Stephanie Mitchell | Carthage College (original) (raw)
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Papers by Stephanie Mitchell
Hispanic Research Journal
Mexico’s traumatic Revolution (1910-1917) attested to stark divisions that had existed in the cou... more Mexico’s traumatic Revolution (1910-1917) attested to stark divisions that had existed in the country for many years. After the dust of the war settled, post-revolutionary leaders embarked on a nation-building project that aimed to assimilate the country’s racially diverse population under the umbrella of official mestizaje (or an institutionalized mixed-race identity). Indigenous Mexicans would assimilate to the state by undergoing a project of “modernization,” which would entail industrial growth through the imposition of a market-based economy. From the end of the Revolution until at least the 1970s, state officials funded cultural artists who buoyed official discourses by positing mestizaje as necessary to an authentically Mexican modernity. In this book, I argue that post-revolutionary state officials viewed the hybridization of indigenous (and female) bodies with technology as paramount to constructing a new national identity. Indeed, state officials believed they could eradicate indigenous “primitivity” and transform Amerindians into full-fledged members of the modern state by fusing indigenous bodies with technology through medicine, education, industrial agriculture and factory work. My book discusses the work of numerous authors and artists who used very different media to question post-revolutionary Mexican identity, and it shows that thinkers with otherwise antithetical worldviews concurred with the idea that technology could modernize indigenous bodies and thus assimilate them to the state.
Journal of Latin American Studies
The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Latin American History
Lázaro Cárdenas served as Mexico’s president from 1934–1940. His presidency marked the end of the... more Lázaro Cárdenas served as Mexico’s president from 1934–1940. His presidency marked the end of the “Maximato,” the period in which the former president Plutarco Elías Calles exercised control. It bridged the gap between the rocky postwar years of the 1920s and the authoritarian dominance of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) that characterized the rest of the 20th century. Cárdenas is Mexico’s most studied and best remembered president. To the extent that the Mexican Revolution ever was truly radical or popular, it was during the Cárdenas presidency. Cardenismo is an amorphous term that refers both to Cárdenas’s administration and his reform agenda. Cardenistas were a diverse coalition of supporters, some who advocated his agenda and others who merely allied themselves with his administration for non-ideological reasons. Cárdenas set out to realize what he saw as the promises of the revolution: justice for workers and peasants. He distributed about twice as much land as his predecessors combined, and he promoted unionization and strikes. He famously expropriated and nationalized the petroleum industry in dramatic defense of the Mexican worker. These actions earned him enduring affection, although he did not receive universal support even among the disenfranchised while in office. Many opposed his policies, especially those tied with the project of cultural transformation whose origin came earlier, but whose objectives Cárdenas sought to support, especially secularization. Cárdenas’s “Socialist Education” project faced particularly fierce opposition, and he was forced to abandon it along with most of the anticlerical agenda after 1938. That same year, he reorganized the ruling party along corporatist lines and rebaptized it the “Party of the Mexican Revolution,” or PRM. That restructuring is largely credited with having created the conditions under which future administrations would be able to exercise authoritarian control, although this was not Cárdenas’s intention. His presidency is more noted for what it failed to accomplish than for its successes. Nevertheless, his legacy lives on, most visibly in countryside and in the political career of his son Cuahtémoc, who has for decades struggled to fulfill his father’s vision.
The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Latin American History, 2015
The Latin Americanist, 2014
Hispanic American Historical Review, 2009
... As for the Mayan world, one could also mention Matthew Restall, among others, and for Peru, F... more ... As for the Mayan world, one could also mention Matthew Restall, among others, and for Peru, Frank Salomon ... In the case of Simón Bolívar's Angostura Address, Burke and Humphrey's rendering is functional and lacking fluency in comparison to Frederick H. Fornoff's ver-sion in ...
The Catholic Historical Review, 2004
Page 1. Church and State Education in Revolutionary Mexico City Boylan, Kristina A. The Americas,... more Page 1. Church and State Education in Revolutionary Mexico City Boylan, Kristina A. The Americas, Volume 61, Number 2, October 2004, pp. 290-292 (Review) Published by The Academy of American Franciscan History DOI: 10.1353/tam.2004.0131 ...
Journal of Latin American Studies, 2007
... Kaplan states that 'Patriarchy serves as a model for all hierarchical sys-tems.' Th... more ... Kaplan states that 'Patriarchy serves as a model for all hierarchical sys-tems.' Thus, as Mary Kay Vaughan points out ... Kristina Boylan's chapter on Catholic women's activism is especially helpful, revealing the complexities and inconsistencies within the most successful form of ...
Journal of Latin American Studies, 2011
Hispanic Research Journal
Mexico’s traumatic Revolution (1910-1917) attested to stark divisions that had existed in the cou... more Mexico’s traumatic Revolution (1910-1917) attested to stark divisions that had existed in the country for many years. After the dust of the war settled, post-revolutionary leaders embarked on a nation-building project that aimed to assimilate the country’s racially diverse population under the umbrella of official mestizaje (or an institutionalized mixed-race identity). Indigenous Mexicans would assimilate to the state by undergoing a project of “modernization,” which would entail industrial growth through the imposition of a market-based economy. From the end of the Revolution until at least the 1970s, state officials funded cultural artists who buoyed official discourses by positing mestizaje as necessary to an authentically Mexican modernity. In this book, I argue that post-revolutionary state officials viewed the hybridization of indigenous (and female) bodies with technology as paramount to constructing a new national identity. Indeed, state officials believed they could eradicate indigenous “primitivity” and transform Amerindians into full-fledged members of the modern state by fusing indigenous bodies with technology through medicine, education, industrial agriculture and factory work. My book discusses the work of numerous authors and artists who used very different media to question post-revolutionary Mexican identity, and it shows that thinkers with otherwise antithetical worldviews concurred with the idea that technology could modernize indigenous bodies and thus assimilate them to the state.
Journal of Latin American Studies
The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Latin American History
Lázaro Cárdenas served as Mexico’s president from 1934–1940. His presidency marked the end of the... more Lázaro Cárdenas served as Mexico’s president from 1934–1940. His presidency marked the end of the “Maximato,” the period in which the former president Plutarco Elías Calles exercised control. It bridged the gap between the rocky postwar years of the 1920s and the authoritarian dominance of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) that characterized the rest of the 20th century. Cárdenas is Mexico’s most studied and best remembered president. To the extent that the Mexican Revolution ever was truly radical or popular, it was during the Cárdenas presidency. Cardenismo is an amorphous term that refers both to Cárdenas’s administration and his reform agenda. Cardenistas were a diverse coalition of supporters, some who advocated his agenda and others who merely allied themselves with his administration for non-ideological reasons. Cárdenas set out to realize what he saw as the promises of the revolution: justice for workers and peasants. He distributed about twice as much land as his predecessors combined, and he promoted unionization and strikes. He famously expropriated and nationalized the petroleum industry in dramatic defense of the Mexican worker. These actions earned him enduring affection, although he did not receive universal support even among the disenfranchised while in office. Many opposed his policies, especially those tied with the project of cultural transformation whose origin came earlier, but whose objectives Cárdenas sought to support, especially secularization. Cárdenas’s “Socialist Education” project faced particularly fierce opposition, and he was forced to abandon it along with most of the anticlerical agenda after 1938. That same year, he reorganized the ruling party along corporatist lines and rebaptized it the “Party of the Mexican Revolution,” or PRM. That restructuring is largely credited with having created the conditions under which future administrations would be able to exercise authoritarian control, although this was not Cárdenas’s intention. His presidency is more noted for what it failed to accomplish than for its successes. Nevertheless, his legacy lives on, most visibly in countryside and in the political career of his son Cuahtémoc, who has for decades struggled to fulfill his father’s vision.
The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Latin American History, 2015
The Latin Americanist, 2014
Hispanic American Historical Review, 2009
... As for the Mayan world, one could also mention Matthew Restall, among others, and for Peru, F... more ... As for the Mayan world, one could also mention Matthew Restall, among others, and for Peru, Frank Salomon ... In the case of Simón Bolívar's Angostura Address, Burke and Humphrey's rendering is functional and lacking fluency in comparison to Frederick H. Fornoff's ver-sion in ...
The Catholic Historical Review, 2004
Page 1. Church and State Education in Revolutionary Mexico City Boylan, Kristina A. The Americas,... more Page 1. Church and State Education in Revolutionary Mexico City Boylan, Kristina A. The Americas, Volume 61, Number 2, October 2004, pp. 290-292 (Review) Published by The Academy of American Franciscan History DOI: 10.1353/tam.2004.0131 ...
Journal of Latin American Studies, 2007
... Kaplan states that 'Patriarchy serves as a model for all hierarchical sys-tems.' Th... more ... Kaplan states that 'Patriarchy serves as a model for all hierarchical sys-tems.' Thus, as Mary Kay Vaughan points out ... Kristina Boylan's chapter on Catholic women's activism is especially helpful, revealing the complexities and inconsistencies within the most successful form of ...
Journal of Latin American Studies, 2011