Manjari Chatterjee Miller | Boston University (original) (raw)
Book by Manjari Chatterjee Miller
The Routledge Handbook of China–India Relations provides a much-needed understanding of the impor... more The Routledge Handbook of China–India Relations provides a much-needed understanding of the important and complex relationship between India and China. Reflecting the consequential and multifaceted nature of the bilateral relationship, it brings together thirty-five original contributions by a wide range of experts in the field. The chapters show that China–India relations are more far-reaching and complicated than ever and marked by both conflict and cooperation. Following a thorough introduction by the Editors, the handbook is divided into seven parts which combine thematic and chronological principles:
Historical overviews
Culture and strategic culture: constructing the other
Core bilateral conflicts
Military relations
Economy and development
Relations with third parties
China, India, and global order
We are often told "Colonialism is dead." Let us not be deceived or even soothed by that. I say to... more We are often told "Colonialism is dead." Let us not be deceived or even soothed by that. I say to you, colonialism is not yet dead. How can we say it is dead, so long as vast areas of Asia and Africa are unfree?
Articles by Manjari Chatterjee Miller
Asia Policy, 2020
Roundtable from Asia Policy 15.2 Ian Hall's Modi and the Reinvention of Indian Foreign Policy
The Journal of International Relations and Development, 2020
Why do some bilateral relationships have the ability to become strong, stable and amicable but ot... more Why do some bilateral relationships have the ability to become strong, stable and amicable but others do not even when they have incentive to develop higher resilience? This article proposes that perceived relational identity differences between two states, or otherness, shapes and limits resilience in their relationship. Drawing on the existing IR identity literature, the article develops a conceptual and operational definition of otherness and proposes a useful and replicable framework that can be used to capture the complexity of bilateral ties. The article illustrates this framework with two types of cases. First, two historical “least-likely” cases (Germany–Israel, 1949–1973; India–USSR, 1947–1970) of higher resilience, in which one would not expect the resilient relationships that developed. Second, a most likely contemporary mini-case (India–Israel 1992–2012), which uncovers lower than expected resilience. The article then concludes with the implications of this framework for further academic research and policy analysis.
Perspectives on Politics, 2019
Foreign Affairs, 2018
Modi risks damaging India's rising power reputations through his divisive policies, both at home ... more Modi risks damaging India's rising power reputations through his divisive policies, both at home and abroad.
India Review, 2018
This article offers an alternative understanding of India’s postCold War grand strategy by arguin... more This article offers an alternative understanding of India’s postCold
War grand strategy by arguing that policy issues should be treated as a continuum within which there may be strategic policy innovations, leading to both nuanced continuity and change in foreign policy. Our argument stands in contradistinction to the dominant scholarship in the Indian foreign policy literature, the “transformation scholarship” as we term it, which views policy issues as binary, finds a “new” emphasis on material interests since the end of the Cold War and advocates this
as both rational and commendable. Applying four key claims in the dominant transformation scholarship to two important Indian foreign policy issues, nuclear non-proliferation and climate change, we find that, rather than sweeping change in Indian grand strategy, as implied and advocated by transformation scholars, Indian grand strategy is in a state of flux, encapsulating some change but also much continuity.
International Affairs, 2017
In the post-Cold War era, a number of scholars have observed and encouraged greater ‘pragmatism’ ... more In the post-Cold War era, a number of scholars have observed and encouraged greater ‘pragmatism’ in India's foreign policy. A ‘pragmatic’ foreign policy has been understood as one that rejects India's earlier reliance on Nehruvian ‘idealism’ or ‘moral posturing’, and instead pursues power and material interests. In the wake of his election to power, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, too, has been celebrated by scholars and the media as a pragmatic leader who will be able to dispense with earlier ideas and ideologies and bring about radical changes to Indian foreign policy. In this article, we problematize these ‘substantive’ readings of pragmatism. Instead we present an alternative, ‘procedural’ reading of foreign policy pragmatism that emphasises the selection and fusion—rather than the abandonment—of different ideas and ideological commitments in order to effect foreign policy change. By demonstrating procedural pragmatism at work in two case-studies under Modi's leadership—the resolution of India's territorial dispute with Bangladesh, and the establishment and public celebration of a UN-recognized International Day of Yoga—we show how Modi's pragmatic approach to foreign policy-making is responsive to both Hindutva (Hindu nationalist ideology) and entrenched foreign policy ideas in India. Our central argument is that Modi is neither unique nor uniquely pragmatic, and like many Indian leaders before him, his pragmatism cannot simply abandon ideas and ideology, but is compelled to respond to them in response to domestic and international political logics.
International Affairs, 2017
Political mistrust in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is high and th... more Political mistrust in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is high and this, in turn, has historically led to shortsighted economic policies and disjointed coordination. As India asserts itself as a global economic player, its leadership, specifically in SAARC, may lead to the political successes necessary to ensure broader connectivity and cooperation in the region. In this new issue brief, “Cooperation in South Asia: The Case for Redefining Alliances,” Dr. Manjari Chatterjee Miller and Dr. Bharath Gopalaswamy re-examine SAARC and point to realignments within SAARC that may boost the effectiveness of the often-times ineffective body.
Chinese Journal of International Politics, 2016
The concept of rising powers is central to international relations, and it is considered crucial ... more The concept of rising powers is central to international relations, and it is considered crucial for answering questions about war and peace. Yet the theoretical literature
on rising powers is surprisingly sparse and highly contentious. One of the biggest shortcomings in this literature is that rising powers are conceptualized only in terms of their material capabilities, that is, their relative economic and military power. As a result, there is little agreement on who is a rising power, when they rose, and when they became or will become a great power. Drawing on primary and secondary sources, this article argues that rising powers are distinguished by very specific
kinds of domestic beliefs. It uses two detailed cases, one historical (the United States 1898–1903) and one contemporary (China post-2002), to show that rising powers, despite different time periods, regimes, and cultures, have very particular
kinds of beliefs about how to become a great power. It uses two additional mini-cases, India post-2002 and Weimar Germany 1922–1933 to argue that if beliefs are not taken into account, states may be overestimated or underestimated as rising
powers.
Foreign Affairs, Apr 2014
Hom e In t er n a t ion a l Edit ion s Dig it a l New sst a n d Job Boa r d A ccou n t Ma n a g e... more Hom e In t er n a t ion a l Edit ion s Dig it a l New sst a n d Job Boa r d A ccou n t Ma n a g em en t RSS New slet t er s SEARCH W elcom e, M Miller (Log ou t ) My A ccou n t (0 ) My Ca r t A P R I L 3 , 2 0 1 4
Foreign Affairs, May 2013
Book Chapters by Manjari Chatterjee Miller
New Directions in India's Foreign Policy: Theory and Praxis, Harsh Pant ed., 2018
The Routledge Handbook of China–India Relations provides a much-needed understanding of the impor... more The Routledge Handbook of China–India Relations provides a much-needed understanding of the important and complex relationship between India and China. Reflecting the consequential and multifaceted nature of the bilateral relationship, it brings together thirty-five original contributions by a wide range of experts in the field. The chapters show that China–India relations are more far-reaching and complicated than ever and marked by both conflict and cooperation. Following a thorough introduction by the Editors, the handbook is divided into seven parts which combine thematic and chronological principles:
Historical overviews
Culture and strategic culture: constructing the other
Core bilateral conflicts
Military relations
Economy and development
Relations with third parties
China, India, and global order
We are often told "Colonialism is dead." Let us not be deceived or even soothed by that. I say to... more We are often told "Colonialism is dead." Let us not be deceived or even soothed by that. I say to you, colonialism is not yet dead. How can we say it is dead, so long as vast areas of Asia and Africa are unfree?
Asia Policy, 2020
Roundtable from Asia Policy 15.2 Ian Hall's Modi and the Reinvention of Indian Foreign Policy
The Journal of International Relations and Development, 2020
Why do some bilateral relationships have the ability to become strong, stable and amicable but ot... more Why do some bilateral relationships have the ability to become strong, stable and amicable but others do not even when they have incentive to develop higher resilience? This article proposes that perceived relational identity differences between two states, or otherness, shapes and limits resilience in their relationship. Drawing on the existing IR identity literature, the article develops a conceptual and operational definition of otherness and proposes a useful and replicable framework that can be used to capture the complexity of bilateral ties. The article illustrates this framework with two types of cases. First, two historical “least-likely” cases (Germany–Israel, 1949–1973; India–USSR, 1947–1970) of higher resilience, in which one would not expect the resilient relationships that developed. Second, a most likely contemporary mini-case (India–Israel 1992–2012), which uncovers lower than expected resilience. The article then concludes with the implications of this framework for further academic research and policy analysis.
Perspectives on Politics, 2019
Foreign Affairs, 2018
Modi risks damaging India's rising power reputations through his divisive policies, both at home ... more Modi risks damaging India's rising power reputations through his divisive policies, both at home and abroad.
India Review, 2018
This article offers an alternative understanding of India’s postCold War grand strategy by arguin... more This article offers an alternative understanding of India’s postCold
War grand strategy by arguing that policy issues should be treated as a continuum within which there may be strategic policy innovations, leading to both nuanced continuity and change in foreign policy. Our argument stands in contradistinction to the dominant scholarship in the Indian foreign policy literature, the “transformation scholarship” as we term it, which views policy issues as binary, finds a “new” emphasis on material interests since the end of the Cold War and advocates this
as both rational and commendable. Applying four key claims in the dominant transformation scholarship to two important Indian foreign policy issues, nuclear non-proliferation and climate change, we find that, rather than sweeping change in Indian grand strategy, as implied and advocated by transformation scholars, Indian grand strategy is in a state of flux, encapsulating some change but also much continuity.
International Affairs, 2017
In the post-Cold War era, a number of scholars have observed and encouraged greater ‘pragmatism’ ... more In the post-Cold War era, a number of scholars have observed and encouraged greater ‘pragmatism’ in India's foreign policy. A ‘pragmatic’ foreign policy has been understood as one that rejects India's earlier reliance on Nehruvian ‘idealism’ or ‘moral posturing’, and instead pursues power and material interests. In the wake of his election to power, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, too, has been celebrated by scholars and the media as a pragmatic leader who will be able to dispense with earlier ideas and ideologies and bring about radical changes to Indian foreign policy. In this article, we problematize these ‘substantive’ readings of pragmatism. Instead we present an alternative, ‘procedural’ reading of foreign policy pragmatism that emphasises the selection and fusion—rather than the abandonment—of different ideas and ideological commitments in order to effect foreign policy change. By demonstrating procedural pragmatism at work in two case-studies under Modi's leadership—the resolution of India's territorial dispute with Bangladesh, and the establishment and public celebration of a UN-recognized International Day of Yoga—we show how Modi's pragmatic approach to foreign policy-making is responsive to both Hindutva (Hindu nationalist ideology) and entrenched foreign policy ideas in India. Our central argument is that Modi is neither unique nor uniquely pragmatic, and like many Indian leaders before him, his pragmatism cannot simply abandon ideas and ideology, but is compelled to respond to them in response to domestic and international political logics.
International Affairs, 2017
Political mistrust in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is high and th... more Political mistrust in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is high and this, in turn, has historically led to shortsighted economic policies and disjointed coordination. As India asserts itself as a global economic player, its leadership, specifically in SAARC, may lead to the political successes necessary to ensure broader connectivity and cooperation in the region. In this new issue brief, “Cooperation in South Asia: The Case for Redefining Alliances,” Dr. Manjari Chatterjee Miller and Dr. Bharath Gopalaswamy re-examine SAARC and point to realignments within SAARC that may boost the effectiveness of the often-times ineffective body.
Chinese Journal of International Politics, 2016
The concept of rising powers is central to international relations, and it is considered crucial ... more The concept of rising powers is central to international relations, and it is considered crucial for answering questions about war and peace. Yet the theoretical literature
on rising powers is surprisingly sparse and highly contentious. One of the biggest shortcomings in this literature is that rising powers are conceptualized only in terms of their material capabilities, that is, their relative economic and military power. As a result, there is little agreement on who is a rising power, when they rose, and when they became or will become a great power. Drawing on primary and secondary sources, this article argues that rising powers are distinguished by very specific
kinds of domestic beliefs. It uses two detailed cases, one historical (the United States 1898–1903) and one contemporary (China post-2002), to show that rising powers, despite different time periods, regimes, and cultures, have very particular
kinds of beliefs about how to become a great power. It uses two additional mini-cases, India post-2002 and Weimar Germany 1922–1933 to argue that if beliefs are not taken into account, states may be overestimated or underestimated as rising
powers.
Foreign Affairs, Apr 2014
Hom e In t er n a t ion a l Edit ion s Dig it a l New sst a n d Job Boa r d A ccou n t Ma n a g e... more Hom e In t er n a t ion a l Edit ion s Dig it a l New sst a n d Job Boa r d A ccou n t Ma n a g em en t RSS New slet t er s SEARCH W elcom e, M Miller (Log ou t ) My A ccou n t (0 ) My Ca r t A P R I L 3 , 2 0 1 4
Foreign Affairs, May 2013
New Directions in India's Foreign Policy: Theory and Praxis, Harsh Pant ed., 2018
The China-India Rivalry in the Globalization Era, T.V. Paul (ed.)
The Hindustan Times, 2020
The Hindustan Times, 2020
While the word 'non-alignment' has essentially faded from the Indian government's vocabulary, the... more While the word 'non-alignment' has essentially faded from the Indian government's vocabulary, the word 'alliance' has not replaced it(Arvind Yadav/HT PHOTO)
The Hindustan Times, 2020
The Hindustan Times, 2020
East Asia Forum, 2020
The relationship between China and India has reached a dangerous low. The recent clash between Ch... more The relationship between China and India has reached a dangerous low. The recent clash between Chinese and Indian troops resulted in the deaths of at least 20 Indian soldiers and the injury of many others. The conflict took place in the Galwan River Valley in the Himalayan border region of Ladakh at the Line of Actual Control (LAC).
Why the cancellation of the 19th SAARC summit could mean new life for the regional grouping. In l... more Why the cancellation of the 19th SAARC summit could mean new life for the regional grouping. In less than two weeks, Pakistan was scheduled to host the 19th annual South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) summit. However, in September, after the terrorist attacks on the Indian army base in Uri, Kashmir, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi decided that India would boycott the summit, citing " increasing crossborder terrorist attacks in the region and growing interference in the internal affairs of member states by one country. " Critics called Modi's decision unprecedented because it is the first time that India has boycotted the summit explicitly citing Pakistan's support for terrorist groups as the reason. However, the cancellation of yet another SAARC summit is in itself a mundane affair. Despite the charter requiring its member countries to meet annually, SAARC summits have been cancelled numerous times. While SAARC is 31 years old, this would have been only the 19th summit, and the most recent SAARC summit was held two years ago in 2014.
The New York Times, Aug 14, 2013
The Christian Science Monitor, Jul 25, 2008
Opinion India's global ambition and the nuclear deal Unlike China, India doesn't have a clear vis... more Opinion India's global ambition and the nuclear deal Unlike China, India doesn't have a clear vision for its role in the world. By Manjari Chatterjee Miller JULY 25, 2008 CAMBRIDGE, MASS. -For three decades, India has craved a nuclear energy deal that would bring prestige and advanced technology. Yet when the coalition government declared this week that it would move ahead with one, it triggered a crisis and a noconfidence motion in Parliament, which it had to scramble to survive.
Why Nations Rise
Japan was considered a rising power in the late 19th century and again during the Cold War. But i... more Japan was considered a rising power in the late 19th century and again during the Cold War. But it rose to become a great power in only the former period. This chapter examines the rise of Meiji Japan and Cold War Japan to show how, despite growing military and economic power in both eras, Japan’s behavior was different—Meiji Japan was active and Cold War Japan was reticent. Examining the narratives in both periods, it finds that in the former it had narratives about how to become a colonial great power, and in the latter it lacked narratives of great power.
Why Nations Rise
China transformed economically and militarily in the 1990s, and was recognized by the world as a ... more China transformed economically and militarily in the 1990s, and was recognized by the world as a rising power. This chapter examines the process of its rise and finds that in addition to increasing its military and economic power, China also engaged in accommodational behavior. In a switch from its past foreign policy behavior, it now conformed to the existing international order by accepting its norms. It integrated into many international institutions and regimes in the world, and began to also assume leadership roles in various international issues. Simultaneously, it had narratives on how to become a great power through institutional leadership, multilateralism, and acceptance of international responsibility.
Why Nations Rise
Like China, the world began to see India as a rising power in the post–Cold War world. While toda... more Like China, the world began to see India as a rising power in the post–Cold War world. While today many would argue China has pulled away from India, in the 1990s, the two countries were comparable in terms of their economic and military development. In the post-Cold War world, thanks to domestic reforms, India’s economic growth took off at unprecedented rates. It continued to invest in its military, and also became a nuclear weapons state. But, as this chapter shows through two of its relationships, with the United States and with ASEAN, India remained peculiarly reticent on the world stage. And the narratives that accompanied its material growth remained entrenched in older ideas and inward facing ideas about nation-building.
Why Nations Rise
In the late 19th century the Dutch entered a second Golden Age. This chapter details how the Dutc... more In the late 19th century the Dutch entered a second Golden Age. This chapter details how the Dutch were considered the second greatest colonial power after the United Kingdom, became one of the richest countries in Europe at the time, and began military reforms. But they were extremely reticent in their foreign policy behavior, giving up colonies and engaging in passive diplomacy. Despite its colonies and wealth, the narratives within the Netherlands denied that the Dutch were imperialist, and showed little appetite for active behavior on the world stage. The behavior of the Dutch was surprising not simply when compared to the world powers of the time—these great powers were, after all, arguably in a stronger strategic position than the Netherlands. Rather the Dutch were reticent even when compared to the smaller European powers of the day who jockeyed for influence, particularly with respect to colonies.
Why Nations Rise
By the early 20th century the United States was recognized as a great power. This chapter details... more By the early 20th century the United States was recognized as a great power. This chapter details the rise of the United States to great power status by engaging in behavior that was both active and accommodational of great power norms in Venezuela, Hawaii, and the Philippines. It shows that the United States, in addition to acquiring economic and military power, also had vibrant and contesting narratives about becoming a colonial great power. These narratives, rooted in older ideas about the role and identity of the United States, spoke to the international norm that a great power by definition would assert imperial authority.
Why Nations Rise
What is known of rising powers is both sparse and contentious. This chapter discusses the assumpt... more What is known of rising powers is both sparse and contentious. This chapter discusses the assumptions of rising powers and puts forward an alternate way of understanding them. It shows that all rising powers are not the same, even if their military and economic power is increasing relative to the status quo, and argues that narratives about becoming a great power are an additional element that needs to be considered. It also discusses what great power meant in the late 19th century, during the Cold War, and in post–Cold War eras, and lays out the map of the book. Topics covered in this chapter include the power transition and rising power literature, the role of ideas in foreign policy, and an overview of the perceptions of great power.
Post-Imperial Ideology and Foreign Policy in India and China, 2013
Why Nations Rise
What are rising powers? Do they challenge the international order? Why do some countries, but not... more What are rising powers? Do they challenge the international order? Why do some countries, but not others, become rising powers? Why Nations Rise answers these questions and shows that some countries rise not just because they develop the military and economic power to do so, but because they develop particular narratives about how to become a great power in the style of the great power du jour. These active rising powers accept the prevalent norms of the international order in order to become great powers. On the other hand, countries that have military and economic power but not these narratives do not rise enough to become great powers—they remain reticent powers. This book examines the narratives in historical (the United States, the Netherlands, Meiji Japan) and contemporary (Cold War Japan, post–Cold War China and India) cases to show patterns of active and reticent rising powers. It ends with lessons for how to understand two rising powers today, China and India.