Ekrem Karakoc | Binghamton University (original) (raw)

Academic Publications by Ekrem Karakoc

Politics and Religion, 2022

This study delves into how non-Shi'a Lebanese assess Hezbollah and its activities. Having provide... more This study delves into how non-Shi'a Lebanese assess Hezbollah and its activities. Having provided empirical evidence that Hezbollah has garnered positive perception in Lebanon, it asks what explains a substantial increase or decrease in favorable attitudes toward Hezbollah among Christians, Sunnis, and Druze? It argues that those who perceive Hezbollah as a resistance organization, as it often describes itself; the political alliance across sectarian groups; as well as insecurity caused by armed groups such as Sunni militant groups and ISIS, all combine to moderate people's views toward Hezbollah. Using an original, nationally representative face-to-face survey in Lebanon in 2015 and employing a multivariate statistical method, it finds that those who hold unfavorable views of the United States, those who support the political alliance of which Hezbollah is part, and those who support the Assad regime in Syria are likely to have a positive perception of Hezbollah and or its activities in the region.

Journal of North African Studies, 2020

The Arab Uprisings and subsequent events continue to transform policies of regional and major pow... more The Arab Uprisings and subsequent events continue to transform policies of regional and major powers toward the Middle East and North Africa. These powers have shown different approaches toward the Uprisings, ranging from support for the status quo to endorsing regime changes. Their policies have also exerted a significant impact on the course of events. Despite this growing importance and implications of policies of regional powers on the Uprisings and the Syrian conflict, we still do not know much about how the public assesses these policies and to what extent domestic cleavages shape these assessments. Using a nationally representative original survey conducted in 2014 in Tunisia, this study examines the perceptions of the policies of France, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia towards the Uprisings and the Syrian conflict. It finds that French and Turkish policies about the Uprisings have garnered substantial support among citizens, whereas most citizens negatively assess the Saudi policies. On the other hand, the majority of Tunisians negatively assess all these countries’ policies toward the Syrian conflict. Another major finding suggests that political identity reflecting secular/religious cleavages shapes how citizens view the policies of these three countries toward both issues, but its effect is higher in assessing the Uprisings.

Kurds in the Middle East: Enduring Problems and New Dynamics, 2020

This chapter investigates these questions by analyzing nationally representative public opinion s... more This chapter investigates these questions by analyzing nationally representative public opinion survey in Turkey. This survey captures the cultural and political demands of Kurds in 2011 and in 2015, respectively, before and after peace negotiations begun between the AKP government and the Kurdish political movement. First, we trace the trajectory of the state policies toward the Kurdish conflict, followed by an examination of proposals, by both the state and Kurdish movements, to “solve” the problem. Then we use original public opinion data to test the extent to which ordinary Kurds share the views of the main political actors. These surveys conducted before and after the peace talks will help us to capture the change in attitudes between these two different political contexts regarding the Kurdish conflict.

This study investigates the factors that affect variations in secular attitudes toward politics. ... more This study investigates the factors that affect variations in secular attitudes toward politics. The literature suggests that modernization may weaken traditional bonds with religious adherence and the state can assume an important role in this endeavor through mass education, industrialization, and other factors. However, this explanation is incomplete in light of the resurgence of religious movements. This study argues that economic inequality increases the positive evaluation of the role of religion in politics through its effect on religiosity and participation in religious organizations. Employing a multilevel analysis on 40 countries, this study demonstrates that inequality decreases attitudes toward support for two dimensions of public secularization: the secularization of public office holders and the influence of religious leaders in politics. Simultaneously, the effect of modernization on these attitudes varies. The results also suggest that although inequality diminishes secular attitudes of all socioeconomic groups, its effect is nonlinear, with a greater effect on the poor.

Political parties are an essential component of a stable, well-functioning democracy. They play t... more Political parties are an essential component of a stable, well-functioning democracy. They play the critical role in translating the support of constituencies in society into the power necessary to govern. In new democracies it is necessary to put in place not only the institutions of a democratic state but also a party system which can translate the preferences of society into governments which pursue responsive policies. 1 Failure to do so threatens the effectiveness, consolidation, or even the survival of democracy.

World Politics, Jan 1, 2008

Under what conditions do minorities in the Middle East participate in authoritarian coalitions? R... more Under what conditions do minorities in the Middle East participate in authoritarian coalitions? Research on authoritarian resilience in the Middle East has been largely silent on linguistic and religious minorities' preferences over regime types. Here, we examine whether minorities differ in their support for authoritarianism from the majority groups in four Middle Eastern states. We argue that minorities whose status is threatened by a transition to majoritarian decisionmaking institutions are less likely to be supportive of democratization. We examine how different cleavages affect the preferences of minorities over regime type and identify three historical legacies in the Middle East that have shaped these cleavages: the Ottoman-Islamic legacy of minority accommodation, the ethnic class structure that emerged as a result of the region's integration to world markets in the nineteenth century, and a post-independence pattern of authoritarian secularism. Based on survey research and a comparison of minorities in Turkey, Egypt, Morocco, and Jordan, we find that linguistic minorities tend to be less supportive of authoritarianism while religious minorities tend to be more supportive of authoritarianism.

Using public opinion survey data, this study investigates the determinants of inter-ethnic (in)to... more Using public opinion survey data, this study investigates the determinants of inter-ethnic (in)tolerance among Turks and Kurds in Turkey. Our empirical analyses show that, compared with Turks, Kurds have a relatively higher level of tolerance towards the ethnic out- group.

This study investigates the impact of emigration on the political behavior of citizens in Egypt. ... more This study investigates the impact of emigration on the political behavior of citizens in Egypt. In particular, it argues that emigrants’ family members are more likely to vote for Salafi parties for several reasons, including the transfer of religious remittances by Egyptian emigrants to the Gulf and the influence of transnational Salafi networks. In order to test our argument, we conducted an original public-opinion survey with around 1,100 individuals between January 12 and 25 2012, just after the Egyptian parliamentary election. We find that individuals with family members who had emigrated to the Gulf voted heavily for Islamist parties, particularly the FJP and the Nour. Further analysis shows that there is no statistical difference between individuals with and without emigrant family members in voting for the Muslim Brotherhood, while the Nour’s popularity among voters with emigrant family members is substantial and statistically significant. In particular, we find that the strongest support for the Nour came from individuals whose family members had immigrated to Saudi Arabia, whereas those whose family members had immigrated to other countries, including other Gulf countries, do not differ significantly from non-emigrant family members in their party preferences.

Using original public-opinion polls and elite interviews conducted in 2012, we analyze the percep... more Using original public-opinion polls and elite interviews conducted in 2012, we analyze the perceptions of Turkish foreign policy regarding the Arab Uprisings and the Syrian conflict in three Middle Eastern countries, namely Egypt, Iraq and Iran. We find that ethnic, sectarian and religious groups in these three countries vary significantly in their views towards Turkish foreign policy regarding both the Arab Uprisings and the Syrian conflict, although the same identity-related factors have a less salient effect at the elite level. Our findings also suggest that the intersection of ethnicity and sect shapes people’s attitudes towards Turkish foreign policy in Iran and Iraq. Sunnis, except for Kurds in Iran and Iraq, tend to have a positive view of Turkish foreign policy, while Shia Turkomans in Iraq tend to have a negative one.

Does the electoral success of Islamist parties depend on the support of religious voters or does ... more Does the electoral success of Islamist parties depend on the support of religious voters or does it owe as much or more to their performance in dealing with key political and economic issues? The repeated electoral success of an Islamist-rooted party, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) of Turkey, provides an important opportunity to answer this question. Using a nation-wide survey conducted in 2011 in Turkey, our findings suggest that in addition to religiosity the party's performance with respect to social services, the economy and democracy were determining factors in the AKP's success. We also found that the popularity of political leaders has an independent effect on party preference. We discuss similar tendencies in the aftermath of the Arab Spring elections where the Islamist parties emerged as the major winners.

This study explores the relationship between ethnic, sectarian, and religious identities and soft... more This study explores the relationship between ethnic, sectarian, and religious identities and soft power in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region in the immediate aftermath of the Arab Uprisings. Utilizing original public opinion surveys conducted in Egypt and Iraq in 2012, we find that identity-based allegiances play a major role in groups’ choices regarding which countries’ increasing involvement in the region are seen favorably and which countries are seen as an ideal model for the region. Sunnis are likely to view Turkey and Saudi Arabia positively in both regards, whereas Shiites are more supportive of Iran. But our results also suggest that crosscutting cleavages should not be overlooked: Sunni Kurds are less likely to hold positive attitudes toward Turkey and Saudi Arabia. Our findings also show that Copts, a religious minority in Egypt, hold positive attitudes toward the United States and negative ones toward Saudi Arabia and Iran. These findings contribute to both the theoretical literature on soft power and the debates on international competition for influence in the MENA region by emphasizing the role of ethnic and religious identities in shaping attitudes toward international actors.

As political trust literature has focused on its political and economical determinants, the linka... more As political trust literature has focused on its political and economical determinants, the linkage between ethnicity and trust in domestic and international institutions has been largely overlooked with a few notable exceptions. This study aims to underline this linkage and offer several hypotheses to test them in Turkish context. Using the European Social Survey conducted in 2008, this study finds that, though Kurds have low levels of trust in domestic institutions, their distrust is not uniform across all institutions. Second, it finds that Kurds are pro-international institutions; that is, compared to Turks, they hold higher trust in international institutions. Finally, it finds that, contrary to the studies on the winner/loser debate in long-standing democracies, winners in general and Kurdish winners, those who voted for the Justice and Development Party, the winning party in the 2007 election—are not distinguishable in their level of trust in political institutions from the rest of society.

The degree to which citizens perceive democratic political institutions as trustworthy indicates ... more The degree to which citizens perceive democratic political institutions as trustworthy indicates how well these institutions translate the citizenry’s interests into public policy and how effective and accountable they are seen to be. Low levels of public confidence in political institutions are an indicator of various political problems and are likely to raise concerns over democratic governance. Recent findings that trust in major political institutions has fallen over the last quarter of a century in many democracies have led scholars to examine individual and institutional factors associated with political confidence. Aiming to contribute to this burgeoning literature, this study investigates the impact of semi-presidentialism on public confidence in two major political institutions: the government and parliament. Testing our arguments in 29 democracies through a multilevel analysis, we have found that, compared to presidential and parliamentary systems, semi- presidentialism often generates dual-legitimacy problems, thereby reducing confidence in both government and parliament.

This study investigates the impact of the latest wave of globalization on anti-immigrant prejudic... more This study investigates the impact of the latest wave of globalization on anti-immigrant prejudice. We discern and test two contradictory accounts of the impact of globalization on anti-immigrant prejudice from the prejudice and globalization literatures. On the one hand, there is the 'civilizing/integrative globalization' thesis, which implies that globalization should help to decrease prejudice by creating sustained and equal contact between previously alien cultures and peoples, and by spreading economic gains to everybody. On the other hand, there is the 'destructive globalization/globalization as a threat' thesis, which argues that globalization should increase anti-immigrant prejudice by intensifying competition over resources and by increasing perceived threat by native populations as a result of increasing immigrant populations. We test these two accounts using a multi-level analysis of 64 countries and nearly 150,000 individuals, derived from the World Values Surveys (waves 3-5). Our analyses reveal support for 'destructive globalization/ globalization as a threat' thesis, but emphasize the multi-dimensional character of globalization. We find that citizens of countries with higher levels of trade openness have significantly more anti-immigrant sentiments. There is also some evidence that in countries where unemployment is accompanied by high levels of trade openness or the existence of large immigrant populations, citizens hold high anti-immigrant prejudice. By contrast, foreign direct investment (FDI) has a weak effect.

Previous research indicates that supporting a winning party in an election boosts satisfaction wi... more Previous research indicates that supporting a winning party in an election boosts satisfaction with democracy, but does not fully or adequately test the mechanisms behind this relationship. Using original survey data, we make a contribution on three fronts. First, we inquire what winning (or losing) an election really means in terms of the performance of one’s preferred party. Second, we employ panel data, which helps to determine whether an election outcome truly impacts satisfaction levels. Third, we examine the breadth of electoral victory, testing whether the satisfaction boost from a regional victory extends to the national and supranational levels. Findings indicate that the inclusion of one’s selected party in government is the most important factor for satisfaction with democracy, which attests to the importance of policy considerations in engendering satisfaction. In addition, winning a regional election strengthens satisfaction beyond the regional level, which indicates that the mere experience of being a “winner” also works to increase satisfaction.► We examine how winning or losing an election affects satisfaction in terms of changes in seat shares and government formation. ► We use original panel data from the German state of North-Rhine Westphalia. ► Choosing the party that formed the government is most important. ► There is some evidence that victory in a regional election shapes attitudes toward national and supranational governments.

Abstract. Canadian provinces have long been considered as “small worlds,” each with its own cultu... more Abstract. Canadian provinces have long been considered as “small worlds,” each with its own cultural distinctiveness and province-building dynamics. This article examines whether these same provincial specificities are observed in terms of attitudes toward immigration intakes and racial diversity. Three questions are asked. First, are there important variations in views toward immigration and racial minorities across Canadian provinces within the native-born white Canadian population?

Papers by Ekrem Karakoc

Oxford University Press eBooks, Oct 18, 2018

This book provides empirical evidence showing that most new democracies either maintain the level... more This book provides empirical evidence showing that most new democracies either maintain the level of income inequality they inherited or even increase it over time. It then asks why new democracies do not generate income equality. Unlike previous studies, it directly analyzes the relationship between inequality and democracy by focusing on the trajectory of inequality after the transition to democracy. It challenges basic premises in the democratization–inequality studies and offers a new theory. It investigates the roots of change in social policy programs in Poland and the Czech Republic in Postcommunist Europe and Turkey and Spain in Southern Europe. It traces the origins and development of social policy, from the formation of nation-states to the present, and considers how different political regimes, whether totalitarian; post-totalitarian; or authoritarian, designed welfare policies to prioritize civil servants and the working classes in formal sectors at the expense of the majority poor, including the working poor in informal sectors. It then demonstrates how these legacies perpetuate and widen disparities in access to welfare policies, and thus income inequality in countries where low mobilization by the poor and unstable party systems prevail. It adopts a multimethod approach in which it uses large-N multivariate analysis, paired case studies, and process-tracing method. It employs interviews with Polish, Czech, Turkish, and Spanish union leaders; bureaucrats and business people while also conducting an original survey in Turkey to dissect the linkage between organized groups and parties.

Conflict Management and Peace Science, Apr 15, 2021

This study investigates to what extent ethnic minorities differ from majorities in the degree of ... more This study investigates to what extent ethnic minorities differ from majorities in the degree of confidence in the UN and the scope conditions. Emphasizing the impact of the UN’s involvement, it argues that minorities are predisposed to hold a higher degree of confidence in the UN in countries where ethnic conflict has taken place and this difference is further complicated by the nature of the countries’ political regimes. Utilizing the World Value Surveys for the period 1981–2012, we find robust evidence for our arguments. We also find that minorities probably increase in such trust as ethnic conflict persists longer.

Politics and Religion, 2022

Journal of North African Studies, 2020

Kurds in the Middle East: Enduring Problems and New Dynamics, 2020

World Politics, Jan 1, 2008

Oxford University Press eBooks, Oct 18, 2018

Conflict Management and Peace Science, Apr 15, 2021

Comparative Political Studies, Aug 23, 2012

ABSTRACT This study investigates the factors that affect variations in secular attitudes toward p... more ABSTRACT This study investigates the factors that affect variations in secular attitudes toward politics. The literature suggests that modernization may weaken traditional bonds with religious adherence and the state can assume an important role in this endeavor through mass education, industrialization, and other factors. However, this explanation is incomplete in light of the resurgence of religious movements. This study argues that economic inequality increases the positive evaluation of the role of religion in politics through its effect on religiosity and participation in religious organizations. Employing a multilevel analysis on 40 countries, this study demonstrates that inequality decreases attitudes toward support for two dimensions of public secularization: the secularization of public office holders and the influence of religious leaders in politics. Simultaneously, the effect of modernization on these attitudes varies. The results also suggest that although inequality diminishes secular attitudes of all socioeconomic groups, its effect is nonlinear, with a greater effect on the poor.

This chapter investigates whether the major approaches in democratization literature offer satisf... more This chapter investigates whether the major approaches in democratization literature offer satisfactory explanations for Turkey’s recent transition to unstable authoritarianism. It argues that modernization theory has a limited explanation for the rise of authoritarianism in recent years. The causation between democratization and development flows from the former to the latter in the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi era. Business and major unions have been, mostly if not all the time, state-dependent/state-led actors, and their impact on democratization does not have a strong independent effect. While (medium) leverage and (high) linkage with Europe and the West were crucial in the startling pro-democratic reforms (2000–2005), later on they did not save Turkey from being an authoritarian country. Studies on Turkish political culture suggest that support for democracy among elite and public opinion is highly contextual. Among subfields of democratization literature, Turkish studies have notably contributed to the debate on secularism. Future studies could focus on a kind of political Islam enmeshed within nationalism, especially in the form of Turkish-Islam ideology, as well as differences in religious communities and their alliance with political actors. Overall, Turkish studies offers a fertile ground to contribute to the democratization literature that investigates the uneasy relationship between nationalism, national identity, and democracy.

Oxford University Press eBooks, Oct 18, 2018

This chapter starts with the question of why new democracies have such difficulty generating inco... more This chapter starts with the question of why new democracies have such difficulty generating income equality. It argues that low voter turnout and weak party system institutionalization motivate governments to increase targeted spending toward the nonpoor. The governments, mostly coalitions, are motivated through their social policies to appeal to likely voters, both the loyal and potential electorate. If parties can increase turnout by mobilizing the poor, this will reduce their need to use targeted social policies toward likely voters for electoral purposes. Targeted social spending causes income equality to go up by rewarding privileged social groups to the detriment of the disadvantaged. This chapter will also explain all concepts in greater detail and present empirical evidence on voter turnout by the poor. It thus demonstrates the link between organized interest groups and political parties, and the formulation of social policies and their impact on inequality, in the context of new democracies.

Oxford University Press eBooks, Oct 18, 2018

The previous chapter posed the primary research question and offered a new theory that encompasse... more The previous chapter posed the primary research question and offered a new theory that encompassed two interrelated arguments. This chapter produces three hypotheses derived from the new theory offered in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 tests these arguments in a large-N study using multivariate statistical analysis. The first section discusses the operationalization of our main dependent and independent variables. It will also briefly outline a set of control variables and what the literature predicts regarding their effect on spending and inequality. These factors range from economic factors (globalization, inflation, female labor participation, economic development), political factors (partisanship, electoral systems, election cycle), and demographic factors. To correct for problems associated with the nature of panel data models, such as endogeneity, heteroskedasticity, and autocorrelation, it uses the Arellano-Bond estimation, which uses the Generalized Method of Moments. The rest of the chapter presents the results and offers its interpretation and conclusion.

Turkish Studies, Mar 1, 2013

Comparative politics, Apr 1, 2017

Oxford University Press eBooks, Oct 18, 2018

Using most similar design and process-tracing methodology, this chapter investigates the divergen... more Using most similar design and process-tracing methodology, this chapter investigates the divergent outcomes in income inequality in Turkey and Spain. Even though social-security systems in both countries have been hierarchical, benefiting civil servants, the security apparatus, and workers in key sectors and others in formal sectors at the expense of the rest, they have adopted different social policies over time. This chapter discusses how Turkish governments, with a focus on 1983 to the present time, have designed contributory and noncontributory pensions, healthcare, and other social programs that have affected household income differently. In democratic Spain, however, pension-related policies and unemployment benefits have been dominant forms of social policy, but the Spanish party system has not created major incentives for political parties to utilize these policies in electoral campaigns until recently. This chapter ends with a discussion of how social policies in Turkey and Spain have affected inequality since the two nations transitioned to democracy.

Mediterranean Politics, Jun 5, 2022

In countries that have recently transitioned to democracy, what factors most drive citizens to mo... more In countries that have recently transitioned to democracy, what factors most drive citizens to mobilize and participate in early elections? Many comparative studies on democratization and elections stress the vital importance of early elections in new democracies-with voter turnout inexorably linked to a democracy's long-term stability and legitimacy-however, much of this literature focuses on aggregate rather than individual-level behaviour, and very little targets the Middle East/North Africa region. This study closely examines individual voting behaviour in democratizing Tunisia's critical second election in 2014. We argue that amidst great uncertainty, the polarizing issues of national and political identity created systematic disparities in participation-with the most ideologically polarized citizens/social groups more likely to vote. Using original data from a survey conducted in Tunisia right after its November 2014 elections, we find that Tunisians were sharply divided in their support for democracy, the previous regime, and Islamic governance. Specifically, Tunisians who were more ideologically polarized along its secular-Islamist divide and those more satisfied with the new democratic system were more likely to vote-overall suggesting somewhat uneven electoral participation in this critical election and, therefore, the potential for the kind of instability conducive to democratic breakdown.

This study investigates the impact of the latest wave of economic globalization on anti-immigrant... more This study investigates the impact of the latest wave of economic globalization on anti-immigrant and anti-foreigner sentiments with a comprehensive sample of 65 developed and less developed countries. We discern and test two contradictory accounts of the impact of globalization on ...

Political Science Quarterly, 2015

community, helping to promote shared understandings. By focusing on the past, Viotti endeavors to... more community, helping to promote shared understandings. By focusing on the past, Viotti endeavors to show the robust record of monetary cooperation. Readers new to the topic will probably find Viotti's book to be mildly informative. International relations scholars who have studied either financial statecraft or global political economy will be left with more questions than answers. Skeptics of the robustness of monetary cooperation will note that Viotti's book elides any period of monetary discord or coercion. There is no real discussion of the breakdown of monetary cooperation that exacerbated the Great Depression. There is no mention of how the United States coerced the United Kingdom by sparking a run on the pound during the 1956 Suez crisis. There is zero discussion of how the United States exploited the Asian financial crisis to extract policy concessions from its Pacific Rim allies. Nor is there any discussion of decade-long Sino-American monetary tensions. International political economy scholars will note the errors and omissions in Viotti's book. Sloppy factual errors-like describing pre-World War I Argentina as a developing country-appear in the book, but that is not the real problem. The Dollar and National Security evinces no deep understanding of how different global financial orders operate. For example, Viotti manages to discuss how the Bretton Woods system fell apart without once mentioning the Triffin dilemma. The book then discusses the post-Bretton Woods system without any explication of the "unholy trinity" that all central bank authorities must face. The book spends a lot of pages on the creaton of the euro without ever analyzing the eurozone's current woes-and why the single currency is a big part of the problem. Viotti is to be applauded for attempting to dive into the ways in which monetary relations affect state power. With its omissions, however, The Dollar and National Security raises more questions than it answers.

What do Kurds want? As the conflict has continued to persist for more than three decades, both th... more What do Kurds want? As the conflict has continued to persist for more than three decades, both the Turkish state and Kurdish political movements claim to represent the interests of Kurds, particularly cultural and political demands of Kurds in Turkey. Despite the long life of this conflict, and the claims of political actors from both sides, we still do not know how the interests and demands of ordinary Kurds align with specific political actors or, more importantly, with the Turkish government. The competing claims to represent ordinary Kurds cause the major actors in the conflict, whether prostate or pro-Kurdish, to reinforce their positions and intensify the conflict, resulting in greater suffering for the very people they claim to speak. However, these claims of representation are not empirically verified, and the risk of self-serving bias and distortion is obviously great. The major political parties, including the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), People's Democratic Party (Halkın Demokratik Partisi, HDP), or Kurdistan Workers' Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê, PKK), all claim to understand Kurds' needs and be most responsive to and representative of their cultural and political preferences. Unfortunately, neither scholarship nor the media provide much empirical evidence for Kurds' demands. Does the AKP government's offer of optional Kurdish language courses in schoolsthe most they have managed to secure yet-satisfy Kurds? Or do Kurds have further demands, both political and cultural? What about their views toward the PKK or legal Kurdish parties? Do all Kurds agree with the government's description of the PKK as a "terrorist" organization, and how many see it as a resistance organization fighting for independence? This chapter investigates these questions by analyzing nationally representative public opinion survey in Turkey. This survey captures cultural and

MAXCAP Working Paper Series Edited by the MAXCAP Project "Maximizing the integration capacity of ... more MAXCAP Working Paper Series Edited by the MAXCAP Project "Maximizing the integration capacity of the European Union: Lessons of and prospects for enlargement and beyond" (MAXCAP) The MAXCAP Working Paper Series serves to disseminate the research results of the research consortium by making them available to a broader public. It means to create new and strengthen existing links within and between the academic and the policy world on matters relating to the current and future enlargement of the EU.

Oxford Scholarship Online

Employing most similar design and process-tracing methodology, this chapter focuses on Poland and... more Employing most similar design and process-tracing methodology, this chapter focuses on Poland and the Czech Republic in the postcommunist region. It discusses the divergent paths these two countries have taken since their transitions. After discussing the similarities and dissimilarities of these two cases, it turns to the welfare policies shared by both countries with some differences under their former communist rule. It also traces voter turnout and linkage between political party and citizens, and explores how these two factors have affected social policies in each country. The last section offers a comparison of Polish and Czech social policies regarding the level and nature of their targeted spending and its effect on income inequality.

Politics and Religion, 2021

This study delves into how non-Shi‘a Lebanese assess Hezbollah and its activities. Having provide... more This study delves into how non-Shi‘a Lebanese assess Hezbollah and its activities. Having provided empirical evidence that Hezbollah has garnered positive perception in Lebanon, it asks what explains a substantial increase or decrease in favorable attitudes toward Hezbollah among Christians, Sunnis, and Druze? It argues that those who perceive Hezbollah as a resistance organization, as it often describes itself; the political alliance across sectarian groups; as well as insecurity caused by armed groups such as Sunni militant groups and ISIS, all combine to moderate people's views toward Hezbollah. Using an original, nationally representative face-to-face survey in Lebanon in 2015 and employing a multivariate statistical method, it finds that those who hold unfavorable views of the United States, those who support the political alliance of which Hezbollah is part, and those who support the Assad regime in Syria are likely to have a positive perception of Hezbollah and or its act...

The Journal of North African Studies, 2020

The Arab Uprisings and subsequent events continue to transform policies of regional and major pow... more The Arab Uprisings and subsequent events continue to transform policies of regional and major powers toward the Middle East and North Africa. These powers have shown different approaches toward the Uprisings, ranging from support for the status quo to endorsing regime changes. Their policies have also exerted a significant impact on the course of events. Despite this growing importance and implications of policies of regional powers on the Uprisings and the Syrian conflict, we still do not know much about how the public assesses these policies and to what extent domestic cleavages shape these assessments. Using a nationally representative original survey conducted in 2014 in Tunisia, this study examines the perceptions of the policies of France, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia towards the Uprisings and the Syrian conflict. It finds that French and Turkish policies about the Uprisings have garnered substantial support among citizens, whereas most citizens negatively assess the Saudi policies. On the other hand, the majority of Tunisians negatively assess all these countries' policies toward the Syrian conflict. Another major finding suggests that political identity reflecting secular/religious cleavages shapes how citizens view the policies of these three countries toward both issues, but its effect is higher in assessing the Uprisings.

Inequality after the Transition, 2018

This book opens by providing empirical evidence that income inequality persists or increases in m... more This book opens by providing empirical evidence that income inequality persists or increases in many new democracies after their transition. Then it gives a brief overview of studies that expect reduced inequality because of democratization and questions their three assumptions regarding median voters, party system stability, and the authoritarian legacy on citizen–party linkage. It offers a revision to the median voter theory, emphasizes high electoral volatility in new democracies, and reexamines the legacy of previous nondemocratic regimes on citizen–party linkage. Having offered its argument in a nutshell, it turns to research methodology and case selection. It offers the rationale behind employing a multimethod approach to test its arguments. It tests its argument through large-N analysis in new and longstanding democracies in Europe as well as two paired case studies: Poland and the Czech Republic in postcommunist Europe and Turkey and Spain in Southern Europe.