Howard Williams | Cardiff University (original) (raw)
Papers by Howard Williams
Contemporary Political Theory, 2011
over republics' (p. 438). As a teacher of ethics, Machiavelli's guiding assumption is to put forw... more over republics' (p. 438). As a teacher of ethics, Machiavelli's guiding assumption is to put forward corrupt views and actions to prompt such readers 'to step back from the political fray and learn how to give reasoned accounts (logoi) of the causes of political problems, and reasoned judgments about how to address them' (pp. 50-51). So encouraged, such readers seem well on their way to becoming spectators of their own historical moment rather than active and responsible citizens. To be sure, the practical purpose of stepping back to think is to step back into politics armed with 'philosophical modes of reasoning' that advance strong claims to have or to be seeking 'a truer account of what standards the idea of a true republic requires' (pp. 51, 59). Still, to interpret Machiavelli's aims in this way is to see him pursing a strategy of what Rawlsians would call 'metaphysical', not political, argument. Machiavelli may not have been as hostile to philosophy as some have suggested, but his four references to 'philosophers' in his most philosophical work, the Discourses, which Benner draws our attention to on page 49, note 112, would not suggest to any reader that Machiavelli thought philosophy to be of much guidance for working in politics, or even for formulating standards for human and political conduct. While Machiavelli's Ethics is a real tour de force of highly disciplined exegesis of Machiavelli's writings, its achievement nevertheless obscures and divorces us from the window Machiavelli otherwise affords into the world of politics in which political agents are rhetorical performers who confront the vicissitudes and fortunes of the times and who cannot afford to practice a philosophical politics.
This rejection entailed that they, unlike other modern philosophers, were prepared to forgo a sea... more This rejection entailed that they, unlike other modern philosophers, were prepared to forgo a search for an absolute criterion of truth. As Haberrnas tells us/ this was, until then, a major preoccupation of Modern Philosophy. Descartes, Locke and Hume, for instance appear to concentrate entirely on the problem. Critical Philosophy receives its name, we are to assume, from the criticism of the epistemological premisses of previous metaphysics. 15. things are to Hegel nothing but seJf-consciousness m the form of sensation. At this point he takes off his materialist hat. Descartes makes the error, in Kegel's estimation, of not regarding the determinations of objects sensed as a deal. The sum of Hegel's criticism of Descartes would, I think, be that he is a metaphysician.
espanolCuando nos ocupamos de temas como la propiedad, la teoria del castigo, la definicion de ci... more espanolCuando nos ocupamos de temas como la propiedad, la teoria del castigo, la definicion de ciudadania y la teoria del Estado, suele pasar desapercibido el lecho que subyace al novedoso proyecto de filosofia critica de Kant. Mi objetivo en este trabajo es sacar a la luz ese marco, a traves de una somera enumeracion de los topicos centrales de la Critica de la razon pura, desde el punto de vista de la enorme influencia que esta obra tuvo en la filosofia practica de Kant y, por ende, en su filosofia juridica y politica. EnglishWhen we focus in detail on Kant`s account of property, the theory of punishment, the definition of citizenship and the theory of the state, the underlying framework provided in his novel undertaking of critical philosophy is often disregarded. My objective here is to bring that underlying framework into view by looking briefly at the Critique of Pure Reason from the standpoint of its prodigious influence on the presentation of Kant’s practical philosophy and ...
Politics, 1994
International relations and political theory are generally seen as two distinct disciplines with ... more International relations and political theory are generally seen as two distinct disciplines with their afferent methodologies and clusters of problems. This division of labour has in some respects proved useful but may now be too extreme. Political theory and international relations have a common subject matter in political action and state behaviour. The advantages for political theory and international relations in crossing the dividing lines between the disciplines are explored. A case is made for a political theory which is focussed on international relations and an international relations which exploits the approaches and methods of political theory.
Kantian Review, 2004
is not enough on others, in particular on Foucault. This chapter on French structuralism is very ... more is not enough on others, in particular on Foucault. This chapter on French structuralism is very good, but is way too short. The issue of how or whether Foucault fits into this section is itself worthy of many pages. Another small criticism is that while it is a good corrective to have a chapter on French feminist theory, it does still ghettoize feminist philosophy insofar as this is the only place in the book where it is discussed and those who do not fit into the French category are excluded. The consequence is that that collection has nothing on someone like Hannah Arendt. Simone de Beauvoir makes the claim that 'one is not born a woman, one becomes one'. But thanks to the Lacanian turn and the shift to a linguistic shaping of sexuality and identity, the issue of becoming is put in doubt, which may sound good philosophically but does not help much politically. The deconstruction sections are very good and are an example of what might have been done with Foucault. We can now see at the end of the book that Western philosophy has attempted to domesticate otherness and we must assess the continental tradition accordingly. Yet the problem arises as to whether deconstruction can take a nonphilosophical position from which to question philosophy. As Simon Critchley notes, the paradox haunting deconstruction is that the only available language is that of philosophy or logocentrism. This is a fine collection. To be ultra critical, the biggest problem with the volume as a whole is that it does not problematize the conception of continental philosophy itself or do what the radical end of the tradition starts to do, which is to criticize its own foundations. We get an idea that the divisions begin with Kant, but we might want to go further and question the very basis of a term that exists primarily to legitimize the analytical tradition.
International Relations and the Limits of Political Theory, 1996
Jurisprudence
In this clearly written and astute book the author provides an excellent introduction to Kant’s d... more In this clearly written and astute book the author provides an excellent introduction to Kant’s doctrine of right and politics. One of the main preoccupations is to show that the doctrine of right is not simply a late, or occasional addition to Kant’s critical project, but is on the contrary an integral part of it. This takes place most strikingly by attempting to demonstrate that Kant’s renowned pure moral theory outlined in the 1770s in the Groundwork for the Metaphysics of Morals and the Critique of Practical Reason is fully compatible with the later doctrine of right (1797). Indeed the author seeks to demonstrate that the doctrine of right – where Kant presents his theory of juridical law – is properly understood as an expansion of the main principle of the earlier work on the categorical imperative and practical reason. In following this line of argument the author enters a controversial debate in Kant philology with well-known protagonists on either side: those who argue that the doctrine of right is at odds with the earlier pure moral theory; and those, like the author himself, who regard the two teachings as fully complementary. For the author the pure moral theory grounds the account which Kant gives of right and the social and political institutions which arise from it. Statehood, and thus the politics which sustains it, should not be seen as to one side of legal theory, but as flowing from the overall Kantian moral theory which provides the foundation for right. I am broadly sympathetic to this project but I think it should be pursued with care. Anyone who recommends this way of interpreting Kant’s practical philosophy and its applied dimensions has to be aware that it is not without its own difficulties. My main strategy in this review will be, first of all, to provide a detailed picture of the complex and various ways in which Kant’s ambitious critical philosophy conditions his doctrine of right and politics. Secondly, within this summary of the influences upon the structuring of the doctrine of right I shall try to evaluate the significance of the various structures, and then thirdly I shall draw out the implications of those conclusions for the author’s book. I take seriously Hirsch’s view that Kant’s doctrine of right and political philosophy in general should be seen within the context of his critical philosophy, but I widen considerably the manner in which the systematic connection should be understood. Hirsch’s emphasis is understandably on Kant’s practical philosophy in demonstrating the connection between the doctrine of right and Kant’s critical system. This is understandable because the account of right is clearly an integral part of Kant’s practical philosophy, which is expressed most succinctly in the Groundwork, but then set out more fully and formally in the Critique of Practical Reason. However, we need always to bear in mind that the Practical Philosophy is only one branch of a philosophical system which takes on the form of a trilogy. As significant for comprehending Kant’s doctrine of right are the two other branches: the epistemological, set out in the Critique of Pure Reason; and the aesthetic and teleological, set out in the Critique of the Power of Judgement. From the perspective of time it might be easily be argued that the third Critique on Judgement should be regarded as
Efrydiau Athronyddol, 1988
Http Dx Doi Org 10 3366 Per 2007 3 1 57, Jan 7, 2008
The European Legacy, 1997
Despite many differences of detail and their fundamental metaphysical clash about Idealism and Ma... more Despite many differences of detail and their fundamental metaphysical clash about Idealism and Materialism Hegel’s and Marx’s views of history are very similar. The assumptions they share in common are: The development of human history falls into distinct stages or epochs. These stages represent a change in gravity in the location of historical development from East to West. World history is progressive. There is an improvement from the more primitive condition of mankind to the more advanced. This is not just a material improvement, there is also a cultural and moral improvement. Human freedom represents one of the main goals of this progressive development. There is a distinct point of culmination where the higher level of society is achieved. For Hegel this point of culmination is in the Germanic Protestant world, for Marx it is communist society. This end-point is dynamic. There is a high point reached, but the high point is a continuous process. Both Hegel and Marx therefore take a teleological view of history.
Kantian Review, 1999
We can distinguish between those political philosophers who are concerned to carry the original K... more We can distinguish between those political philosophers who are concerned to carry the original Kantian project further, like Wolfgang Kersting, Otfried Höffe, Ernest Weinrib and Fernando Teson, and those contemporary political philosophers who have given up the original project but seek to draw inspiration from Kant's thinking. Two political philosophers who belong to this latter trend are Habermas and Rawls.
International Relations, 2006
The year 2004 marked the bicentenary of Immanuel Kant’s death. This article evaluates the main ar... more The year 2004 marked the bicentenary of Immanuel Kant’s death. This article evaluates the main arguments of Kant’s essay on perpetual peace in the light of developments in world politics since his time. How well have his ideas stood the test of time? Kant’s essay is placed in the context of his philosophy as a whole and through a close textual analysis the value of his propositions is assessed. The article looks at the Provisional and Definitive Articles in their mutual relation and places a good deal more emphasis than is usual upon the two supplements and appendix. Finally the article takes the complex circumstances of Kant’s home city, Kaliningrad, as a brief test case for his own theories.
Hobbes Studies, 2012
Both Hobbes and Kant tackle the issue of natural right in a radical and controversial way. They b... more Both Hobbes and Kant tackle the issue of natural right in a radical and controversial way. They both present systematic, secular theories of natural law in a highly religious age. Whereas Hobbes transforms natural right by placing the rational individual bent on self-preservation at the centre of political philosophy, Kant transforms natural right by putting the metaphysical presuppositions of his critical philosophy at the heart of his reasoning on politics. Neither attempts to provide an orthodox view of natural right as directly or indirectly derived from God’s commands, although subsequent to their philosophical deduction as natural rights or laws both do not entirely repudiate the idea that these rights or laws can be portrayed as having divine support.
History of European Ideas, 1989
History of European Ideas, 1987
German History, 1993
until the end of his long career, perhaps reinforced in his ideology by the luxury of never havin... more until the end of his long career, perhaps reinforced in his ideology by the luxury of never having to make any political decisions himself. In his analysis of Campbell's ideas, Abbattista has given us the best account yet of the place of trade, commerce and empire in eighteenth-century "Country" thought, and in this the earlier chapters of the book are its most important. The later chapters, on Campbell's association with Bute (based on a thorough review of the Bute manuscripts), the debate surrounding the Peace of Paris, the Modem Universal History, and the arguments over the structure of the empire in the 176Os, are both less original and less striking: they contain more information and summary than argument, and work within but do not stretch the historiographical boundaries drawn by Linda Colley and John Brewer, for example. It is in these chapters that Abbattista's decision to stick to a strictly chronological, bibliographical and above all biographical scheme seems most unfortunate. The book contains many fine insights and conclusions buried amid footnotes and paraphrases, for example on the British reception of Dutch political thought (especially the work of the de la Court brothers), or on the Abbe Raynal's debt to Campbell in the Histoire des Deux Zndes. Abbattista's biographical concern means that he does not draw some of the most obviously striking conclusions suggested by his material. Britain's hegemony over its colonies and its commercial empire in the eighteenth century was essential to its self-image as a liberal state, though the protests of the American colonists from the 1760s revealed the deceptions and practical limits of this self-image. Imperial identity developed alongside creole patriotism and (as David Brading has also recently shown for the Spanish empire) there were philo-colonial as well as metrocentric strands within the political and historical formation of that identity. Though Abbattista carefully presents striking evidence of these developments, it will be left to others to conceptualise them more widely.
But now that these outlines are to be printed and given to the general public, there is an opport... more But now that these outlines are to be printed and given to the general public, there is an opportunity of explaining points which in lecturing would be commented on orally. Thus the notes are enlarged in order to include cognate or conflicting ideas, further consequences of the theory ...
Copyright © 1979 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 Willia... more Copyright © 1979 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 3 Market Place, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1SY Afterword © 1999 by Princeton ...
Contemporary Political Theory, 2011
over republics' (p. 438). As a teacher of ethics, Machiavelli's guiding assumption is to put forw... more over republics' (p. 438). As a teacher of ethics, Machiavelli's guiding assumption is to put forward corrupt views and actions to prompt such readers 'to step back from the political fray and learn how to give reasoned accounts (logoi) of the causes of political problems, and reasoned judgments about how to address them' (pp. 50-51). So encouraged, such readers seem well on their way to becoming spectators of their own historical moment rather than active and responsible citizens. To be sure, the practical purpose of stepping back to think is to step back into politics armed with 'philosophical modes of reasoning' that advance strong claims to have or to be seeking 'a truer account of what standards the idea of a true republic requires' (pp. 51, 59). Still, to interpret Machiavelli's aims in this way is to see him pursing a strategy of what Rawlsians would call 'metaphysical', not political, argument. Machiavelli may not have been as hostile to philosophy as some have suggested, but his four references to 'philosophers' in his most philosophical work, the Discourses, which Benner draws our attention to on page 49, note 112, would not suggest to any reader that Machiavelli thought philosophy to be of much guidance for working in politics, or even for formulating standards for human and political conduct. While Machiavelli's Ethics is a real tour de force of highly disciplined exegesis of Machiavelli's writings, its achievement nevertheless obscures and divorces us from the window Machiavelli otherwise affords into the world of politics in which political agents are rhetorical performers who confront the vicissitudes and fortunes of the times and who cannot afford to practice a philosophical politics.
This rejection entailed that they, unlike other modern philosophers, were prepared to forgo a sea... more This rejection entailed that they, unlike other modern philosophers, were prepared to forgo a search for an absolute criterion of truth. As Haberrnas tells us/ this was, until then, a major preoccupation of Modern Philosophy. Descartes, Locke and Hume, for instance appear to concentrate entirely on the problem. Critical Philosophy receives its name, we are to assume, from the criticism of the epistemological premisses of previous metaphysics. 15. things are to Hegel nothing but seJf-consciousness m the form of sensation. At this point he takes off his materialist hat. Descartes makes the error, in Kegel's estimation, of not regarding the determinations of objects sensed as a deal. The sum of Hegel's criticism of Descartes would, I think, be that he is a metaphysician.
espanolCuando nos ocupamos de temas como la propiedad, la teoria del castigo, la definicion de ci... more espanolCuando nos ocupamos de temas como la propiedad, la teoria del castigo, la definicion de ciudadania y la teoria del Estado, suele pasar desapercibido el lecho que subyace al novedoso proyecto de filosofia critica de Kant. Mi objetivo en este trabajo es sacar a la luz ese marco, a traves de una somera enumeracion de los topicos centrales de la Critica de la razon pura, desde el punto de vista de la enorme influencia que esta obra tuvo en la filosofia practica de Kant y, por ende, en su filosofia juridica y politica. EnglishWhen we focus in detail on Kant`s account of property, the theory of punishment, the definition of citizenship and the theory of the state, the underlying framework provided in his novel undertaking of critical philosophy is often disregarded. My objective here is to bring that underlying framework into view by looking briefly at the Critique of Pure Reason from the standpoint of its prodigious influence on the presentation of Kant’s practical philosophy and ...
Politics, 1994
International relations and political theory are generally seen as two distinct disciplines with ... more International relations and political theory are generally seen as two distinct disciplines with their afferent methodologies and clusters of problems. This division of labour has in some respects proved useful but may now be too extreme. Political theory and international relations have a common subject matter in political action and state behaviour. The advantages for political theory and international relations in crossing the dividing lines between the disciplines are explored. A case is made for a political theory which is focussed on international relations and an international relations which exploits the approaches and methods of political theory.
Kantian Review, 2004
is not enough on others, in particular on Foucault. This chapter on French structuralism is very ... more is not enough on others, in particular on Foucault. This chapter on French structuralism is very good, but is way too short. The issue of how or whether Foucault fits into this section is itself worthy of many pages. Another small criticism is that while it is a good corrective to have a chapter on French feminist theory, it does still ghettoize feminist philosophy insofar as this is the only place in the book where it is discussed and those who do not fit into the French category are excluded. The consequence is that that collection has nothing on someone like Hannah Arendt. Simone de Beauvoir makes the claim that 'one is not born a woman, one becomes one'. But thanks to the Lacanian turn and the shift to a linguistic shaping of sexuality and identity, the issue of becoming is put in doubt, which may sound good philosophically but does not help much politically. The deconstruction sections are very good and are an example of what might have been done with Foucault. We can now see at the end of the book that Western philosophy has attempted to domesticate otherness and we must assess the continental tradition accordingly. Yet the problem arises as to whether deconstruction can take a nonphilosophical position from which to question philosophy. As Simon Critchley notes, the paradox haunting deconstruction is that the only available language is that of philosophy or logocentrism. This is a fine collection. To be ultra critical, the biggest problem with the volume as a whole is that it does not problematize the conception of continental philosophy itself or do what the radical end of the tradition starts to do, which is to criticize its own foundations. We get an idea that the divisions begin with Kant, but we might want to go further and question the very basis of a term that exists primarily to legitimize the analytical tradition.
International Relations and the Limits of Political Theory, 1996
Jurisprudence
In this clearly written and astute book the author provides an excellent introduction to Kant’s d... more In this clearly written and astute book the author provides an excellent introduction to Kant’s doctrine of right and politics. One of the main preoccupations is to show that the doctrine of right is not simply a late, or occasional addition to Kant’s critical project, but is on the contrary an integral part of it. This takes place most strikingly by attempting to demonstrate that Kant’s renowned pure moral theory outlined in the 1770s in the Groundwork for the Metaphysics of Morals and the Critique of Practical Reason is fully compatible with the later doctrine of right (1797). Indeed the author seeks to demonstrate that the doctrine of right – where Kant presents his theory of juridical law – is properly understood as an expansion of the main principle of the earlier work on the categorical imperative and practical reason. In following this line of argument the author enters a controversial debate in Kant philology with well-known protagonists on either side: those who argue that the doctrine of right is at odds with the earlier pure moral theory; and those, like the author himself, who regard the two teachings as fully complementary. For the author the pure moral theory grounds the account which Kant gives of right and the social and political institutions which arise from it. Statehood, and thus the politics which sustains it, should not be seen as to one side of legal theory, but as flowing from the overall Kantian moral theory which provides the foundation for right. I am broadly sympathetic to this project but I think it should be pursued with care. Anyone who recommends this way of interpreting Kant’s practical philosophy and its applied dimensions has to be aware that it is not without its own difficulties. My main strategy in this review will be, first of all, to provide a detailed picture of the complex and various ways in which Kant’s ambitious critical philosophy conditions his doctrine of right and politics. Secondly, within this summary of the influences upon the structuring of the doctrine of right I shall try to evaluate the significance of the various structures, and then thirdly I shall draw out the implications of those conclusions for the author’s book. I take seriously Hirsch’s view that Kant’s doctrine of right and political philosophy in general should be seen within the context of his critical philosophy, but I widen considerably the manner in which the systematic connection should be understood. Hirsch’s emphasis is understandably on Kant’s practical philosophy in demonstrating the connection between the doctrine of right and Kant’s critical system. This is understandable because the account of right is clearly an integral part of Kant’s practical philosophy, which is expressed most succinctly in the Groundwork, but then set out more fully and formally in the Critique of Practical Reason. However, we need always to bear in mind that the Practical Philosophy is only one branch of a philosophical system which takes on the form of a trilogy. As significant for comprehending Kant’s doctrine of right are the two other branches: the epistemological, set out in the Critique of Pure Reason; and the aesthetic and teleological, set out in the Critique of the Power of Judgement. From the perspective of time it might be easily be argued that the third Critique on Judgement should be regarded as
Efrydiau Athronyddol, 1988
Http Dx Doi Org 10 3366 Per 2007 3 1 57, Jan 7, 2008
The European Legacy, 1997
Despite many differences of detail and their fundamental metaphysical clash about Idealism and Ma... more Despite many differences of detail and their fundamental metaphysical clash about Idealism and Materialism Hegel’s and Marx’s views of history are very similar. The assumptions they share in common are: The development of human history falls into distinct stages or epochs. These stages represent a change in gravity in the location of historical development from East to West. World history is progressive. There is an improvement from the more primitive condition of mankind to the more advanced. This is not just a material improvement, there is also a cultural and moral improvement. Human freedom represents one of the main goals of this progressive development. There is a distinct point of culmination where the higher level of society is achieved. For Hegel this point of culmination is in the Germanic Protestant world, for Marx it is communist society. This end-point is dynamic. There is a high point reached, but the high point is a continuous process. Both Hegel and Marx therefore take a teleological view of history.
Kantian Review, 1999
We can distinguish between those political philosophers who are concerned to carry the original K... more We can distinguish between those political philosophers who are concerned to carry the original Kantian project further, like Wolfgang Kersting, Otfried Höffe, Ernest Weinrib and Fernando Teson, and those contemporary political philosophers who have given up the original project but seek to draw inspiration from Kant's thinking. Two political philosophers who belong to this latter trend are Habermas and Rawls.
International Relations, 2006
The year 2004 marked the bicentenary of Immanuel Kant’s death. This article evaluates the main ar... more The year 2004 marked the bicentenary of Immanuel Kant’s death. This article evaluates the main arguments of Kant’s essay on perpetual peace in the light of developments in world politics since his time. How well have his ideas stood the test of time? Kant’s essay is placed in the context of his philosophy as a whole and through a close textual analysis the value of his propositions is assessed. The article looks at the Provisional and Definitive Articles in their mutual relation and places a good deal more emphasis than is usual upon the two supplements and appendix. Finally the article takes the complex circumstances of Kant’s home city, Kaliningrad, as a brief test case for his own theories.
Hobbes Studies, 2012
Both Hobbes and Kant tackle the issue of natural right in a radical and controversial way. They b... more Both Hobbes and Kant tackle the issue of natural right in a radical and controversial way. They both present systematic, secular theories of natural law in a highly religious age. Whereas Hobbes transforms natural right by placing the rational individual bent on self-preservation at the centre of political philosophy, Kant transforms natural right by putting the metaphysical presuppositions of his critical philosophy at the heart of his reasoning on politics. Neither attempts to provide an orthodox view of natural right as directly or indirectly derived from God’s commands, although subsequent to their philosophical deduction as natural rights or laws both do not entirely repudiate the idea that these rights or laws can be portrayed as having divine support.
History of European Ideas, 1989
History of European Ideas, 1987
German History, 1993
until the end of his long career, perhaps reinforced in his ideology by the luxury of never havin... more until the end of his long career, perhaps reinforced in his ideology by the luxury of never having to make any political decisions himself. In his analysis of Campbell's ideas, Abbattista has given us the best account yet of the place of trade, commerce and empire in eighteenth-century "Country" thought, and in this the earlier chapters of the book are its most important. The later chapters, on Campbell's association with Bute (based on a thorough review of the Bute manuscripts), the debate surrounding the Peace of Paris, the Modem Universal History, and the arguments over the structure of the empire in the 176Os, are both less original and less striking: they contain more information and summary than argument, and work within but do not stretch the historiographical boundaries drawn by Linda Colley and John Brewer, for example. It is in these chapters that Abbattista's decision to stick to a strictly chronological, bibliographical and above all biographical scheme seems most unfortunate. The book contains many fine insights and conclusions buried amid footnotes and paraphrases, for example on the British reception of Dutch political thought (especially the work of the de la Court brothers), or on the Abbe Raynal's debt to Campbell in the Histoire des Deux Zndes. Abbattista's biographical concern means that he does not draw some of the most obviously striking conclusions suggested by his material. Britain's hegemony over its colonies and its commercial empire in the eighteenth century was essential to its self-image as a liberal state, though the protests of the American colonists from the 1760s revealed the deceptions and practical limits of this self-image. Imperial identity developed alongside creole patriotism and (as David Brading has also recently shown for the Spanish empire) there were philo-colonial as well as metrocentric strands within the political and historical formation of that identity. Though Abbattista carefully presents striking evidence of these developments, it will be left to others to conceptualise them more widely.
But now that these outlines are to be printed and given to the general public, there is an opport... more But now that these outlines are to be printed and given to the general public, there is an opportunity of explaining points which in lecturing would be commented on orally. Thus the notes are enlarged in order to include cognate or conflicting ideas, further consequences of the theory ...
Copyright © 1979 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 Willia... more Copyright © 1979 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 3 Market Place, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1SY Afterword © 1999 by Princeton ...