Ian Kivelin Davis | University of California, Berkeley (original) (raw)

Papers by Ian Kivelin Davis

International Journal of Communication, Jan 15, 2013

In 2006, the Al Jazeera network expanded operations into global, English-language broadcasting, b... more In 2006, the Al Jazeera network expanded operations into global, English-language broadcasting, but Al Jazeera English (AJE) has faltered in its move into North American markets. Why? This article tracks the institutional reception of AJE in North America from 2006 to 2011 using regulatory documents and industry publications to examine its organizational globalization as well as the institutional responses to this growth in the United States and Canada. Al Jazeera's expansion provides a case study of the ability of developed media markets in liberal democracies to incorporate new voices. The research suggests public policy measures to supplement public access to international news resources. There is a growing uneasiness with the informational isolation of the United States from the rest of the world. Despite a commitment to a free press and the historical role the United States has played advocating for the free flow of information in United Nations forums (Preston, Schiller, & Herman, 1989; Schiller, 1977), U.S. publics demonstrate a profound knowledge gap in international affairs. Studies of the performance of various U.S. news media in the months preceding the U.S. invasion of Iraq reinforce this view. From the mea culpa issued by The New York Times ("The Times and Iraq," 2004) to quantitative analysis of the press's presentation of debate over the case for war (Rendall & Broughel, 2003), many characterize U.S. mainstream media's role in informing the public on international matters as seriously flawed. Survey research conducted by the Program on International Policy Attitudes pinpointed precise misperceptions held by the U.S. public regarding evidence for initiating conflict (Kull, Ramsay, & Lewis, 2003). The apparent insularity of the U.S. public that allows such misperceptions has led scholars to describe the U.S. public sphere as the "great American bubble" (Iskandar, 2005; Pieterse, 2008). The fact that the U.S. public is demonstrably misinformed underscores a seeming contradiction. How can the citizens of a leading military and economic power suffer from such isolation? Particularly with the proliferation of new global news broadcasters (Cushion, 2010) and expanding circuits of communication flows through satellite transmission (Pelton, Oslund, Marshall, & Marshall, 2004), the 1 The author would like to thank Angharad Valdivia, Inger Stole and Cliff Christians for valuable insights on early versions of the manuscript.

In this dissertation, I examine news media contraflow, flows of news and information from histori... more In this dissertation, I examine news media contraflow, flows of news and information from historically underrepresented parts of the globe into advanced media systems. I assess North American governance of news media flows in light of increased availability of nonwestern news organizations. The research in the following chapters examines the cases of the Al Jazeera Network (AJ) and China Central Television (CCTV) to more fully account for transformations in the gatekeeper roles of regulatory bodies, media distribution industries and communication norms that govern North America's engagement with these emergent news providers. The proliferation of foreign news broadcasters makes examining institutions of reception-state regulators, public activist groups and distribution industries-increasingly important. Through case studies, I look, first, to recent changes in the production of international news in the neoliberal landscape of global communication. I examine significant new news content creators and identify what I call a hybrid media production model. State media enterprises are becoming savvy users of communication networks transformed by neoliberalism. In the second part of the dissertation, I outline the inchoate "foreign media policies" of the United States and Canada by analyzing the complex of law, norms and market conditions that influenced the reception of AJ and CCTV. guidance of my committee members helped at every step. John Nerone is a rare advisor, providing intellectual and personal support through tough times. Tabe Bergman, Rich Potter and a long list of other colleagues at the Institute improved the project in too many ways to note. Will Youmans, Paula Chakravartty, Arlene Luck at IJoC and a number of anonymous reviewers for the ICA, NCA, UDC and the SIU/Texas Global Fusion conferences helped refine drafts of chapters. The Association for Canadian Studies in the United States provided funding for travel to Washington, DC and Ottawa where archives and interviews expanded my understanding immeasurably. The Canadian regulatory officials, Peter Foster and Tandy Yull in particular, were giving of time and resources. I also extend gratitude to the media activists who voluntarily met with me and enriched the research. The consistent kindness I experienced during my time in Ottawa has confirmed my love of Canadians. I would also like to offer deep thanks to my father, stepmother , sister and beloved Sarah Colvert for putting up with the "diss moments" when I alternated between frantic and apathetic. When work took me away, I could trust the love of family to support me and provide childcare. Without the personal touch and understanding of family I would have lost my way. The insights of Martin Srajek also made this possible by keeping my head and soul together. In the process of my graduate studies, I was lucky to have a son. The hours we spent together huddled around apartment heat vents enabled me to dive back into research with renewed vigor. Because of that time together, I emerge from graduate student life a better person. v

The Political Economy of Communication, 2016

This article examines and critiques Canadian regulation of foreign media by focusing on a series ... more This article examines and critiques Canadian regulation of foreign media by focusing on a series of conflicts over the purpose and role of the Chinese press in Canadian society. While globalization entails increased connection across borders, introducing foreign media can also import social conflicts. In this way, national media regulators can find themselves caught up in complex and unfamiliar geopolitical contests. To illustrate how media globalization is a site of cultural struggle, I point to three cases in which Canadian authorities weighed in on the controversial Chinese-language news. Distribution decisions from these authorities tended to refuse consideration of political and economic inequalities among media stakeholders. Calling attention to these inequalities, the article asks if guiding regulatory principles of pluralism and multiculturalism are sufficient to recognize new forms of power in a more multipolar media world.

Academia Letters, 2021

Attendees of Trump's rally-turned-riot stormed the Capitol at the direction of the president. The... more Attendees of Trump's rally-turned-riot stormed the Capitol at the direction of the president. They attempted to stop Congressional certification of Joe Biden's electoral win and the peaceful transition of power that has defined American government for centuries. But many rioters seemed unprepared considering the scale of their ambitions. The apparent surprise of the rioter from Knoxville at law enforcement's response suggests many involved were animated by visions of revolution different from that of their flak-jacketed comrades. For rioters like Elizabeth, January 6th was a genteel, candy-coated revolution, closer to carnival than coup. She and others were Revolution Tourists.

Here, I critique Canadian regulation of foreign media by focusing on a series of conflicts over t... more Here, I critique Canadian regulation of foreign media by focusing on a series of conflicts over the purpose and role of the Chinese press in Canadian society. While globalization entails increased connection across borders, introducing foreign media can also import social conflicts. In this way, national media regulators can find themselves caught up in complex and unfamiliar geopolitical contests. To illustrate how media globalization is a site of cultural struggle, I point to three cases in which Canadian authorities weighed in on the controversial Chinese-language news. Distribution decisions from these authorities tended to refuse consideration of political and economic inequalities among media stakeholders. Calling attention to these inequalities, the article asks if guiding regulatory principles of pluralism and multiculturalism are sufficient to recognize new forms of power in a more multipolar media world.

Talks by Ian Kivelin Davis

This paper focuses attention on a set of historic US media policy traditions and other law/policy... more This paper focuses attention on a set of historic US media policy traditions and other law/policy that, taken together, form an incoherent "foreign media policy." Despite enshrined policy dedications to pluralism, free expression and free flow, the political-economic terrain that governs the entry of news media originating outside the United States tends to limit and suppress the diversity of news perspectives.

This paper takes a closer look at how the question of distribution, often overlooked in media stu... more This paper takes a closer look at how the question of distribution, often overlooked in media studies, defines how news travels between and among national settings. Questions about distribution will increasingly define what information national publics will receive and what news looks like in the 21st century.

Though Al Jazeera's early bid to enter the United States television system was halting, noncommer... more Though Al Jazeera's early bid to enter the United States television system was halting, noncommercial avenues permitted the news provider early exposure to American audiences hungry for in-depth international news. This analysis examines how Al Jazeera used these noncommercial sectors as a means to overcome steep barriers to entry that define US commercial media distribution economics.

An overview of Canadian media regulation of foreign news content, 2000-2009.

Analysis of Canadian regulation of Chinese news and a study of stakeholders involved in debating ... more Analysis of Canadian regulation of Chinese news and a study of stakeholders involved in debating the value of foreign news in the Canadian public sphere.

Analysis of Al-Jazeera English's initial bid for entry into US markets: politics, markets and bar... more Analysis of Al-Jazeera English's initial bid for entry into US markets: politics, markets and barriers to entry

Network analysis of interconnectivity between major, web-based global news providers in English.

Drafts by Ian Kivelin Davis

NYP

Russia has received a lot of attention from the American press and government agencies since "med... more Russia has received a lot of attention from the American press and government agencies since "meddling" in the United States' 2016 electoral process. Using new media, Russian groups succeeded in disrupting and otherwise influencing American public opinion, aiming to polarize the public and undermine democratic processes. The Kremlin-produced English-language news station, RT, is usually treated as an afterthought considering Russia's multi-faceted influence campaigns. But little is known about RT's American audiences. Who are these Americans who choose Russian news? What motivates them? According to new media performance measurements, RT has an outsized online presence, tapping new media tools to gain audiences. New distribution opportunities allowed Russian media to circumvent the high economic barriers to entry that, for years, effectively guarded US media markets. But RT is disruptive in another, more politically salient way. The channel advertises itself as a means to escape biased, mainstream media deceptions and omissions. 1 If brand messaging is any indication, RT courts Americans skeptical of mainstream media and critical of American foreign policy. To date, this audience, its size, its political contours, and its motivations are sources of speculation but remain undefined. This research seeks to better define RT's audiences using surveys of American foreign news users. This proposal outlines the rationale for investigating Russia's American viewers by reviewing research on RT's content and the strategic aims of Russia to formulate testable hypotheses about RT's American viewers.

Media in the Middle, 2020

Journalism is ostensibly a fact-based profession. So how can journalists cover political movement... more Journalism is ostensibly a fact-based profession. So how can journalists cover political movements that deal in symbols and metaphor? I argue we must more fully recognize how American politics has become a game of cultural signifiers. Understanding how elite newsrooms are reluctant to recognize the symbolic languages of American citizenry helps explain the rise in media skepticism that defined the Trump era.

International Journal of Communication, Jan 15, 2013

In 2006, the Al Jazeera network expanded operations into global, English-language broadcasting, b... more In 2006, the Al Jazeera network expanded operations into global, English-language broadcasting, but Al Jazeera English (AJE) has faltered in its move into North American markets. Why? This article tracks the institutional reception of AJE in North America from 2006 to 2011 using regulatory documents and industry publications to examine its organizational globalization as well as the institutional responses to this growth in the United States and Canada. Al Jazeera's expansion provides a case study of the ability of developed media markets in liberal democracies to incorporate new voices. The research suggests public policy measures to supplement public access to international news resources. There is a growing uneasiness with the informational isolation of the United States from the rest of the world. Despite a commitment to a free press and the historical role the United States has played advocating for the free flow of information in United Nations forums (Preston, Schiller, & Herman, 1989; Schiller, 1977), U.S. publics demonstrate a profound knowledge gap in international affairs. Studies of the performance of various U.S. news media in the months preceding the U.S. invasion of Iraq reinforce this view. From the mea culpa issued by The New York Times ("The Times and Iraq," 2004) to quantitative analysis of the press's presentation of debate over the case for war (Rendall & Broughel, 2003), many characterize U.S. mainstream media's role in informing the public on international matters as seriously flawed. Survey research conducted by the Program on International Policy Attitudes pinpointed precise misperceptions held by the U.S. public regarding evidence for initiating conflict (Kull, Ramsay, & Lewis, 2003). The apparent insularity of the U.S. public that allows such misperceptions has led scholars to describe the U.S. public sphere as the "great American bubble" (Iskandar, 2005; Pieterse, 2008). The fact that the U.S. public is demonstrably misinformed underscores a seeming contradiction. How can the citizens of a leading military and economic power suffer from such isolation? Particularly with the proliferation of new global news broadcasters (Cushion, 2010) and expanding circuits of communication flows through satellite transmission (Pelton, Oslund, Marshall, & Marshall, 2004), the 1 The author would like to thank Angharad Valdivia, Inger Stole and Cliff Christians for valuable insights on early versions of the manuscript.

In this dissertation, I examine news media contraflow, flows of news and information from histori... more In this dissertation, I examine news media contraflow, flows of news and information from historically underrepresented parts of the globe into advanced media systems. I assess North American governance of news media flows in light of increased availability of nonwestern news organizations. The research in the following chapters examines the cases of the Al Jazeera Network (AJ) and China Central Television (CCTV) to more fully account for transformations in the gatekeeper roles of regulatory bodies, media distribution industries and communication norms that govern North America's engagement with these emergent news providers. The proliferation of foreign news broadcasters makes examining institutions of reception-state regulators, public activist groups and distribution industries-increasingly important. Through case studies, I look, first, to recent changes in the production of international news in the neoliberal landscape of global communication. I examine significant new news content creators and identify what I call a hybrid media production model. State media enterprises are becoming savvy users of communication networks transformed by neoliberalism. In the second part of the dissertation, I outline the inchoate "foreign media policies" of the United States and Canada by analyzing the complex of law, norms and market conditions that influenced the reception of AJ and CCTV. guidance of my committee members helped at every step. John Nerone is a rare advisor, providing intellectual and personal support through tough times. Tabe Bergman, Rich Potter and a long list of other colleagues at the Institute improved the project in too many ways to note. Will Youmans, Paula Chakravartty, Arlene Luck at IJoC and a number of anonymous reviewers for the ICA, NCA, UDC and the SIU/Texas Global Fusion conferences helped refine drafts of chapters. The Association for Canadian Studies in the United States provided funding for travel to Washington, DC and Ottawa where archives and interviews expanded my understanding immeasurably. The Canadian regulatory officials, Peter Foster and Tandy Yull in particular, were giving of time and resources. I also extend gratitude to the media activists who voluntarily met with me and enriched the research. The consistent kindness I experienced during my time in Ottawa has confirmed my love of Canadians. I would also like to offer deep thanks to my father, stepmother , sister and beloved Sarah Colvert for putting up with the "diss moments" when I alternated between frantic and apathetic. When work took me away, I could trust the love of family to support me and provide childcare. Without the personal touch and understanding of family I would have lost my way. The insights of Martin Srajek also made this possible by keeping my head and soul together. In the process of my graduate studies, I was lucky to have a son. The hours we spent together huddled around apartment heat vents enabled me to dive back into research with renewed vigor. Because of that time together, I emerge from graduate student life a better person. v

The Political Economy of Communication, 2016

This article examines and critiques Canadian regulation of foreign media by focusing on a series ... more This article examines and critiques Canadian regulation of foreign media by focusing on a series of conflicts over the purpose and role of the Chinese press in Canadian society. While globalization entails increased connection across borders, introducing foreign media can also import social conflicts. In this way, national media regulators can find themselves caught up in complex and unfamiliar geopolitical contests. To illustrate how media globalization is a site of cultural struggle, I point to three cases in which Canadian authorities weighed in on the controversial Chinese-language news. Distribution decisions from these authorities tended to refuse consideration of political and economic inequalities among media stakeholders. Calling attention to these inequalities, the article asks if guiding regulatory principles of pluralism and multiculturalism are sufficient to recognize new forms of power in a more multipolar media world.

Academia Letters, 2021

Attendees of Trump's rally-turned-riot stormed the Capitol at the direction of the president. The... more Attendees of Trump's rally-turned-riot stormed the Capitol at the direction of the president. They attempted to stop Congressional certification of Joe Biden's electoral win and the peaceful transition of power that has defined American government for centuries. But many rioters seemed unprepared considering the scale of their ambitions. The apparent surprise of the rioter from Knoxville at law enforcement's response suggests many involved were animated by visions of revolution different from that of their flak-jacketed comrades. For rioters like Elizabeth, January 6th was a genteel, candy-coated revolution, closer to carnival than coup. She and others were Revolution Tourists.

Here, I critique Canadian regulation of foreign media by focusing on a series of conflicts over t... more Here, I critique Canadian regulation of foreign media by focusing on a series of conflicts over the purpose and role of the Chinese press in Canadian society. While globalization entails increased connection across borders, introducing foreign media can also import social conflicts. In this way, national media regulators can find themselves caught up in complex and unfamiliar geopolitical contests. To illustrate how media globalization is a site of cultural struggle, I point to three cases in which Canadian authorities weighed in on the controversial Chinese-language news. Distribution decisions from these authorities tended to refuse consideration of political and economic inequalities among media stakeholders. Calling attention to these inequalities, the article asks if guiding regulatory principles of pluralism and multiculturalism are sufficient to recognize new forms of power in a more multipolar media world.

This paper focuses attention on a set of historic US media policy traditions and other law/policy... more This paper focuses attention on a set of historic US media policy traditions and other law/policy that, taken together, form an incoherent "foreign media policy." Despite enshrined policy dedications to pluralism, free expression and free flow, the political-economic terrain that governs the entry of news media originating outside the United States tends to limit and suppress the diversity of news perspectives.

This paper takes a closer look at how the question of distribution, often overlooked in media stu... more This paper takes a closer look at how the question of distribution, often overlooked in media studies, defines how news travels between and among national settings. Questions about distribution will increasingly define what information national publics will receive and what news looks like in the 21st century.

Though Al Jazeera's early bid to enter the United States television system was halting, noncommer... more Though Al Jazeera's early bid to enter the United States television system was halting, noncommercial avenues permitted the news provider early exposure to American audiences hungry for in-depth international news. This analysis examines how Al Jazeera used these noncommercial sectors as a means to overcome steep barriers to entry that define US commercial media distribution economics.

An overview of Canadian media regulation of foreign news content, 2000-2009.

Analysis of Canadian regulation of Chinese news and a study of stakeholders involved in debating ... more Analysis of Canadian regulation of Chinese news and a study of stakeholders involved in debating the value of foreign news in the Canadian public sphere.

Analysis of Al-Jazeera English's initial bid for entry into US markets: politics, markets and bar... more Analysis of Al-Jazeera English's initial bid for entry into US markets: politics, markets and barriers to entry

Network analysis of interconnectivity between major, web-based global news providers in English.

NYP

Russia has received a lot of attention from the American press and government agencies since "med... more Russia has received a lot of attention from the American press and government agencies since "meddling" in the United States' 2016 electoral process. Using new media, Russian groups succeeded in disrupting and otherwise influencing American public opinion, aiming to polarize the public and undermine democratic processes. The Kremlin-produced English-language news station, RT, is usually treated as an afterthought considering Russia's multi-faceted influence campaigns. But little is known about RT's American audiences. Who are these Americans who choose Russian news? What motivates them? According to new media performance measurements, RT has an outsized online presence, tapping new media tools to gain audiences. New distribution opportunities allowed Russian media to circumvent the high economic barriers to entry that, for years, effectively guarded US media markets. But RT is disruptive in another, more politically salient way. The channel advertises itself as a means to escape biased, mainstream media deceptions and omissions. 1 If brand messaging is any indication, RT courts Americans skeptical of mainstream media and critical of American foreign policy. To date, this audience, its size, its political contours, and its motivations are sources of speculation but remain undefined. This research seeks to better define RT's audiences using surveys of American foreign news users. This proposal outlines the rationale for investigating Russia's American viewers by reviewing research on RT's content and the strategic aims of Russia to formulate testable hypotheses about RT's American viewers.

Media in the Middle, 2020

Journalism is ostensibly a fact-based profession. So how can journalists cover political movement... more Journalism is ostensibly a fact-based profession. So how can journalists cover political movements that deal in symbols and metaphor? I argue we must more fully recognize how American politics has become a game of cultural signifiers. Understanding how elite newsrooms are reluctant to recognize the symbolic languages of American citizenry helps explain the rise in media skepticism that defined the Trump era.