Markus Bayer | Bonn International Center for Conversion (original) (raw)

Papers by Markus Bayer

Perspectives on Politics, 2020

Mainstream political science literature on clientelism tends to focus on its supply side and on v... more Mainstream political science literature on clientelism tends to focus on its supply side and on vote-buying, whereas ethnographic work often emphasizes client agency and incentives and paints a more diverse image of clientelism. We bridge the gap between these literatures by conducting a meta-analysis of ethnographic literature on clientelism from the client perspective. We code characteristics of clientelistic exchanges described in this work. We use cluster analysis and principal component analysis to systematize these data. Cluster analysis groups exchanges into three core subtypes of clientelism (“vote-buying”, “relational”, and “collective”); principal component analysis delivers two fundamental dimensions of clientelism: equal-unequal and individual-universal. We show that the two dimensions are associated with different aspects of client welfare and trade-offs from the client perspective. Our results reaffirm and reconcile existing deductive typologies of clientelism and can ...

This paper proposes a theoretically grounded and methodologically rigorous operationalization of ... more This paper proposes a theoretically grounded and methodologically rigorous operationalization of state collapse. It seeks to overcome several key deficits of research into fragile, failed and collapsed states which is often criticized as normatively problematic and methodologically deficient. We argue that this is a worthwhile topic to study but that scholarly inquiry needs to become more systematic and focus on extreme cases of state collapse. Following a Weberian institutionalist tradition, we disaggregate statehood into three dimensions: the state's capacity to make and enforce binding rules, to monopolize the means of violence and to collect taxes. Using a methodological framework by Gary Goertz, we then propose a set of indicators as well as a mode of aggregation based on necessary and sufficient conditions. In the end, we identify 17 cases of state collapse in the post-colonial era that meet our criteria. * This research was made possible by the generous funding of the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft). We thank Christian Tischmeyer, Laura Blomenkemper and Simon von Dahlen for their research assistance.

Measuring militarisation is complex. Since 2003 and retrospectively up to 1990, BICC has been mea... more Measuring militarisation is complex. Since 2003 and retrospectively up to 1990, BICC has been measuring militarisation worldwide with the Global Militarisation Index (GMI). The GMI’s approach is resource-based and measures the level of militarisation of a society by its allocation of resources by the state to the military in relation with other areas of society. By measuring the level of militarisation and the resulting time series annually, processes of militarisation or demilitarisation of societies and regions can be mapped. In this Working Paper, for the first time, the authors present the Codebook which underpins the GMI. They also discuss the current methodology and possible additions in view of the changing framework conditions and new data sources. In particular, they discuss the inclusion of novel weapons systems but also the vision of a multi-dimensional concept of militarisation

Peacebuilding, 2017

Abstract This article analyses economies of entitlement after violent conflicts and the challenge... more Abstract This article analyses economies of entitlement after violent conflicts and the challenges for post-conflict peacebuilding and democratic transition arising from them. Based on two case studies of post-genocide Rwanda and post-independence Namibia, the study shows that entitlement claims premised on heroism or victimhood are important phenomena after political violence that confront peacebuilding efforts with serious dilemmas. Examining the psychological roots of entitlement and their manifestations in the wake of political violence, this article argues that entitlements targeting only particular groups of victims or heroes challenge democratic principles such as equality and citizenship and, eventually, undermine peace and social justice. The contribution tries to enrich the peacebuilding debate by, first, considering feelings of entitlement as an element of post-conflict dynamics, second, introducing the ‘hero’ as important actor in post-conflict settings, and third, discussing some effects of the rise of victimhood as core category in internationalised post-conflict contexts.

Journal of Resistance Studies, 2020

Nonviolent resistance (NVR) is being used successfully as a strategy to depose dictators and achi... more Nonviolent resistance (NVR) is being used successfully as a strategy to depose dictators and achieve political change around the globe. This study explores how NVR not only advances democratic transition but also has a long-term effect on political power relations after transition. Bringing together the literatures on nonviolent resistance and political regimes we develop a framework to analyze the effects of different modes of resistance on post-transition power relations in four different aspects: cabinet politics, party politics, peaceful turnover of power, and the political influence of civil society. Based on the in-depth analysis of two African democracies (Namibia and Benin), each resulting from a different mode of transition, we show that NVR levels the political playing field by fostering frequent of elite replacement among government ministers, increasing the chances for peaceful political turnovers, inducing a more competitive and diverse party system, and creating a more inclusive environment for civil society organizations.

Mainstream political science literature on clientelism has evolved quite separately from the ethn... more Mainstream political science literature on clientelism has evolved quite separately from the ethnographic literature on the topic. Mainstream literature tends to emphasize the negative impact of clientelism, to focus on vote buying, and to study the supply side of clientelism. In contrast, ethnographic literature often emphasizes the clients` agency and incentives, shows the diversity of clientelistic exchanges, and paints a less negative and more diverse image of clientelism. This paper seeks to bridge the gap between the two strands of literature by developing an inductive framework of clientelism from the clients` perspective. We undertake a systematic review of ethnographic literature that feature the client perspective. This delivers forty ethnographic articles on different world regions describing sixty different clientelistic exchanges. We apply a coding scheme that records the characteristics and welfare aspects of these exchanges. We use cluster analysis and principal component analysis to systematize these data. The cluster analysis delivers three main meaningful subtypes of clientelism, which we label as vote-buying, relational, and collective clientelism. The principal component analysis delivers two fundamental dimensions of clientelism, which we label "vertical" and "horizontal". Subtypes are placed sensibly into these two dimensions. Moreover, the two dimensions are associated with different aspects of client welfare. We propose that the vertical and horizontal dimensions of clientelism are associated to different trade-offs from the client point of view, implying that different types of clientelism have different drivers.

SSRN Electronic Journal, 2000

Third World Quarterly, 2015

SSRN Electronic Journal, 2000

Angesichts der aktuellen Lage in Afghanistan und dem Irak scheint Skepsis angebracht, ob Demokrat... more Angesichts der aktuellen Lage in Afghanistan und dem Irak scheint Skepsis angebracht, ob Demokratie und Frieden durch externe militärische Interventionen installiert und dauerhaft konsolidiert werden können. Aufbauend auf aktuellen Forschungsergebnissen zu Widerstandsbewegungen und Demokratisierung entwickelt der Artikel ein Plädoyer für zivile Demokratieförderung. Zwei empirische Befunde aus historisch-vergleichenden Studien dienen dabei als Grundlage der Argumentation: Erstens führen friedliche Widerstandsbewegungen mit höherer Wahrscheinlichkeit als gewaltsame Rebellionen zum Sturz von Diktatoren . Zweitens erweisen sich Demokratien, die aus friedlichen Widerstandsbewegungen entstanden sind, als stabiler und langlebiger als solche, die aus gewaltsamem Widerstand entstanden oder von den autokratischen Eliten selbst initiiert wurden.

Research suggests that nonviolent resistance (NVR) campaigns are more successful in deposing dict... more Research suggests that nonviolent resistance (NVR) campaigns are more successful in deposing dictators than armed rebellions. However, ousting dictators is only the first step in the process of democratization. After deposing an autocratic regime, societies enter a transition phase where they must learn to consolidate the gains of democracy and bargain about the new rules of the democratic regime. But even if free, fair, and competitive elections are held, which indicate a successful transition to democratic rule, uncertainty about its stability remains salient. In the period that follows, democracy either survives and proves to be resilient, or an autocratic backlash occurs. In this article, we analyze the effect of NVR campaigns on the survival of democratic regimes.

Das Paper diskutiert die Frage nach dem kritischen Potential und gesellschaftlichen Nutzen der de... more Das Paper diskutiert die Frage nach dem kritischen Potential und gesellschaftlichen Nutzen der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung (FuK) und geht dabei von einer besonderen Relevanz der Institutionalisierung der FuK als wissenschaftliche Disziplin aus. Aufbauend auf einem bourdieuschen Wissenschaftsverständnis lassen sich seine Beobachtungen bezüglich der Auswirkungen der Institutionalisierung der ‚unangenehmen’ Wissenschaft Soziologie auf die heutige FuK übertragen.
Unsere These ist, dass der Etablierungswunsch der deutschen FuK als Wissenschaft zu einer „Maskierung“ (Bourdieu 1993) bzw. zu Anpassungstendenzen an die Spielregeln des (internationalisierten) Wissenschaftsfeldes geführt hat, welche letztendlich die Marginalisierung des kritischen Potentials zur Folge haben. Dies lässt sich in a) der Absage an den weiten Friedensbegriff, b) einer thematischen Verengung und c) einem Adressatenwechsel beobachten.
Wir plädieren daher für eine Revitalisierung des kritischen Potentials der FuK innerhalb des wissen-schaftlichen Feldes. Dafür müsste die FuK zum einen das bourdieusche Prinzip einer konsequenten Selbstreflexion ernst nehmen und zum anderen eine konsequente Revitalisierung interdisziplinärer Offenheit der Forschung für den Frieden betreiben.

Drafts by Markus Bayer

Nonviolent resistance against autocratic regimes tends to have a democratic dividend. Resulting d... more Nonviolent resistance against autocratic regimes tends to have a democratic dividend. Resulting democracies have proven more inclusive and stable than their competitors coming about by violent means or by top-down liberalization. However, to date, we know little about the mechanisms that seem to link both phenomena, nonviolent resistance and democratic consolidation. Using explorative process tracing, the paper analyzes the case of the lesser known, so-called ‘Renouveau Démocratique’, the peaceful transition in Benin in 1989. The results show that the nonviolent resistance in Benin led to the establishment of an inclusive national conference, which became the founding narrative for the new democracy and stabilizes the democratic institutions.
The founding narrative also led to an active civil society that till today takes its role as watchdog seriously whenever the political elites tend to deviate from the democratic path. However, the example of Benin also shows that democratization without economic development has some severe limitations. The democratic quality suffers from the persistent culture of patronage and corruption, endangering the democratic spirit and preventing the institutionalization of civic democratic institutions.

Dealing with the legacies of violent pasts has become an integral part of post-conflict peacebuil... more Dealing with the legacies of violent pasts has become an integral part of post-conflict peacebuilding and democratic transition processes. Thereby, addressing questions of justice arising from past violence is considered a necessary precondition for peaceful and stable societies. Within this context, and backed by the rise of international human rights law, questions of victims’ entitlements have gained increasing importance in recent years. However, political violence also produces heroes claiming rewards for their actions in form of entitlements. Taking a look at the psychological roots of entitlement processes in general and after political violence in particular, this article argues that entitlements only targeting particular victim or hero groups might be adequate to address specific demands but do not necessarily create a just and stable society. Instead, they often unleash economies of entitlement leading to fragmented societies organized in factions of interests groups.

Being “born” as a National Liberation Movement fighting for the national independence in 1960, th... more Being “born” as a National Liberation Movement fighting for the national independence in 1960, the South West African People’s Organization just celebrated its 56th birthday. From a National Liberation Movement it transformed itself into a political party in 1989 and became a Liberation Movement in office in 1990. Since then, Swapo ruled Namibia with growing voter support and became a dominant party.
However, despite Swapo’s absolute electoral dominance, its rule might be endangered. Parts of the Parties own Youth League formed the so called Affirmative Repositioning (AR) Movement openly criticizing the Party and its representatives and questioning the authority of the old guard. Recurring to the literature on dominant party systems, this article seeks to shed light on the nature and future development of the democratic system in Namibia. It therefore especially takes into account Swapo’s historical role as a National Liberation Movement and its capacity to uphold the narrative of Swapo as “harbinger of hope” and “sole and authentic representative” of the Namibian people.

Die Bilder ähneln sich: protestierende Menschenmassen mit bunten Fahnen und Plakaten sammeln sich... more Die Bilder ähneln sich: protestierende Menschenmassen mit bunten Fahnen und Plakaten sammeln sich auf zentralen Straßen und Plätzen. Sie erheben Forderungen gegen Korruption, für ein Leben in Freiheit und Würde, für mehr Mitbestimmung oder gar das Ende eines Regimes. Straßenproteste und Demonstrationen in urbanen Zentren – zumeist Hauptstädten – haben in den letzten Jahren Kontinente übergreifend zahlreiche Länder bewegt. Dieser Beitrag skizziert, warum Städte dabei eine besondere Relevanz und Dynamik als Konfliktraum aufweisen. Anhand der drei von Sharp eingeführten Kategorien gewaltfreien Widerstandes wird deutlich, wodurch die Stadt mit ihren Spezifika diesen Modus der Konfliktaustragung begünstigt.

Book Reviews by Markus Bayer

Books by Markus Bayer

Democratic Citizenship in Flux Conceptions of Citizenship in the Light of Political and Social Fragmentation, 2021

Traditionally, citizenship has been defined as the legal and political link between individuals a... more Traditionally, citizenship has been defined as the legal and political link between individuals and their democratic political community. However, traditional conceptions of democratic citizenship are currently challenged by various developments like migration, the rise of populism, increasing polarization, social fragmentation, and the challenging of representative democracy as well as developments in digital communication technology. Against this background, this peer reviewed book reflects recent conceptions of citizenship by bringing together insights from different disciplines, such as political science, sociology, economics, law, and history.

Perspectives on Politics, 2020

Mainstream political science literature on clientelism tends to focus on its supply side and on v... more Mainstream political science literature on clientelism tends to focus on its supply side and on vote-buying, whereas ethnographic work often emphasizes client agency and incentives and paints a more diverse image of clientelism. We bridge the gap between these literatures by conducting a meta-analysis of ethnographic literature on clientelism from the client perspective. We code characteristics of clientelistic exchanges described in this work. We use cluster analysis and principal component analysis to systematize these data. Cluster analysis groups exchanges into three core subtypes of clientelism (“vote-buying”, “relational”, and “collective”); principal component analysis delivers two fundamental dimensions of clientelism: equal-unequal and individual-universal. We show that the two dimensions are associated with different aspects of client welfare and trade-offs from the client perspective. Our results reaffirm and reconcile existing deductive typologies of clientelism and can ...

This paper proposes a theoretically grounded and methodologically rigorous operationalization of ... more This paper proposes a theoretically grounded and methodologically rigorous operationalization of state collapse. It seeks to overcome several key deficits of research into fragile, failed and collapsed states which is often criticized as normatively problematic and methodologically deficient. We argue that this is a worthwhile topic to study but that scholarly inquiry needs to become more systematic and focus on extreme cases of state collapse. Following a Weberian institutionalist tradition, we disaggregate statehood into three dimensions: the state's capacity to make and enforce binding rules, to monopolize the means of violence and to collect taxes. Using a methodological framework by Gary Goertz, we then propose a set of indicators as well as a mode of aggregation based on necessary and sufficient conditions. In the end, we identify 17 cases of state collapse in the post-colonial era that meet our criteria. * This research was made possible by the generous funding of the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft). We thank Christian Tischmeyer, Laura Blomenkemper and Simon von Dahlen for their research assistance.

Measuring militarisation is complex. Since 2003 and retrospectively up to 1990, BICC has been mea... more Measuring militarisation is complex. Since 2003 and retrospectively up to 1990, BICC has been measuring militarisation worldwide with the Global Militarisation Index (GMI). The GMI’s approach is resource-based and measures the level of militarisation of a society by its allocation of resources by the state to the military in relation with other areas of society. By measuring the level of militarisation and the resulting time series annually, processes of militarisation or demilitarisation of societies and regions can be mapped. In this Working Paper, for the first time, the authors present the Codebook which underpins the GMI. They also discuss the current methodology and possible additions in view of the changing framework conditions and new data sources. In particular, they discuss the inclusion of novel weapons systems but also the vision of a multi-dimensional concept of militarisation

Peacebuilding, 2017

Abstract This article analyses economies of entitlement after violent conflicts and the challenge... more Abstract This article analyses economies of entitlement after violent conflicts and the challenges for post-conflict peacebuilding and democratic transition arising from them. Based on two case studies of post-genocide Rwanda and post-independence Namibia, the study shows that entitlement claims premised on heroism or victimhood are important phenomena after political violence that confront peacebuilding efforts with serious dilemmas. Examining the psychological roots of entitlement and their manifestations in the wake of political violence, this article argues that entitlements targeting only particular groups of victims or heroes challenge democratic principles such as equality and citizenship and, eventually, undermine peace and social justice. The contribution tries to enrich the peacebuilding debate by, first, considering feelings of entitlement as an element of post-conflict dynamics, second, introducing the ‘hero’ as important actor in post-conflict settings, and third, discussing some effects of the rise of victimhood as core category in internationalised post-conflict contexts.

Journal of Resistance Studies, 2020

Nonviolent resistance (NVR) is being used successfully as a strategy to depose dictators and achi... more Nonviolent resistance (NVR) is being used successfully as a strategy to depose dictators and achieve political change around the globe. This study explores how NVR not only advances democratic transition but also has a long-term effect on political power relations after transition. Bringing together the literatures on nonviolent resistance and political regimes we develop a framework to analyze the effects of different modes of resistance on post-transition power relations in four different aspects: cabinet politics, party politics, peaceful turnover of power, and the political influence of civil society. Based on the in-depth analysis of two African democracies (Namibia and Benin), each resulting from a different mode of transition, we show that NVR levels the political playing field by fostering frequent of elite replacement among government ministers, increasing the chances for peaceful political turnovers, inducing a more competitive and diverse party system, and creating a more inclusive environment for civil society organizations.

Mainstream political science literature on clientelism has evolved quite separately from the ethn... more Mainstream political science literature on clientelism has evolved quite separately from the ethnographic literature on the topic. Mainstream literature tends to emphasize the negative impact of clientelism, to focus on vote buying, and to study the supply side of clientelism. In contrast, ethnographic literature often emphasizes the clients` agency and incentives, shows the diversity of clientelistic exchanges, and paints a less negative and more diverse image of clientelism. This paper seeks to bridge the gap between the two strands of literature by developing an inductive framework of clientelism from the clients` perspective. We undertake a systematic review of ethnographic literature that feature the client perspective. This delivers forty ethnographic articles on different world regions describing sixty different clientelistic exchanges. We apply a coding scheme that records the characteristics and welfare aspects of these exchanges. We use cluster analysis and principal component analysis to systematize these data. The cluster analysis delivers three main meaningful subtypes of clientelism, which we label as vote-buying, relational, and collective clientelism. The principal component analysis delivers two fundamental dimensions of clientelism, which we label "vertical" and "horizontal". Subtypes are placed sensibly into these two dimensions. Moreover, the two dimensions are associated with different aspects of client welfare. We propose that the vertical and horizontal dimensions of clientelism are associated to different trade-offs from the client point of view, implying that different types of clientelism have different drivers.

SSRN Electronic Journal, 2000

Third World Quarterly, 2015

SSRN Electronic Journal, 2000

Angesichts der aktuellen Lage in Afghanistan und dem Irak scheint Skepsis angebracht, ob Demokrat... more Angesichts der aktuellen Lage in Afghanistan und dem Irak scheint Skepsis angebracht, ob Demokratie und Frieden durch externe militärische Interventionen installiert und dauerhaft konsolidiert werden können. Aufbauend auf aktuellen Forschungsergebnissen zu Widerstandsbewegungen und Demokratisierung entwickelt der Artikel ein Plädoyer für zivile Demokratieförderung. Zwei empirische Befunde aus historisch-vergleichenden Studien dienen dabei als Grundlage der Argumentation: Erstens führen friedliche Widerstandsbewegungen mit höherer Wahrscheinlichkeit als gewaltsame Rebellionen zum Sturz von Diktatoren . Zweitens erweisen sich Demokratien, die aus friedlichen Widerstandsbewegungen entstanden sind, als stabiler und langlebiger als solche, die aus gewaltsamem Widerstand entstanden oder von den autokratischen Eliten selbst initiiert wurden.

Research suggests that nonviolent resistance (NVR) campaigns are more successful in deposing dict... more Research suggests that nonviolent resistance (NVR) campaigns are more successful in deposing dictators than armed rebellions. However, ousting dictators is only the first step in the process of democratization. After deposing an autocratic regime, societies enter a transition phase where they must learn to consolidate the gains of democracy and bargain about the new rules of the democratic regime. But even if free, fair, and competitive elections are held, which indicate a successful transition to democratic rule, uncertainty about its stability remains salient. In the period that follows, democracy either survives and proves to be resilient, or an autocratic backlash occurs. In this article, we analyze the effect of NVR campaigns on the survival of democratic regimes.

Das Paper diskutiert die Frage nach dem kritischen Potential und gesellschaftlichen Nutzen der de... more Das Paper diskutiert die Frage nach dem kritischen Potential und gesellschaftlichen Nutzen der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung (FuK) und geht dabei von einer besonderen Relevanz der Institutionalisierung der FuK als wissenschaftliche Disziplin aus. Aufbauend auf einem bourdieuschen Wissenschaftsverständnis lassen sich seine Beobachtungen bezüglich der Auswirkungen der Institutionalisierung der ‚unangenehmen’ Wissenschaft Soziologie auf die heutige FuK übertragen.
Unsere These ist, dass der Etablierungswunsch der deutschen FuK als Wissenschaft zu einer „Maskierung“ (Bourdieu 1993) bzw. zu Anpassungstendenzen an die Spielregeln des (internationalisierten) Wissenschaftsfeldes geführt hat, welche letztendlich die Marginalisierung des kritischen Potentials zur Folge haben. Dies lässt sich in a) der Absage an den weiten Friedensbegriff, b) einer thematischen Verengung und c) einem Adressatenwechsel beobachten.
Wir plädieren daher für eine Revitalisierung des kritischen Potentials der FuK innerhalb des wissen-schaftlichen Feldes. Dafür müsste die FuK zum einen das bourdieusche Prinzip einer konsequenten Selbstreflexion ernst nehmen und zum anderen eine konsequente Revitalisierung interdisziplinärer Offenheit der Forschung für den Frieden betreiben.

Nonviolent resistance against autocratic regimes tends to have a democratic dividend. Resulting d... more Nonviolent resistance against autocratic regimes tends to have a democratic dividend. Resulting democracies have proven more inclusive and stable than their competitors coming about by violent means or by top-down liberalization. However, to date, we know little about the mechanisms that seem to link both phenomena, nonviolent resistance and democratic consolidation. Using explorative process tracing, the paper analyzes the case of the lesser known, so-called ‘Renouveau Démocratique’, the peaceful transition in Benin in 1989. The results show that the nonviolent resistance in Benin led to the establishment of an inclusive national conference, which became the founding narrative for the new democracy and stabilizes the democratic institutions.
The founding narrative also led to an active civil society that till today takes its role as watchdog seriously whenever the political elites tend to deviate from the democratic path. However, the example of Benin also shows that democratization without economic development has some severe limitations. The democratic quality suffers from the persistent culture of patronage and corruption, endangering the democratic spirit and preventing the institutionalization of civic democratic institutions.

Dealing with the legacies of violent pasts has become an integral part of post-conflict peacebuil... more Dealing with the legacies of violent pasts has become an integral part of post-conflict peacebuilding and democratic transition processes. Thereby, addressing questions of justice arising from past violence is considered a necessary precondition for peaceful and stable societies. Within this context, and backed by the rise of international human rights law, questions of victims’ entitlements have gained increasing importance in recent years. However, political violence also produces heroes claiming rewards for their actions in form of entitlements. Taking a look at the psychological roots of entitlement processes in general and after political violence in particular, this article argues that entitlements only targeting particular victim or hero groups might be adequate to address specific demands but do not necessarily create a just and stable society. Instead, they often unleash economies of entitlement leading to fragmented societies organized in factions of interests groups.

Being “born” as a National Liberation Movement fighting for the national independence in 1960, th... more Being “born” as a National Liberation Movement fighting for the national independence in 1960, the South West African People’s Organization just celebrated its 56th birthday. From a National Liberation Movement it transformed itself into a political party in 1989 and became a Liberation Movement in office in 1990. Since then, Swapo ruled Namibia with growing voter support and became a dominant party.
However, despite Swapo’s absolute electoral dominance, its rule might be endangered. Parts of the Parties own Youth League formed the so called Affirmative Repositioning (AR) Movement openly criticizing the Party and its representatives and questioning the authority of the old guard. Recurring to the literature on dominant party systems, this article seeks to shed light on the nature and future development of the democratic system in Namibia. It therefore especially takes into account Swapo’s historical role as a National Liberation Movement and its capacity to uphold the narrative of Swapo as “harbinger of hope” and “sole and authentic representative” of the Namibian people.

Die Bilder ähneln sich: protestierende Menschenmassen mit bunten Fahnen und Plakaten sammeln sich... more Die Bilder ähneln sich: protestierende Menschenmassen mit bunten Fahnen und Plakaten sammeln sich auf zentralen Straßen und Plätzen. Sie erheben Forderungen gegen Korruption, für ein Leben in Freiheit und Würde, für mehr Mitbestimmung oder gar das Ende eines Regimes. Straßenproteste und Demonstrationen in urbanen Zentren – zumeist Hauptstädten – haben in den letzten Jahren Kontinente übergreifend zahlreiche Länder bewegt. Dieser Beitrag skizziert, warum Städte dabei eine besondere Relevanz und Dynamik als Konfliktraum aufweisen. Anhand der drei von Sharp eingeführten Kategorien gewaltfreien Widerstandes wird deutlich, wodurch die Stadt mit ihren Spezifika diesen Modus der Konfliktaustragung begünstigt.

Democratic Citizenship in Flux Conceptions of Citizenship in the Light of Political and Social Fragmentation, 2021

Traditionally, citizenship has been defined as the legal and political link between individuals a... more Traditionally, citizenship has been defined as the legal and political link between individuals and their democratic political community. However, traditional conceptions of democratic citizenship are currently challenged by various developments like migration, the rise of populism, increasing polarization, social fragmentation, and the challenging of representative democracy as well as developments in digital communication technology. Against this background, this peer reviewed book reflects recent conceptions of citizenship by bringing together insights from different disciplines, such as political science, sociology, economics, law, and history.