奈格里＆哈特：《帝国》读书笔记 (original) (raw)

序言

民族-国家的主权是帝国主义的基石；通往帝国之路则出现在现代帝国主义衰落之时。与帝国主义相比，帝国不建立权力的中心，不依赖固定的疆界和界限，是一个无中心、无疆界的统治机器，在其开放的、扩展的边界中不断加强对全球领域的统合。【2-3】（The passage to Empire emerges from the twilight of modern sovereignty. In contrast to imperialism, Empire establishes no territorial center of power and does not rely on fixed boundaries or barriers. It is a decentered and deterritorializing apparatus of rule that progressively incorporates the entire global realm within its open, expanding frontiers. Empire manages hybridi dentities, flexible hierarchies, and plural exchanges through modulating networks of command. The distinct national colors of the imperialist map of the world have merged and blended in the imperial global rainbow. xii-xiii.）三个世界的划分过时。美国是世界领袖和唯一超级大国抑或帝国主义压迫者？二者都基于如下假设，“美国已经完全披上了欧洲国家已脱下的全球权力的外衣。”【3】奈格里和哈特的基本假设则是：新的主权的帝国形式已经出现，“美国不能，而且确实一个民族-国家今天不能成为帝国主义者计划的中心。帝国主义已经过去了，没有哪个国家可以以欧洲的一些国家曾经有过的方式，成为世界的领袖。”【4】（Our basic hypothesis, however, that a new imperial form of sovereignty has emerged, contradicts both these views.The United States does not, and indeed no nation-state can today, form the center of an imperialist project. Imperialism is over. No nation will be world leader in the way modern European nations were. xiii-xiv.）二人所说的【4-5】（The co帝国并非隐喻而是概念，主要是一种理论研究，其基本特征是没有边境，规则没有限定：① 假定了一个体制，成功包括了空间的整一性，或真正统治了整个“文明的”世界，没有国界限定其统治权；② 与其说发源于征服的历史的政权，不如授是一个成功地终止历史并因此永远固定正在存在事态的秩序；③ 帝国规则操纵者所有延伸到群体世界每个层面的社会秩序的登记注册，统治对象是完全的社会生活，代表着生命力量的典范；④ 尽管帝国的实践不断沐浴在血中，但帝国的概念一直是用于和平的，一种在历史之外永久而普遍的和平ncept of Empire is characterized fundamentally by a lack of boundaries: Empire’s rule has no limits. First and foremost, then, the concept of Empire posits a regime that effectively encompasses the spatial totality, or really that rules over the entire ‘‘civilized’’ world. No territorial boundaries limit its reign. Second, the concept of Empire presents itself not as a historical regime originating in conquest, but rather as an order that effectively suspends history and thereby fixes the existing state of affairs for eternity. From the perspective of Empire, this is the way things will always be and the way they were always meant to be. In other words, Empire presents its rule not as a transitory moment in the movement of history, but as a regime with no temporal boundaries and in this sense outside of history or at the end of history. Third, the rule of Empire operates on all registers of the social order extending down to the depths of the social world. Empire not only manages a territory and a population but also creates the very world it inhabits. It not only regulates human interactions but also seeks directly to rule over human nature. The object of its rule is social life in its entirety, and thus Empire presents the paradigmatic form of biopower. Finally, although the practice of Empire is continually bathed in blood, the concept of Empire is always dedicated to peace—a perpetual and universal peace outside of history. xiv-xi.）通往帝国的道路和全球化的进程对自由的力量提供了新的可能性。【5】帝国的谱系学是欧洲中心论的，但它现在的力量不限于任何地区。【6】略论本书谋篇，突出从思想的领域转入生产的王国的重要性【7】

第一部分 今日世界的政治构造

第一章 世界秩序

一个事实决定了帝国的问题疆域：“存在着世界秩序，而这种秩序表现为一种司法构造”，“故而，我们的首要任务是把握今日正在成形的世界秩序之构造。”（The problematic of Empire is determined in the first place by one simple fact: that there is world order. This order is expressed as a juridical formation. Our initial task, then, is to grasp the constitution of the order being formed today. p.3.）批评两种错误观念：世界秩序是异质全球力量在互动中自发形成的（和谐的）；世界秩序受控于单一的力量和理性中心【3】在奈格里和哈特看来，“帝国主权已造成了范式的转向，而这正是那些理论所无法理解的。”【8】（What they do not understand is that imperial sovereignty marks a paradigm shift. p.8.）二人剖析了帝国的宪制，注重帝国机制在法律上的表现，由传统的契约和协定界定转变为界定和构造一种新的具有主权地位的超国家世界力量（以及由此而来的帝国权利）【10】帝国传统基本是欧洲的，可上溯至罗马帝国时期，帝国的法律-政治形象同基督教紧密交织。【10-1】“帝国概念将法律范畴同普遍伦理价值融合到一起。……但帝国——尤其是古罗马的帝国权利传统——之特殊，在于它将伦理与法律的契合性和普遍推到了极致：帝国境内天下太平，帝国保证所有民族得到公正。帝国概念被发展成一部在单一指挥指导下的全球交响乐，这个单一指挥也就是一种维持社会太平、产生伦理真理的统一力量。为了达到这样的目标，有必要时这个单一力量被授予必要力量发动‘正义战争’，在边境上打击野蛮民族，在境内镇压反叛。…这样，帝国从一开始就发动起设于它的法律概念核心的伦理-政治机器。这一法律概念涉及两种基本倾向：（1）一种以建立新秩序之名而得到认可的权力观，这种新秩序将包容它认定的文明世界的每一寸土地，包容一个无边无际、四海如一的空间；（2）一种在它的伦理基础之内涵盖了所有时间的权力观。帝国竭尽了历史时间，悬置起历史，将过去与将来统统汇集于它的伦理秩序之中。换句话说，帝国将它的秩序展现为永久的、恒定的、必要的性质”【11】（Every juridical system is in some way a crystallization of a specific set of values, because ethics is part of the materiality of every juridical foundation, but Empire—and in particular the Roman tradition of imperial right—is peculiar in that it pushes the coincidence and universality of the ethical and the juridical to the extreme: in Empire there is peace, in Empire there is the guarantee of justice for all peoples. The concept of Empire is presented as a global concert under the direction of a single conductor, a unitary power that maintains the social peace and produces its ethical truths. And in order to achieve these ends, the single power is given the necessary force to conduct, when necessary, ‘‘just wars’’ at the borders against the barbarians and internally against the rebellious. p.10. … From the beginning, then, Empire sets in motion an ethico-political dynamic that lies at the heart of its juridical concept. This juridical concept involves two fundamental tendencies: first, the notion of a right that is affirmed in the construction of a new order that envelops the entire space of what it considers civilization, a boundless, universal space; and second, a notion of right that encompasses all time within its ethical foundation. Empire exhausts historical time, suspends history, and summons the past and future within its own ethical order. In other words, Empire presents its order as permanent, eternal, and necessary. p.11.）文艺复兴和世俗化，两种权力观分别发展，一方面发展出国际权利，另一方面发展出“永久和平”构想；界定现代性的两大意识形态亦然，自由主义和社会主义。【12】帝国范式既是网络系统，又具有等级结构。【14】古代帝国模式，首要任务是扩大支持它的力量的共识区域【16】超国家法律有效支配国内法【18】以干涉权为例【19】面对帝国的衰败与没落问题。【21】

第二章 生命政治生产

奈格里和哈特从法律转向物质性层面，探讨统治范式的物质性转型。【23】福柯从规训社会向控制社会的历史过渡；【24】生命政治【25】帝国秩序不只是建立在其积累和全球扩张力量的基础上，也在于有深入性发展、重生和把自身遍布世界社会的生命政治网格。（The fundamental object that the imperial relations of power interpret is the productive force of the system, the new biopolitical economic and institutional system. The imperial order is formed not only on the basis of its powers of accumulation and global extension, but also on the basis of its capacity to develop itself more deeply, to be reborn, and to extend itself through out the biopolitical latticework of world society. The absoluteness of imperial power is the complementary term to its complete immanence to the ontological machine of production and reproduction, and thus to the biopolitical context. Perhaps, finally, this cannot be represented by a juridical order, but it nonetheless is an order, an order defined by its virtuality, its dynamism, and its functional inconclusiveness. The fundamental norm of legitimation will thus be established in the depths of the machine, at the heart of social production. Social production and juridical legitimation should not be conceived as primary and secondary forces nor as elements of the base and super-structure, but should be understood rather in a state of absolute parallelism and intermixture, coextensive throughout biopolitical society. In Empire and its regime of biopower, economic production and political constitution tend increasingly to coincide. p.41. ）

第三章 帝国内部的另类

帝国的双头鹰：一个头是生命政治控制及其构造起的司法结构和宪制力量，另一个则是由全球化的生产主体、创造主体构成的民众复合，二者相互对视啄咬【64】（But whereas in the earlier emblem the two heads looked outward to designate the relative autonomy and peaceful coexistence of the respective territories, in our case the two heads would have to be turned inward, each attacking the other. The first head of the imperial eagle is a juridical structure and a constituted power, constructed by the machine of biopolitical command. … The other head of the imperial eagle is the plural multitude of productive, creative subjectivities of globalization that have learned to sail on this enormous sea, p.60.）这里实际上就是帝国与民众的关系。

第二部分 主权的转变

第四章 两个欧洲，两种现代性

欧洲和现代性并非统一、和平的建构，而自始带有斗争、冲突、危机的特点，三个历史时刻：内在性层面的革命性发现，对内在力量的逆动及权威形式的危机，形成现代国家从而部分暂时地解决了危机。国家成为主权承载者，从而超越并调和了内在力量的层面。奈格里和哈特指出，尽管现代主权概念诞生于欧洲，它在很大程度上是在欧洲与欧洲以外世界的交往中发展起来的，尤其是在欧洲殖民和殖民地人民的反抗中。统治欧洲、主宰世界。【74】（Modern sovereignty is a European concept in the sense that itdevelopedprimarilyinEurope incoordinationwiththeevolution of modernity itself. The concept functioned as the cornerstone of the construction of Eurocentrism. Although modern sovereignty emanated from Europe, however, it was born and developed in large part through Europe’s relationship with its outside, and particularly through its colonial project and the resistance of the colonized. Modern sovereignty emerged, then, as the concept of European reaction and European domination both within and outside its orders. They are two coextensive and complementary faces of one development: rule within Europe and European rule over the world. p.70.）主权与资本结合，成为统治全社会的机器【91】

第五章 民族国家的主权

民族的构造更新了主权概念并给予后者新的界定【100】从一开始，国家概念和民族主义实践就踏上一条大路，其尽头不是共和而是极权【115】（The concept of nation and the practices of nationalism are from the beginning set down on the road not to the republic but to the ‘‘re-total,’’ the total thing, that is, the totalitarian overcoding of social life. p.113.）

第六章 殖民主权的辩证法

奈格里和哈特推进一步从殖民主义世界考察主权概念的谱系，并把殖民主权看作试图解决现代性危机的又一次不充分尝试【116】（Colonial sovereignty is another insufficient attempt to resolve the crisis of modernity. p.115.）除了经济和政治，也体现在同一性和文化上。殖民主义制造出各种异己形象，并在一个复杂、辩证的结构中操纵其流动，由非欧洲的他者形成的反面构建并延续了欧洲的同一性【125】

第七章 转变的迹象

殖民主义的结束和国家力量的式微显示出一场由现代主权范式到帝国主权范式的普遍转变已经到来。【138】（The end of colonialism and the declining powers of the nation are indicative of a general passage from the paradigm of modern sovereignty toward the paradigm of imperial sovereignty. p.137.）考察了后现代主义和后殖民主义理论。

第八章 网络权力：美国主权和新帝国

美国革命代表着现代主权谱系上的重大革新和断裂，希望认识它与现代主权的重大区别，并从中辨识出新帝国主权形成的基础。【159】① 内在权力的思想，主权不在于对大众的规范，而是民众创造力的结果【163】（The first characteristic of the U.S. notion of sovereignty is that it poses an idea of the immanence of power in opposition to the transcendent character of modern European sovereignty. … The multitude that constitutes society is productive. U.S. sovereignty does not consist, then, in the regulation of the multitude but arises, rather, as the result of the productive synergies of the multitude. p.164.）② 在主权生成于内在性层面的过程中，由于民众自身固有的冲突性和多元性，主权必须依赖控制手段的使用【164】（In the process of the constitution of sovereignty on the plane of immanence, there also arises an experience of finitude that results from the conflictive and plural nature of the multitude itself. The new principle of sovereignty seems to produce its own internal limit. To prevent these obstacles from disrupting order and completely emptying out the project, sovereign power must rely on the exercise of control. In other words, after the first moment of affirmation comes a dialectical negation of the constituent power of the multitude that preserves the teleology of the project of sovereignty. p.165.）③ 发展趋向的目标是开放的、广阔的、运行于无边界地域上的政治工程，强调美国与古代宪制经验尤其是罗马帝国的政治理论有着惊人的相似【164】（The third characteristic of this notion of sovereignty is its tendency toward an open, expansive project operating on an unbounded terrain. Although the text of the U.S. Constitution is extremely attentive to the self-reflective moment, the life and exercise of the Constitution are instead, throughout their jurisprudential and political history, decidedly open to expansive movements, to the renewed declaration of the democratic founda tion of power. The principle of expansion continually struggles against the forces of limitation and control. pp.165-6.）奈格里和哈特指出，权力网络概念所蕴含的民主扩展倾向必须与帝国主义式扩张严格区分，二者的根本区别在于，内在主权概念中的扩展性是容纳性而非排斥性的，它并非废止或摧毁扩展途中所遇到的其他力量，而是开放自身并把它们纳入权力网络，整个主权体通过权力与反制权力的网络得到不断更新。【164-5】（This democratic expansive tendency implicit in the notion of network power must be distinguished from other, purely expansionist and imperialist forms of expansion. The fundamental difference is that the expansiveness of the immanent concept of sovereignty is inclusive, not exclusive. In other words, when it expands, this new sovereignty does not annex or destroy the other powers it faces but on the contrary opens itself to them, including them in the network. What open s is the basis of consensus, and thus, through the constitutive network of powers and counterpowers, the entire sovereign body is continually reformed. Precisely because of this expansive tendency, the new concept of sovereignty is profoundly reformist. p.166.）据此区分民主共和国的扩展倾向同超验主权的扩展注意或现代民族国家的扩张主义。“帝国只能被构想为一个普遍的共和国，是构建于无边界、容纳性建筑中的由权力和反制权力组成的网络。帝国的扩张同帝国主义扩张毫无瓜葛。……同帝国主义不同，帝国扩展、巩固着权力的网络模式。……或许，帝国式主权的最根本特点在于：它的空间永远是开放的。”【165】[We can now distinguish clearly the expansive tendency of the democratic republic from the expansionism of the transcendents over- eigns—or from, because this is primarily what is at issue, the expansionism of modern nation-states. The idea of sovereignty as an expansive power in networks is poised on the hinge that links the principle of a democratic republic to the idea of Empire. Empire can only be conceived as a universal republic, a network of powers and counterpowers structured in a boundless and inclusive architecture. This imperial expansion has nothing to do with imperialism, nor with those state organisms designed for conquest, pillage, geno cide, colonization, and slavery. Against such imperialisms, Empire extends and consolidates the model of network power. Certainly, when we consider these imperial processes historically (and we will soon focus on them in U.S. history), we see clearly that the expansive moments of Empire have been bathed in tears and blood, but this ignoble history does not negate the difference between the two concepts. … Perhaps the fundamental characteristic of imperial sovereignty is that its space is always open. pp.166-7.] 内在的和平思想。【166】帝国的开放空间、关闭到帝国主义。

第九章 帝国主权

现代对现代性的批判。“当乌托邦式思想摆脱了将其限制于现有领域的同系现象的压力，一种新的形式就诞生了。”【182】福山历史终结实际指的是现代性核心危机的终结。【185】资本主义市场是一部反对建立内外之分的机器，借用世界市场模式理解帝国主权【185-6】附间奏，反帝国。只有在全球性中才能理解帝国的力量，才能理解帝国式主权的运行机制【202】今天的共和人首先要在帝国之内斗争，并认为帝国的新领域为创造和解放提供了更大的可能，诸众怀着对立的意志和对解放的欲求，必须奋力穿过帝国，公另一头穿越而出【214】Being republican today, then, means first of all struggling within and constructing against Empire, on its hybrid, modulating terrains. And here we should add, against all moralisms and all positions of resentment and nostalgia, that this new imperial terrain provides greater possibilities for creation and liberation. The multitude, in its will to be-against and its desire for liberation, must push through Empire to come out the other side. p.218.

第三部分 生产之道

第十章 帝国主义的局限

马克思主义对帝国主义的批判，中心论点之一是资本主义与扩张之间有内在关联，而资本主义的扩张不可避免采取帝国主义的形式【217-8】马克思、列宁。循环，特别讨论了阿瑞吉的漫长的二十世纪，认为这种理论不可能认识到制度的断裂。【235】

第十一章 规训的可统治性

考察新政，超越帝国主义的真正过程开始生根，强调从世界而非单个国家内部衡量（the importance of the New Deal should be gauged not only in terms of its capacity to restructure the relations of production and power within a single dominant capitalist country but also, above all, interms of its effects throughout the world—effects that were not direct or straight forward but nonetheless profound. With the New Deal the real process of surpassing imperialism began to take root. p.241.）奈格里和哈特认为，新的全球景象基本围绕三个机制或工具形成或阻止起来：（1）沿着从美国衍生开来的等级关系，逐步解构世界市场的反殖民进程；（2）生产的逐步反中心化；（3）建构一个国际关系的框架，向全球推广规训的生产体制和持续演进的规训性社会。三者都构成了帝国主义向帝国演化的一个步骤【241】[(1) the process of decolonization that gradually recomposed the world market along hierarchical lines branching out from the United States; (2) the gradual decentralization of production; and (3) the construction of a framework of international relations that spread across the globe the disciplinary productive regime and disciplinary society in its successive evolutions. Each of these aspects constitutes a step in the evolution from imperialism toward Empire. p.245.] 三项机制——反殖民化、生产的反中心和规训——是新政帝国权力的特征。【245】（These three mechanisms—decolonization, decentering of production, and disciplinarity—characterize the imperial power of the New Deal, and demonstrate how far it moved beyond the old practices of imperialism. p.248.）

第十二章 抵抗、危机与改革

越南，同时反抗帝国主义和国际规训体制【255】资本主义的反应。

第十三章 后现代化或生产的信息化

三大产业，从第二产业到第三产业即从工业统治到服务和信息的统治过程成为经济后现代化过程或信息化。【274-5】生产的非中心化【287】

第十四章 混合宪制

跨国公司力量的增长【295】资本家争夺国家权力，考察国家与资本间的辩证法【296】帝国秩序的景观。

第十五章 资本主义主权，或治理控制下的全球社会

现代主权的超越与资本内在化的冲突。【317】市民社会曾作为调解者，但我们时代已不再是充分的调节点，其消亡可以被理解为从规训型社会到控制型社会发展历程的伴随物；控制型社会标志着向内在化层面迈出一步【318】主权与资本间新型的互容性【320】国家疆界的衰落，疆界建立一个克服国家边界约束的控制型全球社会与实现世界市场以及将全球社会吸纳到资本统治下联手走到一起。【321】新型的分化。“中心与边缘、北方与南方不再决定着某种国际秩序，却相互间走得更近了。帝国的特征在于极端不平等的人群的紧密接触，从而创造出一个永久的社会危险局面，并要求有控制社会的强大机制来确保分化和保证社会空间的新型管理。”【325】（It might be more accurate to say that center and periphery, North and South no longer define an international order but rather have moved closer to one another. Empire is characterized by the close proximity of extremely unequal populations, which creates a situation of permanent social danger and requires the powerful apparatuses of the society of control to ensure separation and guarantee the new management of social space. pp.336-7.）帝国的治理，监控与治理保持距离【330】

第四部分 帝国的衰落

第十六章 虚拟性；第十七章 生殖和腐败；第十八章 反对帝国的诸众

奈格里和哈特提出带有托洛茨基色彩的解决方案，并转向The Right to Global Citizenship、The Right to a Social Wage以及The right to reappropriation