description and discussion. Although this balance is likely to develop with the growing maturity of this field of study, the perspectives and disciplines of some authors perhaps preclude a more even-handed, phenomenologically neutral treatment of this phenomenon. On the other hand, it is refreshing to read articles which seriously discuss the "rewards" offered by New Atheism 11 and demonstrate that it "in fact contain[s] much of an emphatically constructive, life-affirming nature." 12 It is also lamentable that this volume is not quite as up-to-date as might be expected, with important recent atheistic works, such as Victor Stenger's The New Atheism (2009), notably absent from the bibliography. In addition, no mention is made of Gary Wolf's "The Church of the Non-Believers" (Wired, 2006) which is the currently accepted origin of the appellation "New Atheist." And for a book which tackles such a topical issue and aims to be relevant to the educated general reader, the price tag may somewhat limit its exposure. However, these minor criticisms pale in comparison to the wealth of information presented from a wide variety of perspectives in this consistently well-written compendium. If individuals from all sides of this contemporary phenomenon read this volume, perhaps we would no longer be left with Nietzsche's prophesied situation, where "one neighbour never underst[ands] another: his soul [i]s always amazed at his neighbour's madness and wickedness." 13
This chapter talks about the London businessmen and alchemists who played a role in raising money... more This chapter talks about the London businessmen and alchemists who played a role in raising money for the Hundred Years War. The London businessmen wished to keep their business in the English-held enclave, a goal that necessarily meant preserving an English presence in France. In short, their financial and business interests left them no choice but to take an interest in affairs of the state surrounding the Hundred Years War (1337-1453). Similarly, English alchemists had their eye on the cheap French copper coins that were coming home with the troops. From the 1440s onward, Henry VI also appears to have become increasingly enamored with the idea of paying the crown’s burgeoning debts, including its war debt, with alchemical gold. To this end, he enlisted London businessmen to help investigate the truth behind the science of alchemy and engage in its practice. Keywords:Alchemists; Businessmen; France; Henry VI; Hundred Years War; London
BRILL eBooks, 2010
After dinner on an October evening in 1285, Brother Walter returned to his chamber and went to be... more After dinner on an October evening in 1285, Brother Walter returned to his chamber and went to bed. In his room was the ill clerk, Richard le Pessoner, loved by Walter. Richard awoke "frantic and mad … [then] by the instigation of the devil [he] smote Walter on the head as he slept … so that the brains (cervices) came out." 1 Richard went to tell his brethren what he had done. He told them, "laughing: 'I have killed my dear master, brother Walter: come and see where he lies slain; he will never speak another word." 2 Richard's words were in dissonance with his laughter. He had killed the man in October and was still in prison in a state of madness a month later. Richard's story is an example of an inappropriate emotional display; in contrast with the setting, emotion could indicate to officials and witnesses that an individual was mentally unbalanced. Medieval English investigators used descriptions of emotion and memory in conjunction with standards of mental competency as a way of depicting mental confusion or incapacity in their reports. 3 1 Richard hit Walter with at least two objects, once with a "form" (formula) and once with a "trestle" (trestello). TNA: PRO C 145/44, m 40; CIM v. I, no. 2279 (p. 609). Michael Goodich notes in his introduction to Other Middle Ages: Witnesses at the Margins of Medieval Society that there was a "belief in the real presence of the Devil and in his attempts to gain control of the weak-infants, suicides, the mentally distressed, and so on," which seems true in the records concerning Richard's illness and subsequent murder. Goodich, Other Middle Ages: Witnesses at the Margins of Medieval Society (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), p. 11. 2 TNA: PRO C 145/44, m 40; CIM v. I, no. 2279 (p. 609), my emphasis. 3 Recently scholars have become interested in the history of emotion and the history of memory. For more information on emotion in the
Trauma in Medieval Society is an edited collection of articles from a variety of scholars on the ... more Trauma in Medieval Society is an edited collection of articles from a variety of scholars on the history of trauma and the traumatised in medieval Europe. Looking at trauma as a theoretical concept, as part of the literary and historical lives of medieval individuals and communities, this volume brings together scholars from the fields of archaeology, anthropology, history, literature, religion, and languages. The collection offers insights into the physical impairments from and psychological responses to injury, shock, war, or other violence—either corporeal or mental. From biographical to socio-cultural analyses, these articles examine skeletal and archival evidence as well as literary substantiation of trauma as lived experience in the Middle Ages. Contributors are Carla L. Burrell, Sara M. Canavan, Susan L. Einbinder, Michael M. Emery, Bianca Frohne, Ronald J. Ganze, Helen Hickey, Sonja Kerth, Jenni Kuuliala, Christina Lee, Kate McGrath, Charles-Louis Morand Métivier, James C. Ohman, Walton O. Schalick, III, Sally Shockro, Patricia Skinner, Donna Trembinski, Wendy J. Turner, Belle S. Tuten, Anne Van Arsdall, and Marit van Cant
Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, Oct 10, 2012
Intelligence is a peculiar idea. Most human beings have some sense of the meaning of the word, ye... more Intelligence is a peculiar idea. Most human beings have some sense of the meaning of the word, yet they are all too often left with insipid definitions when they assign meaning to it. Some definers have been reduced to acknowledging that intelligence is what the intelligence tester is testing. Others have claimed that intelligence is merely the absence of lack-of-intelligence. If the definition of intelligence has proven to be illusive and unsatisfactory, its measurement over the past century has proven to be highly successful. Indeed, a whole industry of intelligence tests and intelligence testers has emerged in virtually every literate society. These tests and the industry that sustains the tests have contributed in no small part to the legitimization of modern forms of social stratification-with their awards and punishments, their inclusions and exclusions, and their benefits and losses. C. F. Goodey is not particularly interested in the measurement of intelligence, except to show that its measurement reflects a social system of modern meaning for the idea. More importantly for Goodey is the meaning that intelligence and its antithesis, lack-of-intelligence, has had over time. By turning to history as his methodology, Goodey presupposes that intelligence lacks a universal, natural meaning. Instead, he assumes (and sets out to show) that intelligence and intellectual disabilities have meant different things to human beings in different historical periods. In doing so, Goodey rejects the claim made by most psychometricians, namely that the reliability of intelligence tests demonstrates intelligence's ahistorical and transcultural nature. Goody, in short, is no positivist. Intelligence has no nature; rather, it has a history.
Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, Apr 7, 2009
Preface Introduction: literacy, medicine, and gender 1. The gentle hand of a woman? Trota and wom... more Preface Introduction: literacy, medicine, and gender 1. The gentle hand of a woman? Trota and women's medicine at Salerno 2. Men's practice of women's medicine in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries 3. Bruno's paradox: women and literate medicine 4. In a language women understand: the gender of the vernacular 5. Slander and the secrets of women 6. The masculine birth of gynaecology The medieval legacy: medicine of, for, and by women Appendix I: medieval and Renaissance owners of Trotula manuscripts Printed gynaecological and obstetrical texts, 1474-1600 References Index of manuscripts cited General Index
Call for Presentations at the ICMS (Kalamazoo) in May
Medicine and the Law in the Middle Ages offers fresh insight into the intersection between these ... more Medicine and the Law in the Middle Ages offers fresh insight into the intersection between these two distinct disciplines. A dozen authors address this intersection within three themes: medical matters in law and administration of law, professionalization and regulation of medicine, and medicine and law in hagiography. The articles include subjects such as medical expertise at law on assault, pregnancy, rape, homicide, and mental health; legal regulation of medicine; roles physicians and surgeons played in the process of professionalization; canon law regulations governing physical health and ecclesiastical leaders; and connections between saints’ judgments and the bodies of the penitent. Drawing on primary sources from England, France, Frisia, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Portugal, and Spain, the volume offers a truly international perspective.
Contributors are Sara M. Butler, Joanna Carraway Vitiello, Jean Dangler, Carmel Ferragud, Fiona Harris-Stoertz, Maire Johnson, Hiram Kümper, Iona McCleery, Han Nijdam, Kira Robison, Donna Trembinski, Wendy J. Turner, and Katherine D. Watson.
Available for $25, through Brill Mybook.
A Cultural History of Medicine in the Middle Ages, 2021
The Middle Ages are well-known for the growth of universities and urban regulations, plague pande... more The Middle Ages are well-known for the growth of universities and urban regulations, plague pandemics, increasingly sophisticated ways of causing injury in warfare, and abiding frameworks for health and illness provided by religion. Increasingly, however, archaeologists, historians and literary specialists have come together to flesh out the daily lives of medieval people at all levels of society, both in Christian Europe and the Islamic Mediterranean. A Cultural History of Medicine in the Middle Ages follows suit, but also brings new approaches and comparisons into the conversation.
Through the investigation of poems, pottery, personal letters, recipes and petitions, and through a breadth of topics running from street-cleaning, cooking and amulets to religious treatises and death rituals, this volume accords new meaning and value to the period and those who lived it. Its chapters confirm that the study of latrines, patterns of manuscript circulation, miracle narratives, sermons, skeletons, metaphors and so on, have as much to tell us about attitudes towards health and illness as do medical texts. Delving within and beyond texts, and focusing on the sensory, the experiential, the personal, the body and the spirit, this volume celebrates and critiques the diverse and complex cultural history of medieval health and medicine.