Marc Collinson | Bangor University (original) (raw)

Journal Articles by Marc Collinson

Contemporary British History, 2020

Historical far-right organisations have long proved pervasive, but are rarely interpreted as comp... more Historical far-right organisations have long proved pervasive, but are rarely interpreted as competitive political parties. While these minority parties and movements never secured significant representation, they influenced municipal and constituency political activity. Focusing on the ‘textile belt’ of Eastern Lancashire and West Yorkshire, this article seeks to understand how far-right organisations engaged in local electoral politics. It considers the influence of regional economic changes, caused by industrial realignment, and how opponents, primarily local Labour parties, interpreted post-war fascism and the concerns it engendered. The article then examines the growing influence of Labour’s anti-fascist campaigns, the popular appeal of far-right politics, and the composition of such group’s memberships. As far-right institutional archives are limited, the article uses material produced by predominant local Labour parties. Alongside providing new perspectives, it encourages scholars to interpret far-right organisations as electoral actors, rather than mere cultural and political pariahs.

Transactions of the Anglesey Antiquarian Society, 2018

Research note detailing findings from 'Nuclear Communities' project undertaken with funding from ... more Research note detailing findings from 'Nuclear Communities' project undertaken with funding from BWR Research Hub, Bangor University

Theses by Marc Collinson

Bangor University Theses, 2018

This thesis is a study of post-war British political parties and policymaking, primarily examinin... more This thesis is a study of post-war British political parties and policymaking, primarily examining the Labour party’s combined policy on immigration, integration and race relations between 1960 and 1980. Limited research has been published on post-war parties and policymaking, and what has often neglects the role of the political party within the process. Existing studies of Labour’s engagement with immigration or race relations focus only on Harold Wilson’s 1964-1970 Governments. Labour were a party of Government in this period, returned as the largest or majority party in four of seven electoral contests between 1959 and 1979. Being in power for almost eleven of the twenty years, it is possible to analyse how the party reacted to a divisive political issue, in power and opposition and, therefore, the relationship between party policymaking, electoral politics and governance. To comprehend these interactive and complicated issues, this thesis engages with approaches traditionally utilised political history, in combination with others gleaned from political studies.
Historical scholarship has long demonstrated that analysis of longer periods permit greater appreciation of change over time. Recent uptake of similar methodologies within political science have likewise accepted their effectiveness for analysing the actions of historic political actors. Blending innovative new interpretative approaches, alongside traditional intellectual examinations of politics informed by the history of ideas, has proved fruitful. Using Peter F. Clarke’s concept of the ‘purchase of ideas’, this thesis attempts to trace the intellectual origins of policy. By further accepting Duncan Tanner’s contention that policy is a complex process, and following his suggested delineation between institutional and electoral purchase of ideas within a political institution, it recognises historic agents’ capacity to shape, redirect and repackage policy to elicit popular appeal. To do this effectively, the study scrutinises the structure and processes of policymaking within the Labour party.
Concentrating on Labour’s political dynamics, the thesis examines the degree to which policy development at the party’s London headquarters reflected the opinions of local parties and voters in constituencies. It surveys Labour’s early engagement with immigration issues before examining its definitive approach under Hugh Gaitskell’s leadership. Afterwards, it considers the role of immigration controls’ local appeal through scrutinising the political cleavage existent between pro-immigration local parties, and pro-control electorates. Enoch Powell’s April 1968 speech reaffirmed existing assumptions and the influence of the National Front and racially charged Powellite politics in the 1970s is analysed through a multi-level study of the party’s responses, to establish the significance of various local, national and international influences and constrictions on the policymaking process. This thesis posits that policymaking is both deliberative and contemporaneous, being a transient manifestation of political priorities and ideas deemed (by the party leadership) to possess institutional and electoral purchase at its time of prospective implementation.

Conference papers by Marc Collinson

This paper was delivered at the Political Studies Association Annual Conference 2018 A Great Poss... more This paper was delivered at the Political Studies Association Annual Conference 2018
A Great Possibility Artist? Harold Wilson and the Redefinition of Labour Immigration Policy, 1963-1966

Paper presented at 'Migration, Protest and Institutional Responses in Western Europe in the 1960'... more Paper presented at 'Migration, Protest and Institutional Responses in Western Europe in the 1960's - 1980's' joint research event with scholars from Edge Hill University 30 April 2018

The paper discussed the Mansfield Hosiery Mills dispute in 1972 and how it was situated in complex and contrary interpretations of union rights and process in the early 1970s.

A paper given to the Boiling Water Reactor Research Hub and Network Annual Conference, 12-14th D... more A paper given to the Boiling Water Reactor Research Hub and Network Annual Conference, 12-14th December 2018

Paper presented at 1968 seminar series event on migration and politics. 13 February 2018.

Presented as part of 'Policy-making for the People?' Research Event. (Bangor University, 7 Decemb... more Presented as part of 'Policy-making for the People?' Research Event. (Bangor University, 7 December 2017)

Policymaking is a difficult, creative and deliberative process rather than an instantaneous event. It often appears insular, as if conducted in a vacuum. However, in a democratic country, it is impossible to ignore the existence of ‘the voters’ and yet, this must cause us to question:
1. Who are the voters?
2. How do they influence policy?
3. What processes existed?
4. How were voters views taken into account?

In modern political studies, much has been made of two ‘discourses’ within the policymaking process. The ‘coordinative’ discourse is composed of the language, values and rules that inform discussion at the centre, and the ‘communicative’ the one between party and electorate. However, this is often unsatisfactory, as it does not allow for the presence of a third issue – the politicians conception of the electorate and what will appeal to them.
This paper will therefore engage with Duncan Tanner’s more sensible delineation of the institutional and electoral purchase of ideas. While similar on the surface, this approach accepts that a constriction of political strategy is often contingent on whether the policy, and the ideas of which it is composed, is acceptable to a majority of voters. To explain Labour’s seeming U-turn on immigration control in the early 1960s, the paper will examine whether the political perception of an idea or policies electoral purchase demonstrated a nimble and aware political machine, capable of reacting to popular concerns. Firstly, it will examine the nature of the party’s policymaking processes. Secondly, it will discuss the context within which the policy was developed, based on existent policy and commitments and, finally, how political reality and circumstance allowed for a policy change.

Presented at the Research Event 'Migration, Protest and Institutional Reactions in West Germany a... more Presented at the Research Event 'Migration, Protest and Institutional Reactions in West Germany and the UK, 1960s-1970s' (part of the College of Arts and Humanities sponsored 'Commemorating 1968' Research Seminar Series) Bangor University, 6 February 2018.

Abstract

Popular contention suggests that Enoch Powell was catalytic in the creation of modern Britain’s race relations. Roy Hattersley observed that a citizen cannot speak of immigration after 1968 for fearing the ‘ghost of Powell’. His ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech is perceived as a turning point which has defined what has happened since. Camilla Schofield has argued that Powell’s speech is significant as it explains how the Race Relations amendment Act (1968), the second reading of which was the immediate cause, shaped Powell’s thinking. However, I would argue that not everyone who ‘agreed with Enoch’ possessed his unique, post-imperial, high Tory worldview. Similarly, whilst it influenced popular perception, it did not reflect existent changes in Government policy.
This paper posits that ongoing changes within Wilson’s administration had already begun the process of reframing the ambitions of policy. It will examine the role of a sympathetic policy network of think tanks and campaign groups, through which ideas were championed, reshaped and deliberated before they then gained institutional purchase, which explain the change in direction more effectively than the unexpected impact of Powell, which acted merely to publicise it.

Delivered at Urban History Group conference, 30-31 March 2017 Panel: Race... more Delivered at Urban History Group conference, 30-31 March 2017
Panel: Race, Policy and Governance

In January 1965, Labour Foreign Secretary Patrick Gordon Walker was defeated in his attempt to secure election at the Leyton constituency in London. The media assumed his defeat, only weeks after that in the Smethwick constituency, was due to what Saggar has called an ‘electoral penalty’ brought on by racialized politics. In a report written for Harold Wilson in the aftermath of Patrick defeat, the former MP Reginal Sorensen suggested that Gordon Walker had ‘dragged it (the race issue) in on his boots’. Yet the demography of the constituency, and the issues present in the election have never been fully explored. Among other factors, twenty-five percent of the population of Leyton were pensioners in 1965. The impact of other government policies, including a freeze on pensions, may therefore have had a larger impact on the election than previously assumed.
Utilising a variety of underused archival sources related to the by-election, this paper will explore how local issues, and more importantly the demography of a constituency, can help explain why Labour lost the seat. It will examine how local issues, specific to this suburb of London, and not supposed ‘national’ problems imported from a different constituency, were to blame for the election result. Finally, this paper will argue that in simplifying an understanding of such a result to ‘national’ issues, leads to false assumptions on which the analysis of electoral politics are based.

Delivered 22 July 2016 at the NAASWCH Conference (Harvard University) Between 1964 and 1979, ev... more Delivered 22 July 2016 at the NAASWCH Conference (Harvard University)

Between 1964 and 1979, every Labour Home Secretary either sat for a Welsh Seat, or was Welsh by birth. Several more Welsh MPs also served in junior capacities at the Home Office. Whilst it would be simplistic to suggest that this coincidence had an effect on the management and culture of a predominantly Oxbridge-educated, London based institution, one could argue that policy initiatives pursued by a Welsh-born minister could have been influenced by their background. When asked to name a famous Welsh politician, most would turn to one of the two great orators, David Lloyd George or Aneurin Bevan. Yet Roy Jenkins, a native of Pontypool and son of Monmouthshire miners leader Arthur Jenkins, was Home Secretary twice, between 1965-67 and 1974-76, as well as
serving as a popular Chancellor between 1967 and 1970. His term in this office is still lauded as an era of effective and progressive reform. Jenkins famously oversaw the passing of legislation on liberalising the
states attitude to abortion, theatre censorship and homosexuality. However, what is often forgotten is the important role he played in making the Race Relations (Amendment) Act, 1968 a reality.

In his lecture about Jenkins in Parliament, Andrew Adonis has argued that his tenure was exemplar of the ‘transformational minister’. This claim, however, is based on Jenkins’ support for wider, equally
progressive legislation to create a ‘civilised’ society, and does not pay attention to his attempts at reforming Race Relations apparatus. Before his intervention, the Race Relations Act (1965) had been passed as a mere palliative, doing little to alleviate racial discrimination that had permeated some sections of British society. It was Jenkins who had the defining impact on the development of this liberalising legislation. His parliamentary and public intervention, promoting the improving race relations legislation in the mid-1960s did more for the cause than the myriad of metropolitan liberal campaign groups active in the field. Jenkins was a trailblazer in the development of post-war integration.

In a speech widely described as his best, Jenkins argued that integration relied on equal opportunity, cultural diversity and mutual tolerance. He was critical of attempts to disparage the purity of an existing little Englander mentality, arguing ‘If it were to happen to the rest of us, to the Welsh (like myself), to the Scots, to the Irish, to the Jews, to the mid-European, and to still more recent arrivals, it would be little
short of a national disaster’. Jenkins rarely spoke of his Welshness within the political arena, so his summoning of this oft suppressed identity over the issues of integration, multiculturalism and identity is
deserving of greater attention. Within the wider debates over Wales as a tolerant nation, the extent to which this supposed tradition of religious and cultural tolerance influenced Jenkins in his thinking during
this period is important. This impact on race relations is undoubtedly a forgotten aspect of a full and impactful career.

Labour (dis)united. Disputed legitimacies within the British labour movement Britain From the ... more Labour (dis)united. Disputed legitimacies within the British labour movement

Britain From the late 1950s, mass immigration had a major impact on British, predominantly urban, society. This caused problems for the Labour Party. Whilst the party had stated its opposition against racial discrimination in 1958, it claimed to represent a white working-class that often felt threatened and angered by immigration. Transport workers in Bristol, for example, went on strike in protest at having to work with immigrants. Several traditional working-class institutions, such as social clubs, introduced a colour-bar. This caused a number of problems for Labour in how to develop a policy that was amenable to two disparate wings of the party. The Labour Party of the 1960s and 1970s relied on different policy-making structures to those available to the leaders of today's party. Societal structure, as well as the size, clout and dynamism of the labour movement meant that the trade unions often dominated the Party's sovereign body – the Conference. How did the party legimate policy and develop it effectively? This paper will seek to explore how the party's structure, composition and committee management impacted on the development of an immigration policy. To explain and analyse the historic development of Labour's immigration policy, this paper argues that Lewis Minkin's thesis of 'agenda politics' should be applied much more broadly. It will analyse the role of the party institutions such as the NEC, the Research Department and, in particular, ad hoc study groups played in developing a policy of immigration that both quelled the radicalism of its activists, yet gave sufficient room for manoeuvre to the party's parliamentary leadership to maintain unity and address serious economic and social concerns.

Research dissemination by Marc Collinson

Article in 'The Conversation' about the refugee crisis. 4 October 2016

Article published in the Western Mail 09/10/15 as part of Welsh History Month Abstract: When as... more Article published in the Western Mail 09/10/15 as part of Welsh History Month

Abstract:

When asked to name a notable Welsh
politician who has had significant
impact beyond Wales, most will turn to
the two great orators, David Lloyd George and
Aneurin Bevan; Lloyd George’s place secured
by his wartime premiership and role in laying
the early foundations of the welfare state and
Bevan for creating its longest-lasting achievement,
the NHS. Roy Jenkins is unlikely to be
the first name that comes to mind.

Book Reviews by Marc Collinson

Reports by Marc Collinson

Unpublished, 2018

Feasibility study report for 'Nuclear Communities' scoping project undertaken January-April 2018.

Responding to Discrimination Archive Trip report for SSLH

Papers by Marc Collinson

Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire for the year .., 2022

This article disseminates the initial findings of a project examining political change and party ... more This article disseminates the initial findings of a project examining political change and party politics in postwar Liverpool. Based on a scoping study funded by a HSLC Research Grant, it explores the exceptionalism of the postwar revival of Liberal party support in Liverpool following 1945, Liverpool, before outlining the initial evidence gleaned from a survey of extant party records in regional and institutional repositories. Finally, it advances an initial conclusion of the project, suggesting an alternative interpretation building on scholarship associated with so-called 'new political history'. This encourages a more pluralist understanding of Merseyside political history, avoiding assumptions of a pre-1945 Conservative bastion or a postwar Labour city. By 1973, the City of Liverpool had reached a crossroads. A global process of economic change had damaged the competitiveness and effectiveness of local industry, and catalysed factory and dockland closure. 1 In turn, this led to mass unemployment, which affected the life experiences of ordinary Liverpudlians, creating the conditions and setting for the 'gizza job' realities captured by local playwright Alan Bleasdale. 2 Issues of deprivation, with poor housing stock and insecure employment, alongside religion, had long-shaped political allegiances. 3 Many of Liverpool's particular problems were caused by social and cultural changes to local employment patterns, alongside slum clearances and postwar reconstruction. 4 Yet, despite attempts to change the city's urban fabric, in 1972, one-third of residents still lived in slum conditions, and central government attempts to arrest the impact of economic change proved ineffective. 5 The extent to which these changes influenced local politics has underpinned historical interpretations. Throughout the 1970s and 80s, much was made about Labour and Conservative organisational failure and ideological tiredness. 6 It was assumed that neither enjoyed political dominance due to the pervasive 1 A.

Contemporary British History, 2020

Historical far-right organisations have long proved pervasive, but are rarely interpreted as comp... more Historical far-right organisations have long proved pervasive, but are rarely interpreted as competitive political parties. While these minority parties and movements never secured significant representation, they influenced municipal and constituency political activity. Focusing on the ‘textile belt’ of Eastern Lancashire and West Yorkshire, this article seeks to understand how far-right organisations engaged in local electoral politics. It considers the influence of regional economic changes, caused by industrial realignment, and how opponents, primarily local Labour parties, interpreted post-war fascism and the concerns it engendered. The article then examines the growing influence of Labour’s anti-fascist campaigns, the popular appeal of far-right politics, and the composition of such group’s memberships. As far-right institutional archives are limited, the article uses material produced by predominant local Labour parties. Alongside providing new perspectives, it encourages scholars to interpret far-right organisations as electoral actors, rather than mere cultural and political pariahs.

Transactions of the Anglesey Antiquarian Society, 2018

Research note detailing findings from 'Nuclear Communities' project undertaken with funding from ... more Research note detailing findings from 'Nuclear Communities' project undertaken with funding from BWR Research Hub, Bangor University

Bangor University Theses, 2018

This thesis is a study of post-war British political parties and policymaking, primarily examinin... more This thesis is a study of post-war British political parties and policymaking, primarily examining the Labour party’s combined policy on immigration, integration and race relations between 1960 and 1980. Limited research has been published on post-war parties and policymaking, and what has often neglects the role of the political party within the process. Existing studies of Labour’s engagement with immigration or race relations focus only on Harold Wilson’s 1964-1970 Governments. Labour were a party of Government in this period, returned as the largest or majority party in four of seven electoral contests between 1959 and 1979. Being in power for almost eleven of the twenty years, it is possible to analyse how the party reacted to a divisive political issue, in power and opposition and, therefore, the relationship between party policymaking, electoral politics and governance. To comprehend these interactive and complicated issues, this thesis engages with approaches traditionally utilised political history, in combination with others gleaned from political studies.
Historical scholarship has long demonstrated that analysis of longer periods permit greater appreciation of change over time. Recent uptake of similar methodologies within political science have likewise accepted their effectiveness for analysing the actions of historic political actors. Blending innovative new interpretative approaches, alongside traditional intellectual examinations of politics informed by the history of ideas, has proved fruitful. Using Peter F. Clarke’s concept of the ‘purchase of ideas’, this thesis attempts to trace the intellectual origins of policy. By further accepting Duncan Tanner’s contention that policy is a complex process, and following his suggested delineation between institutional and electoral purchase of ideas within a political institution, it recognises historic agents’ capacity to shape, redirect and repackage policy to elicit popular appeal. To do this effectively, the study scrutinises the structure and processes of policymaking within the Labour party.
Concentrating on Labour’s political dynamics, the thesis examines the degree to which policy development at the party’s London headquarters reflected the opinions of local parties and voters in constituencies. It surveys Labour’s early engagement with immigration issues before examining its definitive approach under Hugh Gaitskell’s leadership. Afterwards, it considers the role of immigration controls’ local appeal through scrutinising the political cleavage existent between pro-immigration local parties, and pro-control electorates. Enoch Powell’s April 1968 speech reaffirmed existing assumptions and the influence of the National Front and racially charged Powellite politics in the 1970s is analysed through a multi-level study of the party’s responses, to establish the significance of various local, national and international influences and constrictions on the policymaking process. This thesis posits that policymaking is both deliberative and contemporaneous, being a transient manifestation of political priorities and ideas deemed (by the party leadership) to possess institutional and electoral purchase at its time of prospective implementation.

This paper was delivered at the Political Studies Association Annual Conference 2018 A Great Poss... more This paper was delivered at the Political Studies Association Annual Conference 2018
A Great Possibility Artist? Harold Wilson and the Redefinition of Labour Immigration Policy, 1963-1966

Paper presented at 'Migration, Protest and Institutional Responses in Western Europe in the 1960'... more Paper presented at 'Migration, Protest and Institutional Responses in Western Europe in the 1960's - 1980's' joint research event with scholars from Edge Hill University 30 April 2018

The paper discussed the Mansfield Hosiery Mills dispute in 1972 and how it was situated in complex and contrary interpretations of union rights and process in the early 1970s.

A paper given to the Boiling Water Reactor Research Hub and Network Annual Conference, 12-14th D... more A paper given to the Boiling Water Reactor Research Hub and Network Annual Conference, 12-14th December 2018

Paper presented at 1968 seminar series event on migration and politics. 13 February 2018.

Presented as part of 'Policy-making for the People?' Research Event. (Bangor University, 7 Decemb... more Presented as part of 'Policy-making for the People?' Research Event. (Bangor University, 7 December 2017)

Policymaking is a difficult, creative and deliberative process rather than an instantaneous event. It often appears insular, as if conducted in a vacuum. However, in a democratic country, it is impossible to ignore the existence of ‘the voters’ and yet, this must cause us to question:
1. Who are the voters?
2. How do they influence policy?
3. What processes existed?
4. How were voters views taken into account?

In modern political studies, much has been made of two ‘discourses’ within the policymaking process. The ‘coordinative’ discourse is composed of the language, values and rules that inform discussion at the centre, and the ‘communicative’ the one between party and electorate. However, this is often unsatisfactory, as it does not allow for the presence of a third issue – the politicians conception of the electorate and what will appeal to them.
This paper will therefore engage with Duncan Tanner’s more sensible delineation of the institutional and electoral purchase of ideas. While similar on the surface, this approach accepts that a constriction of political strategy is often contingent on whether the policy, and the ideas of which it is composed, is acceptable to a majority of voters. To explain Labour’s seeming U-turn on immigration control in the early 1960s, the paper will examine whether the political perception of an idea or policies electoral purchase demonstrated a nimble and aware political machine, capable of reacting to popular concerns. Firstly, it will examine the nature of the party’s policymaking processes. Secondly, it will discuss the context within which the policy was developed, based on existent policy and commitments and, finally, how political reality and circumstance allowed for a policy change.

Presented at the Research Event 'Migration, Protest and Institutional Reactions in West Germany a... more Presented at the Research Event 'Migration, Protest and Institutional Reactions in West Germany and the UK, 1960s-1970s' (part of the College of Arts and Humanities sponsored 'Commemorating 1968' Research Seminar Series) Bangor University, 6 February 2018.

Abstract

Popular contention suggests that Enoch Powell was catalytic in the creation of modern Britain’s race relations. Roy Hattersley observed that a citizen cannot speak of immigration after 1968 for fearing the ‘ghost of Powell’. His ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech is perceived as a turning point which has defined what has happened since. Camilla Schofield has argued that Powell’s speech is significant as it explains how the Race Relations amendment Act (1968), the second reading of which was the immediate cause, shaped Powell’s thinking. However, I would argue that not everyone who ‘agreed with Enoch’ possessed his unique, post-imperial, high Tory worldview. Similarly, whilst it influenced popular perception, it did not reflect existent changes in Government policy.
This paper posits that ongoing changes within Wilson’s administration had already begun the process of reframing the ambitions of policy. It will examine the role of a sympathetic policy network of think tanks and campaign groups, through which ideas were championed, reshaped and deliberated before they then gained institutional purchase, which explain the change in direction more effectively than the unexpected impact of Powell, which acted merely to publicise it.

Delivered at Urban History Group conference, 30-31 March 2017 Panel: Race... more Delivered at Urban History Group conference, 30-31 March 2017
Panel: Race, Policy and Governance

In January 1965, Labour Foreign Secretary Patrick Gordon Walker was defeated in his attempt to secure election at the Leyton constituency in London. The media assumed his defeat, only weeks after that in the Smethwick constituency, was due to what Saggar has called an ‘electoral penalty’ brought on by racialized politics. In a report written for Harold Wilson in the aftermath of Patrick defeat, the former MP Reginal Sorensen suggested that Gordon Walker had ‘dragged it (the race issue) in on his boots’. Yet the demography of the constituency, and the issues present in the election have never been fully explored. Among other factors, twenty-five percent of the population of Leyton were pensioners in 1965. The impact of other government policies, including a freeze on pensions, may therefore have had a larger impact on the election than previously assumed.
Utilising a variety of underused archival sources related to the by-election, this paper will explore how local issues, and more importantly the demography of a constituency, can help explain why Labour lost the seat. It will examine how local issues, specific to this suburb of London, and not supposed ‘national’ problems imported from a different constituency, were to blame for the election result. Finally, this paper will argue that in simplifying an understanding of such a result to ‘national’ issues, leads to false assumptions on which the analysis of electoral politics are based.

Delivered 22 July 2016 at the NAASWCH Conference (Harvard University) Between 1964 and 1979, ev... more Delivered 22 July 2016 at the NAASWCH Conference (Harvard University)

Between 1964 and 1979, every Labour Home Secretary either sat for a Welsh Seat, or was Welsh by birth. Several more Welsh MPs also served in junior capacities at the Home Office. Whilst it would be simplistic to suggest that this coincidence had an effect on the management and culture of a predominantly Oxbridge-educated, London based institution, one could argue that policy initiatives pursued by a Welsh-born minister could have been influenced by their background. When asked to name a famous Welsh politician, most would turn to one of the two great orators, David Lloyd George or Aneurin Bevan. Yet Roy Jenkins, a native of Pontypool and son of Monmouthshire miners leader Arthur Jenkins, was Home Secretary twice, between 1965-67 and 1974-76, as well as
serving as a popular Chancellor between 1967 and 1970. His term in this office is still lauded as an era of effective and progressive reform. Jenkins famously oversaw the passing of legislation on liberalising the
states attitude to abortion, theatre censorship and homosexuality. However, what is often forgotten is the important role he played in making the Race Relations (Amendment) Act, 1968 a reality.

In his lecture about Jenkins in Parliament, Andrew Adonis has argued that his tenure was exemplar of the ‘transformational minister’. This claim, however, is based on Jenkins’ support for wider, equally
progressive legislation to create a ‘civilised’ society, and does not pay attention to his attempts at reforming Race Relations apparatus. Before his intervention, the Race Relations Act (1965) had been passed as a mere palliative, doing little to alleviate racial discrimination that had permeated some sections of British society. It was Jenkins who had the defining impact on the development of this liberalising legislation. His parliamentary and public intervention, promoting the improving race relations legislation in the mid-1960s did more for the cause than the myriad of metropolitan liberal campaign groups active in the field. Jenkins was a trailblazer in the development of post-war integration.

In a speech widely described as his best, Jenkins argued that integration relied on equal opportunity, cultural diversity and mutual tolerance. He was critical of attempts to disparage the purity of an existing little Englander mentality, arguing ‘If it were to happen to the rest of us, to the Welsh (like myself), to the Scots, to the Irish, to the Jews, to the mid-European, and to still more recent arrivals, it would be little
short of a national disaster’. Jenkins rarely spoke of his Welshness within the political arena, so his summoning of this oft suppressed identity over the issues of integration, multiculturalism and identity is
deserving of greater attention. Within the wider debates over Wales as a tolerant nation, the extent to which this supposed tradition of religious and cultural tolerance influenced Jenkins in his thinking during
this period is important. This impact on race relations is undoubtedly a forgotten aspect of a full and impactful career.

Labour (dis)united. Disputed legitimacies within the British labour movement Britain From the ... more Labour (dis)united. Disputed legitimacies within the British labour movement

Britain From the late 1950s, mass immigration had a major impact on British, predominantly urban, society. This caused problems for the Labour Party. Whilst the party had stated its opposition against racial discrimination in 1958, it claimed to represent a white working-class that often felt threatened and angered by immigration. Transport workers in Bristol, for example, went on strike in protest at having to work with immigrants. Several traditional working-class institutions, such as social clubs, introduced a colour-bar. This caused a number of problems for Labour in how to develop a policy that was amenable to two disparate wings of the party. The Labour Party of the 1960s and 1970s relied on different policy-making structures to those available to the leaders of today's party. Societal structure, as well as the size, clout and dynamism of the labour movement meant that the trade unions often dominated the Party's sovereign body – the Conference. How did the party legimate policy and develop it effectively? This paper will seek to explore how the party's structure, composition and committee management impacted on the development of an immigration policy. To explain and analyse the historic development of Labour's immigration policy, this paper argues that Lewis Minkin's thesis of 'agenda politics' should be applied much more broadly. It will analyse the role of the party institutions such as the NEC, the Research Department and, in particular, ad hoc study groups played in developing a policy of immigration that both quelled the radicalism of its activists, yet gave sufficient room for manoeuvre to the party's parliamentary leadership to maintain unity and address serious economic and social concerns.

Article in 'The Conversation' about the refugee crisis. 4 October 2016

Article published in the Western Mail 09/10/15 as part of Welsh History Month Abstract: When as... more Article published in the Western Mail 09/10/15 as part of Welsh History Month

Abstract:

When asked to name a notable Welsh
politician who has had significant
impact beyond Wales, most will turn to
the two great orators, David Lloyd George and
Aneurin Bevan; Lloyd George’s place secured
by his wartime premiership and role in laying
the early foundations of the welfare state and
Bevan for creating its longest-lasting achievement,
the NHS. Roy Jenkins is unlikely to be
the first name that comes to mind.

Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire for the year .., 2022

This article disseminates the initial findings of a project examining political change and party ... more This article disseminates the initial findings of a project examining political change and party politics in postwar Liverpool. Based on a scoping study funded by a HSLC Research Grant, it explores the exceptionalism of the postwar revival of Liberal party support in Liverpool following 1945, Liverpool, before outlining the initial evidence gleaned from a survey of extant party records in regional and institutional repositories. Finally, it advances an initial conclusion of the project, suggesting an alternative interpretation building on scholarship associated with so-called 'new political history'. This encourages a more pluralist understanding of Merseyside political history, avoiding assumptions of a pre-1945 Conservative bastion or a postwar Labour city. By 1973, the City of Liverpool had reached a crossroads. A global process of economic change had damaged the competitiveness and effectiveness of local industry, and catalysed factory and dockland closure. 1 In turn, this led to mass unemployment, which affected the life experiences of ordinary Liverpudlians, creating the conditions and setting for the 'gizza job' realities captured by local playwright Alan Bleasdale. 2 Issues of deprivation, with poor housing stock and insecure employment, alongside religion, had long-shaped political allegiances. 3 Many of Liverpool's particular problems were caused by social and cultural changes to local employment patterns, alongside slum clearances and postwar reconstruction. 4 Yet, despite attempts to change the city's urban fabric, in 1972, one-third of residents still lived in slum conditions, and central government attempts to arrest the impact of economic change proved ineffective. 5 The extent to which these changes influenced local politics has underpinned historical interpretations. Throughout the 1970s and 80s, much was made about Labour and Conservative organisational failure and ideological tiredness. 6 It was assumed that neither enjoyed political dominance due to the pervasive 1 A.

British Journal of Educational Studies, Sep 3, 2022

Journal of Energy History/Revue d’histoire de l’énergie, Jun 30, 2021

While national energy infrastructure projects possess significant reach and scale in supply terms... more While national energy infrastructure projects possess significant reach and scale in supply terms, they are focused on a smaller number of power generation sites and have a significant impact on those specific localities. Britain's post war nuclear power programme was no different. Emblematic of government confidence and optimism in technological progress, nuclear sites also shaped community identities, languages, and attitudes to modernity, and affected the lives, routines, and prospects of residents. This article outlines available historical sources linked to nuclear power station construction and its wider effect on north Wales, demonstrating the economic, social, cultural, and political impact of the industry on a variety of local groupings and communities.

Innovative Practice in Higher Education, Apr 21, 2021

Until recently, British university history departments have rarely made use of assessed recorded ... more Until recently, British university history departments have rarely made use of assessed recorded video presentations. Inspired by the increased popularity of Online Educational Resources (OERs), it moves away from traditional essays, exams, and oral presentation-centred assessment strategies. This article outlines an intervention undertaken on a first-year cultural history module to incorporate such an assessment and evaluates its effectiveness in promoting greater 'digital literacy'. Building on the greater availability of more effective submission platforms, and acknowledging increased student techliteracy, changing skill requirements for history-related career paths and the growing significance of the employability agenda, the article explores how history graduates can be made more 'employable'. Using a mixture of open questionnaires and a focus group, student experience and interpretation is used to gauge the effectiveness of the intervention from the perspective of its prospective beneficiaries.

Transactions of the Anglesey Antiquarian Society and Field Club, Sep 30, 2018

Contemporary British History, 2020

• Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose... more • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. 16. Apr. 2022 A 'fertile ground for poisonous doctrines'? 1 Understanding far-right electoral appeal in the south Pennine textile belt, c.1967-1979 Historical far-right organisations have long proved pervasive, but are rarely interpreted as competitive political parties. While these minority parties and movements never secured significant representation, they influenced municipal and constituency political activity. Focusing on the 'textile belt' of Eastern Lancashire and West Yorkshire, this article seeks to understand how far-right organisations engaged in local electoral politics. It considers the influence of regional economic changes, caused by industrial realignment, and how opponents, primarily local Labour parties, interpreted postwar fascism and the concerns it engendered. The article then examines the growing influence of Labour's anti-fascist campaigns, the popular appeal of far-right politics, and the composition of such group's memberships. As far-right institutional archives are limited, the article uses material produced by predominant local Labour parties. Alongside providing new perspectives, it encourages scholars to interpret far-right organisations as electoral actors, rather than mere cultural and political pariahs.

Undergraduate dissertation analysing the political ramifications of the Abadan Crisis on the Attl... more Undergraduate dissertation analysing the political ramifications of the Abadan Crisis on the Attlee Government

Masters Thesis analysing the Labour Party's internal debates over the development of occupati... more Masters Thesis analysing the Labour Party's internal debates over the development of occupational hygiene legislation.

Parliamentary History, Dec 14, 2020

This thesis is a study of post-war British political parties and policymaking, primarily examinin... more This thesis is a study of post-war British political parties and policymaking, primarily examining the Labour party’s combined policy on immigration, integration and race relations between 1960 and 1980. Limited research has been published on post-war parties and policymaking, and what has often neglects the role of the political party within the process. Existing studies of Labour’s engagement with immigration or race relations focus only on Harold Wilson’s 1964-1970 Governments. Labour were a party of Government in this period, returned as the largest or majority party in four of seven electoral contests between 1959 and 1979. Being in power for almost eleven of the twenty years, it is possible to analyse how the party reacted to a divisive political issue, in power and opposition and, therefore, the relationship between party policymaking, electoral politics and governance. To comprehend these interactive and complicated issues, this thesis engages with approaches traditionally utilised political history, in combination with others gleaned from political studies. Historical scholarship has long demonstrated that analysis of longer periods permit greater appreciation of change over time. Recent uptake of similar methodologies within political science have likewise accepted their effectiveness for analysing the actions of historic political actors. Blending innovative new interpretative approaches, alongside traditional intellectual examinations of politics informed by the history of ideas, has proved fruitful. Using Peter F. Clarke’s concept of the ‘purchase of ideas’, this thesis attempts to trace the intellectual origins of policy. By further accepting Duncan Tanner’s contention that policy is a complex process, and following his suggested delineation between institutional and electoral purchase of ideas within a political institution, it recognises historic agents’ capacity to shape, redirect and repackage policy to elicit popular appeal. To do this effectively, the study scrutinises the structure and processes of policymaking within the Labour party. Concentrating on Labour’s political dynamics, the thesis examines the degree to which policy development at the party’s London headquarters reflected the opinions of local parties and voters in constituencies. It surveys Labour’s early engagement with immigration issues before examining its definitive approach under Hugh Gaitskell’s leadership. Afterwards, it considers the role of immigration controls’ local appeal through scrutinising the political cleavage existent between pro-immigration local parties, and pro-control electorates. Enoch Powell’s April 1968 speech reaffirmed existing assumptions and the influence of the National Front and racially charged Powellite politics in the 1970s is analysed through a multi-level study of the party’s responses, to establish the significance of various local, national and international influences and constrictions on the policymaking process. This thesis posits that policymaking is both deliberative and contemporaneous, being a transient manifestation of political priorities and ideas deemed (by the party leadership) to possess institutional and electoral purchase at its time of prospective implementation.

Executive summary • Migrant integration policies have been pursued in diverse ways, as examples f... more Executive summary • Migrant integration policies have been pursued in diverse ways, as examples from the UK and the Federal Republic of Germany since 1949 clearly show. • When using the notion of integration in public debates, policymakers and public commentators often present it as the opposite to the 'ghettoisation' of migrants. • This paper critically evaluates the concept of 'integration'. It challenges the idea that it is the only lens through which the interaction between migrants and nonforeign-born people can be viewed. • Historical evidence suggests that in place of integration, a richer and more positive concept of reciprocity would better inform more successful and workable policy outcomes.