Francesco Dall'Aglio - Profile on Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Podcasts by Francesco Dall'Aglio
In this episode, Chris discusses with Francesco Dall'Aglio Bulgarian medieval history, Byzantine ... more In this episode, Chris discusses with Francesco Dall'Aglio Bulgarian medieval history, Byzantine aristocracy and the crusaders, as well as the Cumans as military allies and enemies.
Francesco Dall'Aglio is a researcher at the Italian Institute for Historic Research in Naples. His research focuses on Byzantine studies, as well as on the history of the Balkans, especially medieval Bulgaria, including political, military and church history.
Books by Francesco Dall'Aglio
Papers by Francesco Dall'Aglio
Studia Ceranea 12, 2022
In 1185, after a successful revolt against the Byzantine empire, the so-called second Bulgarian k... more In 1185, after a successful revolt against the Byzantine empire, the so-called second Bulgarian kingdom was established on the territory of the former province of Paradounavon/Paristrion, that had been the first area of settlement of the Bulgars who had crossed the Danube and established their state in 681, and had become a peripheral region of the Byzantine empire after the conquests of Tzimiskes and Basil II. Even before the 1185 revolt, however, Paristrion had already begun to develop an embryonal degree of self-consciousness, although not in a 'national' way, owing to its peculiar history and ethnic composition. During the course of the 9 th-12 th century it had experienced a constant influx of invaders from the north, many of whom had in the end settled, either forcibly or after reaching an agreement with the imperial authorities. Those mixobarbaroi, half-civilized barbarians (according to the Byzantine point of view) had gradually integrated with the local population, made of Bulgarians, Vlachs, and Byzantine soldiers, settlers and administrators coming from the various provinces of the empire. When the military presence on the Danube was strong the region prospered economically, and became integrated in a vast trade network managed by Cuman and Rus' traders and raiders; but during the 12 th century the empire gradually withdrew its troops and its interest in Paristion, and this relative prosperity began to diminish. Coupled with the remembrance, in popular traditions, of the past glory and abundance of the first Bulgarian empire, and with the increasing fiscal burden that oppressed the local traders, the Paristrians gradually became convinced that their future prosperity, much like at the time of the first Bulgarian kingdom, was in their independence from the empire. Once again, this peripheral region began the centre of an independent polity that traced its roots in the past Bulgarian kingdom, but exhibited also some radically different traits.
New powers—Serbia and Bulgaria
The Routledge Handbook of East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 500–1300, 2021
Studia Ceranea 11, pp. 91–106, 2021
The paper analyses the actions of Ivanko, a Bulgarian nobleman, possibly a member of the ruling f... more The paper analyses the actions of Ivanko, a Bulgarian nobleman, possibly a member of the ruling family of the Asenides, who in 1196 killed the ruling tsar, Asen, and escaped to Constantinople once his plan to take control of the country failed. Owing to the benevolence of Alexios III Angelos, he joined the Byzantine military and very quickly rose through its ranks until he became the military commander of the region of Philippopolis. In 1198 or 1999 he defected and created an independent dominion on the slopes of the Stara Planina massif, precariously balanced between Bulgaria and the empire, exploiting to his own advantage the constant state of warfare between the two polities. His adventure was short-lived: in 1200 he was captured through deception by the Byzantines, taken prisoner, and presumably executed. While his political career was very short, his importance for the history of medieval Bulgaria is not to be underestimated. It is a testimony of the fluidity of the political situation at the Bulgaro-Byzantine border, whose instability often allowed ambitious and cunning local commanders to carve up autonomous dominions, and of the difficulties experienced by the central power in keeping control of the peripheral areas of the state. It is also proof of the constantly shifting ethnic and cultural allegiances of the citizens of those polities, entangled between different and often conflicting identities, usually regarded as irreconcilable but that were actually the object of a continuous negotiation and adjusting. Ivanko is an interesting case study in regard to all of those factors, especially when considered within the larger phenomenon of provincial separatism in the imperial (and Bulgarian) lands between the end of the 12 th and the beginning of the 13 th century.
Studia Ceranea 11, pp. 91–106, 2021
The paper analyses the actions of Ivanko, a Bulgarian nobleman, possibly a member of the ruling f... more The paper analyses the actions of Ivanko, a Bulgarian nobleman, possibly a member of the ruling family of the Asenides, who in 1196 killed the ruling tsar, Asen, and escaped to Constantinople once his plan to take control of the country failed. Owing to the benevolence of Alexios III Angelos, he joined the Byzantine military and very quickly rose through its ranks until he became the military commander of the region of Philippopolis. In 1198 or 1999 he defected and created an independent dominion on the slopes of the Stara Planina massif, precariously balanced between Bulgaria and the empire, exploiting to his own advantage the constant state of warfare between the two polities. His adventure was short-lived: in 1200 he was captured through deception by the Byzantines, taken prisoner, and presumably executed. While his political career was very short, his importance for the history of medieval Bulgaria is not to be underestimated. It is a testimony of the fluidity of the political situation at the Bulgaro-Byzantine border, whose instability often allowed ambitious and cunning local commanders to carve up autonomous dominions, and of the difficulties experienced by the central power in keeping control of the peripheral areas of the state. It is also proof of the constantly shifting ethnic and cultural allegiances of the citizens of those polities, entangled between different and often conflicting identities, usually regarded as irreconcilable but that were actually the object of a continuous negotiation and adjusting. Ivanko is an interesting case study in regard to all of those factors, especially when considered within the larger phenomenon of provincial separatism in the imperial (and Bulgarian) lands between the end of the 12 th and the beginning of the 13 th century.
Studia Ceranea 9, 2019
In the beginning of the pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216) the necessity of creating a large... more In the beginning of the pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216) the necessity of creating a large coalition for a better organization of the Fourth Crusade convinced the pope to establish diplomatic relations with Bulgaria and Serbia, and to support Hungarian expansion in Bosnia. His
aim was to surround Constantinople with a ring of states loyal to the Roman Church, thus forcing the empire to participate in the crusade. In order to achieve this result, Innocent was more than willing to put aside his concerns for strict religious orthodoxy and allow the existence, to a certain extent, of non-conforming practices and beliefs in the lands of South-eastern Europe. While this plan was successful at first, and both Bulgaria and Serbia recognized pontifical authority in exchange for political legitimization, the establishment of the so-called Latin empire of Constantinople in 1204 changed the picture. Its relations with Bulgaria were extremely conflicted, and the threat posed by Bulgaria to the very existence of the empire forced again Innocent III to a politics of compromise.
The survival of the Latin empire was of the greatest importance, since Innocent hoped to use it as a launching point for future crusades: yet, he tried until possible to maintain a conciliatory politics towards Bulgaria as well.
Nei suoi quasi venti anni di pontificato (1189-1216), Innocenzo III si trovò a dover affrontare u... more Nei suoi quasi venti anni di pontificato (1189-1216), Innocenzo III si trovò a dover affrontare una serie di situazioni di notevole importanza e difficoltà 1 . Per citare solo le più importanti basterà ricordare la disputa sulla successione imperiale, l'organizzazione di due crociate in Terrasanta e della crociata contro gli Albigesi, il quarto Concilio laterano, il riconoscimento degli ordini mendicanti, e infine il tentativo di imporre la superiorità pontificale su tutte le altre autorità contemporanee, sia religiose che laiche. Un impegno così costante ed assiduo su fronti tanto diversi gli sarebbe stato impossibile senza il sostegno di una fitta rete di messi e legati che, tra le difficoltà che è facile immaginare, avevano il compito di tenere le comunicazioni tra il pontefice e i suoi numerosissimi interlocutori. Uno di questi legati fu Giovanni da Casamari: tra il 1199 e il 1203 Innocenzo III gli affidò una serie di delicate missioni in Dalmazia, Serbia, Bosnia e Bulgaria, oltre a un'ambasceria alla corte imperiale di Costantinopoli.
Magia e astrologia in Niceta Coniata [Magic and Astrology in Nikethas Choniates], in P. Lucentini, I. Parri, V. Perrone Compagni (eds.), "Hermetism from Late Antiquity to Humanism", Brepols, Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaevalia (IPM 40), 2004, pp. 569-576
Quel che è di Cesare, quel che è di Dio: i Balcani Tra cattolicesimo, ortodossia e ragion di stato, 1185-1241
Gli studi slavistici in Italia oggi, Jan 1, 2007
In Ipsa sIlva longIssIma bulgarIae": Western chronIclers of the crusades and the bulgarIan forest... more In Ipsa sIlva longIssIma bulgarIae": Western chronIclers of the crusades and the bulgarIan forest * francesco dall' aglio/naples "del mund savum a grand espleit, trop d'une part, poy d'une endreit": "We know of the world, and at great cost, too much of one side, too few of the other" 1 . With these words the author of the anglo-norman version of the Letter of Prester John introduces the matter of his work, a fantastic account of wonders conveniently set in an indefinite region located somewhere east of europe. much has been written on the perception and on the actual knowledge that the europeans had of the east (and not only in the middle ages) 2 , and on the substantial lack of objective information about that area, a land of unparalleled marvels and as many horrors. but there is also a nearer east of europe, the balkan peninsula 3 . unfortunately, here the traveller could not expect to find hippogryphs, rivers made of precious stones or men with the heads of dogs, but more mundane and dangerous things: all the perils of the far east but none of its excitement, and no gold or spices. While, generally speaking, East is an ambivalent term, whose signified is not necessarily negative (although it often is), Balcanic is mostly synonymous with barbaric, at least for a certain kind of historiographical and political discourse. This discourse is mainly modern, if not contemporary 4 , and it would be unwise to project back to the middle ages its origins and specific features. but, as the analysis of the sources presented in this paper will hopefully prove, it may be inferred that, even in the middle ages, the image of the balkans was mainly
In this episode, Chris discusses with Francesco Dall'Aglio Bulgarian medieval history, Byzantine ... more In this episode, Chris discusses with Francesco Dall'Aglio Bulgarian medieval history, Byzantine aristocracy and the crusaders, as well as the Cumans as military allies and enemies.
Francesco Dall'Aglio is a researcher at the Italian Institute for Historic Research in Naples. His research focuses on Byzantine studies, as well as on the history of the Balkans, especially medieval Bulgaria, including political, military and church history.
Studia Ceranea 12, 2022
In 1185, after a successful revolt against the Byzantine empire, the so-called second Bulgarian k... more In 1185, after a successful revolt against the Byzantine empire, the so-called second Bulgarian kingdom was established on the territory of the former province of Paradounavon/Paristrion, that had been the first area of settlement of the Bulgars who had crossed the Danube and established their state in 681, and had become a peripheral region of the Byzantine empire after the conquests of Tzimiskes and Basil II. Even before the 1185 revolt, however, Paristrion had already begun to develop an embryonal degree of self-consciousness, although not in a 'national' way, owing to its peculiar history and ethnic composition. During the course of the 9 th-12 th century it had experienced a constant influx of invaders from the north, many of whom had in the end settled, either forcibly or after reaching an agreement with the imperial authorities. Those mixobarbaroi, half-civilized barbarians (according to the Byzantine point of view) had gradually integrated with the local population, made of Bulgarians, Vlachs, and Byzantine soldiers, settlers and administrators coming from the various provinces of the empire. When the military presence on the Danube was strong the region prospered economically, and became integrated in a vast trade network managed by Cuman and Rus' traders and raiders; but during the 12 th century the empire gradually withdrew its troops and its interest in Paristion, and this relative prosperity began to diminish. Coupled with the remembrance, in popular traditions, of the past glory and abundance of the first Bulgarian empire, and with the increasing fiscal burden that oppressed the local traders, the Paristrians gradually became convinced that their future prosperity, much like at the time of the first Bulgarian kingdom, was in their independence from the empire. Once again, this peripheral region began the centre of an independent polity that traced its roots in the past Bulgarian kingdom, but exhibited also some radically different traits.
New powers—Serbia and Bulgaria
The Routledge Handbook of East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 500–1300, 2021
Studia Ceranea 11, pp. 91–106, 2021
The paper analyses the actions of Ivanko, a Bulgarian nobleman, possibly a member of the ruling f... more The paper analyses the actions of Ivanko, a Bulgarian nobleman, possibly a member of the ruling family of the Asenides, who in 1196 killed the ruling tsar, Asen, and escaped to Constantinople once his plan to take control of the country failed. Owing to the benevolence of Alexios III Angelos, he joined the Byzantine military and very quickly rose through its ranks until he became the military commander of the region of Philippopolis. In 1198 or 1999 he defected and created an independent dominion on the slopes of the Stara Planina massif, precariously balanced between Bulgaria and the empire, exploiting to his own advantage the constant state of warfare between the two polities. His adventure was short-lived: in 1200 he was captured through deception by the Byzantines, taken prisoner, and presumably executed. While his political career was very short, his importance for the history of medieval Bulgaria is not to be underestimated. It is a testimony of the fluidity of the political situation at the Bulgaro-Byzantine border, whose instability often allowed ambitious and cunning local commanders to carve up autonomous dominions, and of the difficulties experienced by the central power in keeping control of the peripheral areas of the state. It is also proof of the constantly shifting ethnic and cultural allegiances of the citizens of those polities, entangled between different and often conflicting identities, usually regarded as irreconcilable but that were actually the object of a continuous negotiation and adjusting. Ivanko is an interesting case study in regard to all of those factors, especially when considered within the larger phenomenon of provincial separatism in the imperial (and Bulgarian) lands between the end of the 12 th and the beginning of the 13 th century.
Studia Ceranea 11, pp. 91–106, 2021
The paper analyses the actions of Ivanko, a Bulgarian nobleman, possibly a member of the ruling f... more The paper analyses the actions of Ivanko, a Bulgarian nobleman, possibly a member of the ruling family of the Asenides, who in 1196 killed the ruling tsar, Asen, and escaped to Constantinople once his plan to take control of the country failed. Owing to the benevolence of Alexios III Angelos, he joined the Byzantine military and very quickly rose through its ranks until he became the military commander of the region of Philippopolis. In 1198 or 1999 he defected and created an independent dominion on the slopes of the Stara Planina massif, precariously balanced between Bulgaria and the empire, exploiting to his own advantage the constant state of warfare between the two polities. His adventure was short-lived: in 1200 he was captured through deception by the Byzantines, taken prisoner, and presumably executed. While his political career was very short, his importance for the history of medieval Bulgaria is not to be underestimated. It is a testimony of the fluidity of the political situation at the Bulgaro-Byzantine border, whose instability often allowed ambitious and cunning local commanders to carve up autonomous dominions, and of the difficulties experienced by the central power in keeping control of the peripheral areas of the state. It is also proof of the constantly shifting ethnic and cultural allegiances of the citizens of those polities, entangled between different and often conflicting identities, usually regarded as irreconcilable but that were actually the object of a continuous negotiation and adjusting. Ivanko is an interesting case study in regard to all of those factors, especially when considered within the larger phenomenon of provincial separatism in the imperial (and Bulgarian) lands between the end of the 12 th and the beginning of the 13 th century.
Studia Ceranea 9, 2019
In the beginning of the pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216) the necessity of creating a large... more In the beginning of the pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216) the necessity of creating a large coalition for a better organization of the Fourth Crusade convinced the pope to establish diplomatic relations with Bulgaria and Serbia, and to support Hungarian expansion in Bosnia. His
aim was to surround Constantinople with a ring of states loyal to the Roman Church, thus forcing the empire to participate in the crusade. In order to achieve this result, Innocent was more than willing to put aside his concerns for strict religious orthodoxy and allow the existence, to a certain extent, of non-conforming practices and beliefs in the lands of South-eastern Europe. While this plan was successful at first, and both Bulgaria and Serbia recognized pontifical authority in exchange for political legitimization, the establishment of the so-called Latin empire of Constantinople in 1204 changed the picture. Its relations with Bulgaria were extremely conflicted, and the threat posed by Bulgaria to the very existence of the empire forced again Innocent III to a politics of compromise.
The survival of the Latin empire was of the greatest importance, since Innocent hoped to use it as a launching point for future crusades: yet, he tried until possible to maintain a conciliatory politics towards Bulgaria as well.
Nei suoi quasi venti anni di pontificato (1189-1216), Innocenzo III si trovò a dover affrontare u... more Nei suoi quasi venti anni di pontificato (1189-1216), Innocenzo III si trovò a dover affrontare una serie di situazioni di notevole importanza e difficoltà 1 . Per citare solo le più importanti basterà ricordare la disputa sulla successione imperiale, l'organizzazione di due crociate in Terrasanta e della crociata contro gli Albigesi, il quarto Concilio laterano, il riconoscimento degli ordini mendicanti, e infine il tentativo di imporre la superiorità pontificale su tutte le altre autorità contemporanee, sia religiose che laiche. Un impegno così costante ed assiduo su fronti tanto diversi gli sarebbe stato impossibile senza il sostegno di una fitta rete di messi e legati che, tra le difficoltà che è facile immaginare, avevano il compito di tenere le comunicazioni tra il pontefice e i suoi numerosissimi interlocutori. Uno di questi legati fu Giovanni da Casamari: tra il 1199 e il 1203 Innocenzo III gli affidò una serie di delicate missioni in Dalmazia, Serbia, Bosnia e Bulgaria, oltre a un'ambasceria alla corte imperiale di Costantinopoli.
Magia e astrologia in Niceta Coniata [Magic and Astrology in Nikethas Choniates], in P. Lucentini, I. Parri, V. Perrone Compagni (eds.), "Hermetism from Late Antiquity to Humanism", Brepols, Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaevalia (IPM 40), 2004, pp. 569-576
Quel che è di Cesare, quel che è di Dio: i Balcani Tra cattolicesimo, ortodossia e ragion di stato, 1185-1241
Gli studi slavistici in Italia oggi, Jan 1, 2007
In Ipsa sIlva longIssIma bulgarIae": Western chronIclers of the crusades and the bulgarIan forest... more In Ipsa sIlva longIssIma bulgarIae": Western chronIclers of the crusades and the bulgarIan forest * francesco dall' aglio/naples "del mund savum a grand espleit, trop d'une part, poy d'une endreit": "We know of the world, and at great cost, too much of one side, too few of the other" 1 . With these words the author of the anglo-norman version of the Letter of Prester John introduces the matter of his work, a fantastic account of wonders conveniently set in an indefinite region located somewhere east of europe. much has been written on the perception and on the actual knowledge that the europeans had of the east (and not only in the middle ages) 2 , and on the substantial lack of objective information about that area, a land of unparalleled marvels and as many horrors. but there is also a nearer east of europe, the balkan peninsula 3 . unfortunately, here the traveller could not expect to find hippogryphs, rivers made of precious stones or men with the heads of dogs, but more mundane and dangerous things: all the perils of the far east but none of its excitement, and no gold or spices. While, generally speaking, East is an ambivalent term, whose signified is not necessarily negative (although it often is), Balcanic is mostly synonymous with barbaric, at least for a certain kind of historiographical and political discourse. This discourse is mainly modern, if not contemporary 4 , and it would be unwise to project back to the middle ages its origins and specific features. but, as the analysis of the sources presented in this paper will hopefully prove, it may be inferred that, even in the middle ages, the image of the balkans was mainly
Ricerche slavistiche 9 (55) 2011: 55-64 FRANCESCO DALL'AGLIO QUALCHE CONSIDERAZIONE SULLA FONDAZI... more Ricerche slavistiche 9 (55) 2011: 55-64 FRANCESCO DALL'AGLIO QUALCHE CONSIDERAZIONE SULLA FONDAZIONE DEL 'SECONDO REGNO BULGARO'
In un suo celebre saggio, John Petrov Plamenatz ha espresso l'idea che il nazionalismo 'occidenta... more In un suo celebre saggio, John Petrov Plamenatz ha espresso l'idea che il nazionalismo 'occidentale' e quello 'orientale' siano due fenomeni radicalmente differenti, considerando quest'ultimo un sottoprodotto derivante non tanto da istanze locali quanto dall'imitazione di modelli estranei e più progrediti, a causa del deficit culturale dell'oriente, incapace di generare idee politiche autonome e costretto ad importarne senza però comprenderle appieno. 1 Questo tipo di nazionalismo possiede dunque caratteristiche perlopiù negative ed è intrinsecamente più violento di quello occidentale, che ha invece le sue radici nell'illuminismo e nel liberalismo. Gli sforzi dei 'risvegliatori' ottocenteschi (Plamenatz fa riferimento, in particolare, alle nazioni slave dominate da popoli di lingua tedesca), specie per quanto riguarda l'organizzazione della lingua letteraria, erano dunque finalizzati non tanto a recuperare le proprie tradizioni quanto a risolvere questa imbarazzante minorità, mediante strumenti che avrebbero permesso loro di acquisire idee e pratiche occidentali, che dovevano necessariamente venire imitate poiché non ve ne erano di proprie a disposizione. 2 Questo schema 'diffusionista', che individua un'idea di nazionalismo 'positivo' in Europa occidentale e 'negativo' in Europa orientale, deve molto all'impostazione della scuola del City College di New York negli anni immediatamente successivi alla fine del secondo conflitto mondiale; 3 _________________ 1 J. Plamenatz, Two types of nationalism, in E. Kamenka (ed.), ationalism: the nature and evolution of an idea, London, Edward Arnold, 1973, pp. 24-36. 2 Che la civiltà slava sia soltanto imitativa e non possedesse alcun elemento originale è una tesi già espressa da Germaine de Stäel (De l'Allemagne, in Oeuvres complètes, II, Paris, Denoël, 1971, pp. 6-7), oltre che da Jean-Jacques Rousseau, il cui giudizio è ancora più radicale (Contrat social, in Oeuvres complètes, II, Paris 1971, p. 534).
Organizers: Prof. Tatiana Lekova, Dipartimento di di Filologia Slava e di Lingua e Letteratura Bu... more Organizers: Prof. Tatiana Lekova, Dipartimento di di Filologia Slava e di Lingua e Letteratura Bulgara, Università degli Studi di Napoli "L'Orientale"; Dott. Giuseppe Stabile, Assegnista di Ricerca in Filologia Rumeno-Slava.