Howard L L Williams | Cardiff University (original) (raw)

Papers by Howard L L Williams

Gweler ar U tube, 2022

Ceir sawl gwahanol ffordd o edrych ar natur. Yn wir y mae trafod natur mewn llenyddiaeth, gwleidy... more Ceir sawl gwahanol ffordd o edrych ar natur. Yn wir y mae trafod natur mewn llenyddiaeth, gwleidyddiaeth ac athroniaeth yn rhwym o greu ystorm. Amlygir hynny nid yn unig ein trafod mewn bywyd pob dydd ond hefyd yn yr astudiaeth o athroniaeth a'i hanes. Ceir gwahaniaethau mawr rhwng gweledigaethau Hegel, Platon a Locke, neu Kant a Marx o

Collingwood studies, 2024

Politeja, 2009

Celem artykułu jest analiza niektórych wpływowych teorii nacjonalizmu, zaproponowanych zarówno pr... more Celem artykułu jest analiza niektórych wpływowych teorii nacjonalizmu, zaproponowanych zarówno przez jego zwolenników, jak i tych, którzy podjęli próbę wyjaśnienia jego źródeł i znaczenia, pozwalająca na ocenę wkładu doktryn nacjonalistycznych do polityki międzynarodowej. Zwolennicy nacjonalizmu, których koncepcje będą przedmiotem mojej analizy, to niemiecki filozof i teolog Johann Gottfried Herder oraz włoski aktywista polityczny i myśliciel Giuseppe Mazzini. Teoretykami nacjonalizmu, których ujęcia będą przedmiotem mojego zainteresowania, są z kolei Elie Kedourie, Ernest Gellner i David Miller. Przypadek nacjonalizmu zostanie przeanalizowany z punktu widzenia współczesnego kontekstu europejskiego ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem polityki brytyjskiej i niektórych problemów oraz widocznych korzyści będących rezultatem procesu dewolucji w Szkocji i w Walii. Konkluzja, którą proponuję, głosi, że nacjonalizm ma swoje miejsce we współczesnej polityce światowej, ale tylko wówczas, gdy jest podporządkowany szerszej teorii uprawnień.

Kantian Review, 2017

Whilst acknowledging that there are several major differences in the approach which Kant and Marx... more Whilst acknowledging that there are several major differences in the approach which Kant and Marx take to political philosophy this article argues that there are also several common themes. These common themes of commitment to critique, freedom, equality, human betterment and cosmopolitanism are first highlighted. Subsequently the most marked contrasts in their approaches are examined and evaluated. Although Kant demonstrates greater political wisdom and a greater respect for law, Marx shows greater insight into social and political forces. Taken together Kant and Marx present an as yet unrealized, powerful programme for political and social improvement.

This rejection entailed that they, unlike other modern philosophers, were prepared to forgo a sea... more This rejection entailed that they, unlike other modern philosophers, were prepared to forgo a search for an absolute criterion of truth. As Haberrnas tells us/ this was, until then, a major preoccupation of Modern Philosophy. Descartes, Locke and Hume, for instance appear to concentrate entirely on the problem. Critical Philosophy receives its name, we are to assume, from the criticism of the epistemological premisses of previous metaphysics. 15. things are to Hegel nothing but seJf-consciousness m the form of sensation. At this point he takes off his materialist hat. Descartes makes the error, in Kegel's estimation, of not regarding the determinations of objects sensed as a deal. The sum of Hegel's criticism of Descartes would, I think, be that he is a metaphysician.

Contemporary Political Theory, 2011

over republics' (p. 438). As a teacher of ethics, Machiavelli's guiding assumption is to put forw... more over republics' (p. 438). As a teacher of ethics, Machiavelli's guiding assumption is to put forward corrupt views and actions to prompt such readers 'to step back from the political fray and learn how to give reasoned accounts (logoi) of the causes of political problems, and reasoned judgments about how to address them' (pp. 50-51). So encouraged, such readers seem well on their way to becoming spectators of their own historical moment rather than active and responsible citizens. To be sure, the practical purpose of stepping back to think is to step back into politics armed with 'philosophical modes of reasoning' that advance strong claims to have or to be seeking 'a truer account of what standards the idea of a true republic requires' (pp. 51, 59). Still, to interpret Machiavelli's aims in this way is to see him pursing a strategy of what Rawlsians would call 'metaphysical', not political, argument. Machiavelli may not have been as hostile to philosophy as some have suggested, but his four references to 'philosophers' in his most philosophical work, the Discourses, which Benner draws our attention to on page 49, note 112, would not suggest to any reader that Machiavelli thought philosophy to be of much guidance for working in politics, or even for formulating standards for human and political conduct. While Machiavelli's Ethics is a real tour de force of highly disciplined exegesis of Machiavelli's writings, its achievement nevertheless obscures and divorces us from the window Machiavelli otherwise affords into the world of politics in which political agents are rhetorical performers who confront the vicissitudes and fortunes of the times and who cannot afford to practice a philosophical politics.

International Relations and the Limits of Political Theory, 1996

Politics, 1994

International relations and political theory are generally seen as two distinct disciplines with ... more International relations and political theory are generally seen as two distinct disciplines with their afferent methodologies and clusters of problems. This division of labour has in some respects proved useful but may now be too extreme. Political theory and international relations have a common subject matter in political action and state behaviour. The advantages for political theory and international relations in crossing the dividing lines between the disciplines are explored. A case is made for a political theory which is focussed on international relations and an international relations which exploits the approaches and methods of political theory.

Kantian Review, 2010

This article examines where Kant stands on the question of the redistribution of wealth and incom... more This article examines where Kant stands on the question of the redistribution of wealth and income both nationally and globally. Kant is rightly seen as a radical reformer of the world order from a political standpoint seeking a republican, federative worldwide system; can he also be seen as wanting to bring about an equally dramatic shift from an economic perspective? To answer this question we have first of all to address the question of whether he is an egalitarian or an inegalitarian at the national level. Certainly there are certain social and material inequalities within a civil society Kant is prepared to accept and there are some he is not. This would imply that he would affirm certain inequalities at an international level and that there are others upon which he would recommend action. Thus the question arises as to whether or not it is appropriate for Kantians to regard the current enormous inequalities in wealth and income between individuals living in different parts of ...

International Relations, 2006

The year 2004 marked the bicentenary of Immanuel Kant’s death. This article evaluates the main ar... more The year 2004 marked the bicentenary of Immanuel Kant’s death. This article evaluates the main arguments of Kant’s essay on perpetual peace in the light of developments in world politics since his time. How well have his ideas stood the test of time? Kant’s essay is placed in the context of his philosophy as a whole and through a close textual analysis the value of his propositions is assessed. The article looks at the Provisional and Definitive Articles in their mutual relation and places a good deal more emphasis than is usual upon the two supplements and appendix. Finally the article takes the complex circumstances of Kant’s home city, Kaliningrad, as a brief test case for his own theories.

German History, 1993

But now that these outlines are to be printed and given to the general public, there is an opport... more But now that these outlines are to be printed and given to the general public, there is an opportunity of explaining points which in lecturing would be commented on orally. Thus the notes are enlarged in order to include cognate or conflicting ideas, further consequences of the theory ...

American Political Science Review, 1993

options that are not objectively worthwhile does not diminish the person's freedom, whatever the ... more options that are not objectively worthwhile does not diminish the person's freedom, whatever the person wants or thinks. My own view is that gaining the freedom to be a heroin addict represents an increase in one's freedom whether the life of a heroin junkie is objectively valuable or not. Also, I doubt whether there is an objective standard for determining whether heroin use is valuable for a person independently of consulting that very person's evaluative standpoint. But my doubts on these points do not shake my confidence that anyone interested in the topics of freedom, equality, or justice would profit from a close reading of this book.

Edinburgh University Press eBooks, 2001

espanolCuando nos ocupamos de temas como la propiedad, la teoria del castigo, la definicion de ci... more espanolCuando nos ocupamos de temas como la propiedad, la teoria del castigo, la definicion de ciudadania y la teoria del Estado, suele pasar desapercibido el lecho que subyace al novedoso proyecto de filosofia critica de Kant. Mi objetivo en este trabajo es sacar a la luz ese marco, a traves de una somera enumeracion de los topicos centrales de la Critica de la razon pura, desde el punto de vista de la enorme influencia que esta obra tuvo en la filosofia practica de Kant y, por ende, en su filosofia juridica y politica. EnglishWhen we focus in detail on Kant`s account of property, the theory of punishment, the definition of citizenship and the theory of the state, the underlying framework provided in his novel undertaking of critical philosophy is often disregarded. My objective here is to bring that underlying framework into view by looking briefly at the Critique of Pure Reason from the standpoint of its prodigious influence on the presentation of Kant’s practical philosophy and ...

Sociologia Ruralis, 1976

SUMMARY In this paper it is argued that there are three types of rural Welsh community, firstly, ... more SUMMARY In this paper it is argued that there are three types of rural Welsh community, firstly, what has been called ‘a countryside of scattered settlements’, secondly, the rural village and, thirdly, the market town. In suggesting these three ideal types we have been concerned to demonstrate the usefulness of ideal type theory when employed in a critical fashion and, at the same time, to demonstrate that the problem of distinguishing the various types of rural community which exist is a more fruitful problem for a sociologist to explore than the problem of distinguishing the rural from the urban. RESUME Dans cet article on argumente que le Pays-de-Galles comprend trois types de communautes rurales; en premier lieu ce qui a ete decrit comme ‘une contree ?agglomerations dispersees’, en second lieu le village rural, en troisieme lieu le bourg. En proposant ces trois types ideals, nous avyons essaye“de montrer ľutilitye” de la theorie des types ideals lorsque elle est appliquee ?une facon critique, et, en meme temps, de prouver que le probleme ?une distinction entre les divers types dc communaute rurale est, pour les sociologies, un probleme plus prometteur a explorer que celui ?une distinction entre le type rural et le type urbain. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In diesem Artikel wird behauptet, das es drei Typen landlicher Ge-meinden in Wales gibt: Erstens was man unter ‘Streusiedlungen auf dem Lan? versteht, zweitens die landlichen Dorfer, drittens die Marktstadte. Bei der Vorstellung dieser drei Idealtypen wollen wir die Anwendbarkeit der Theorie von den idealen Typen demonstrieren, indem sie in einer kritischen “Weise angewandt wird und gleichzeitig darstellen, das das Problem, verschiedene bestehende landliche Ge-meinden 2u unterscheiden, ein fur einen Soziologen fruchtbares Problem darstellt, als das Problem landliche und stadtische Gemeinden zu unterscheiden.

Kantian Review, 2004

is not enough on others, in particular on Foucault. This chapter on French structuralism is very ... more is not enough on others, in particular on Foucault. This chapter on French structuralism is very good, but is way too short. The issue of how or whether Foucault fits into this section is itself worthy of many pages. Another small criticism is that while it is a good corrective to have a chapter on French feminist theory, it does still ghettoize feminist philosophy insofar as this is the only place in the book where it is discussed and those who do not fit into the French category are excluded. The consequence is that that collection has nothing on someone like Hannah Arendt. Simone de Beauvoir makes the claim that 'one is not born a woman, one becomes one'. But thanks to the Lacanian turn and the shift to a linguistic shaping of sexuality and identity, the issue of becoming is put in doubt, which may sound good philosophically but does not help much politically. The deconstruction sections are very good and are an example of what might have been done with Foucault. We can now see at the end of the book that Western philosophy has attempted to domesticate otherness and we must assess the continental tradition accordingly. Yet the problem arises as to whether deconstruction can take a nonphilosophical position from which to question philosophy. As Simon Critchley notes, the paradox haunting deconstruction is that the only available language is that of philosophy or logocentrism. This is a fine collection. To be ultra critical, the biggest problem with the volume as a whole is that it does not problematize the conception of continental philosophy itself or do what the radical end of the tradition starts to do, which is to criticize its own foundations. We get an idea that the divisions begin with Kant, but we might want to go further and question the very basis of a term that exists primarily to legitimize the analytical tradition.

Hobbes Studies, 2012

Both Hobbes and Kant tackle the issue of natural right in a radical and controversial way. They b... more Both Hobbes and Kant tackle the issue of natural right in a radical and controversial way. They both present systematic, secular theories of natural law in a highly religious age. Whereas Hobbes transforms natural right by placing the rational individual bent on self-preservation at the centre of political philosophy, Kant transforms natural right by putting the metaphysical presuppositions of his critical philosophy at the heart of his reasoning on politics. Neither attempts to provide an orthodox view of natural right as directly or indirectly derived from God’s commands, although subsequent to their philosophical deduction as natural rights or laws both do not entirely repudiate the idea that these rights or laws can be portrayed as having divine support.

History of European Ideas, 1987