Heather Silber Mohamed | Clark University (original) (raw)

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Papers by Heather Silber Mohamed

Journal of race, ethnicity, and politics, Mar 20, 2020

The relationship between religiosity and political attitudes is well established in the United St... more The relationship between religiosity and political attitudes is well established in the United States, particularly around gendered issues like abortion. However, this relationship can be complicated by the highly gendered and racialized nature of social identities. In this paper, we explore how different forms of religiosity (belonging to a denomination, specific religious beliefs, and religious behavior in church and in private) interact with gender to shape Latino abortion preferences. Using two sets of national survey data, we find that Evangelicalism and church attendance are more strongly associated with anti-abortion attitudes among Latino men, while religious beliefs are gender neutral. Our results illustrate the importance of intersectional approaches to studies of social identities and political preferences, as well as the importance of including gender in research on the role of the Evangelical church on immigrant political behavior.

American Politics Research, 2021

Who is most likely to consider diverse representation desirable? Previous literature typically em... more Who is most likely to consider diverse representation desirable? Previous literature typically emphasizes the importance of partisanship and group identity congruence (i.e., women representing women) in influencing attitudes about descriptive representation. Alternatively, we test whether the racialized politics that emerged in 2016 might now shape views about representation by members of underrepresented groups. Using data from the 2016 ANES, we examine attitudes toward increasing the number of women and Hispanic representatives. Rather than partisanship or identity congruence, our results point to the primacy of racial attitudes, linked fate, and feminism in shaping views about diverse representation. Indeed, even when examining attitudes about increased representation by women, we find strong evidence that opinions are now racialized. We argue for a more expansive understanding of support for descriptive representation, which may reflect an individual’s opinions of marginalized g...

Public Opinion Quarterly, 2022

On average, over 1 in 10 women in the United States have difficulty getting pregnant and carrying... more On average, over 1 in 10 women in the United States have difficulty getting pregnant and carrying a pregnancy to full term, with women of color experiencing infertility at nearly twice the rate of non-Hispanic white women. Although infertility rates are significantly higher within Black and Latino communities, treatment and success rates are significantly lower. We seek to understand whether views of in vitro fertilization (IVF, a common reproductive technology), particularly within communities of color, are shaped by a broader skepticism about new medical technology. Using data from a 2013 national survey conducted by the Pew Research Center, we measure medical mistrust across racial/ethnic groups and test whether these beliefs are associated with views toward IVF.

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 2019

When discussing immigration on the campaign trail in 2016, Republican presidential nominee Donald... more When discussing immigration on the campaign trail in 2016, Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump used the term 'bad hombres' to criticise immigrants, and in particular Latino men. Using a novel dataset of images accompanying immigration news stories in three major news magazines from 2000-2010, we examine the extent to which press coverage helped set the stage for this sort of racialised and gendered association. We find overwhelming support for the 'bad hombres' hypothesis, demonstrating that in comparison to the true demographics of immigrants in the U.S., press portrayals significantly over-represent Latino men and under-represent all other immigrant groups. Our results are particularly important in light of research demonstrating that individuals' political attitudes are influenced by the perceived 'target group,' or beneficiary, of a given policy, as well as scholarship demonstrating the media's role in fostering a sense of 'Latino threat.' ARTICLE HISTORY

Politics, Groups, and Identities, 2018

A growing body of evidence demonstrates that the way the press frames policy issues can foster fe... more A growing body of evidence demonstrates that the way the press frames policy issues can foster fear, particularly with respect to portrayals of immigrants. Building on this research, we examine images of immigrants, borders, and legality in the media's coverage of immigration. To do so, we collect a unique dataset of images appearing in three major national news magazines' articles about immigration or immigrants in the U.S. between 2000 and 2010. We code the images based on whether they include visual representations of the border and immigration enforcement, whether illegality and/or criminal behavior is shown or implied, and the activities in which the immigrants are engaged. We find that the press frequently portrays immigrants as undocumented, presenting images of the border as well as immigrant arrests and detentions. Moreover, when immigrants are working, they are disproportionately engaged in low-skilled activities. Our analysis demonstrates a general tendency to frame immigrants in a negative light, consistent with a "threat" narrative but inconsistent with actual immigrant demographics. Our findings are particularly important in light of research establishing that such portrayals contribute to more hostile attitudes about immigration in the U.S. as well as greater support for punitive immigration policy among Whites.

Oxford Bibliographies Online Datasets

Although the Statue of Liberty, one of the premier symbols of the United States, welcomes “your t... more Although the Statue of Liberty, one of the premier symbols of the United States, welcomes “your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,” America’s relationship with its immigrants has long been ambivalent. Throughout the United States’ history, there have been persistent and charged debates over the nature and consequences of immigration. At times, America has greatly restricted the number and characteristics of newcomers, despite its aspiration to be identified as a “nation of immigrants” and a “melting pot.” The heated, contentious debate over who should be included in the United States, and how they should be included, persists in the halls of Congress, the judiciary, the executive branch, and at the state and local levels. The literature related to history and contemporary debates regarding immigration politics and policy in the United States is expansive. This article addresses scholarship on a number of specific policy debates, as well as popular reacti...

This article takes advantage of a quasi-experiment in the 2006 Latino National Survey (LNS) to ex... more This article takes advantage of a quasi-experiment in the 2006 Latino National Survey (LNS) to examine the effects of exogenous events on identity. Roughly halfway through the survey's data collection, millions of Latinos mobilized to protest HR 4437, an immigration bill advancing in the U.S. Congress. This event provides the opportunity to examine differences in selfidentification among comparable populations. I divide the LNS into a control group interviewed prior to these demonstrations and a treatment group interviewed after. My analysis shows respondents in the latter group were more likely to identify as American, with effects concentrated among Spanish speakers, and particularly Mexicans and Dominicans. I find no difference in identification as Latino or with one's ancestral subgroup. These findings run contrary to the expectations of much existing literature, which assumes an increased sense of group threat results in heightened pan-ethnic sentiment across the Latino population.

Journal of race, ethnicity, and politics, Mar 20, 2020

The relationship between religiosity and political attitudes is well established in the United St... more The relationship between religiosity and political attitudes is well established in the United States, particularly around gendered issues like abortion. However, this relationship can be complicated by the highly gendered and racialized nature of social identities. In this paper, we explore how different forms of religiosity (belonging to a denomination, specific religious beliefs, and religious behavior in church and in private) interact with gender to shape Latino abortion preferences. Using two sets of national survey data, we find that Evangelicalism and church attendance are more strongly associated with anti-abortion attitudes among Latino men, while religious beliefs are gender neutral. Our results illustrate the importance of intersectional approaches to studies of social identities and political preferences, as well as the importance of including gender in research on the role of the Evangelical church on immigrant political behavior.

American Politics Research, 2021

Who is most likely to consider diverse representation desirable? Previous literature typically em... more Who is most likely to consider diverse representation desirable? Previous literature typically emphasizes the importance of partisanship and group identity congruence (i.e., women representing women) in influencing attitudes about descriptive representation. Alternatively, we test whether the racialized politics that emerged in 2016 might now shape views about representation by members of underrepresented groups. Using data from the 2016 ANES, we examine attitudes toward increasing the number of women and Hispanic representatives. Rather than partisanship or identity congruence, our results point to the primacy of racial attitudes, linked fate, and feminism in shaping views about diverse representation. Indeed, even when examining attitudes about increased representation by women, we find strong evidence that opinions are now racialized. We argue for a more expansive understanding of support for descriptive representation, which may reflect an individual’s opinions of marginalized g...

Public Opinion Quarterly, 2022

On average, over 1 in 10 women in the United States have difficulty getting pregnant and carrying... more On average, over 1 in 10 women in the United States have difficulty getting pregnant and carrying a pregnancy to full term, with women of color experiencing infertility at nearly twice the rate of non-Hispanic white women. Although infertility rates are significantly higher within Black and Latino communities, treatment and success rates are significantly lower. We seek to understand whether views of in vitro fertilization (IVF, a common reproductive technology), particularly within communities of color, are shaped by a broader skepticism about new medical technology. Using data from a 2013 national survey conducted by the Pew Research Center, we measure medical mistrust across racial/ethnic groups and test whether these beliefs are associated with views toward IVF.

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 2019

When discussing immigration on the campaign trail in 2016, Republican presidential nominee Donald... more When discussing immigration on the campaign trail in 2016, Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump used the term 'bad hombres' to criticise immigrants, and in particular Latino men. Using a novel dataset of images accompanying immigration news stories in three major news magazines from 2000-2010, we examine the extent to which press coverage helped set the stage for this sort of racialised and gendered association. We find overwhelming support for the 'bad hombres' hypothesis, demonstrating that in comparison to the true demographics of immigrants in the U.S., press portrayals significantly over-represent Latino men and under-represent all other immigrant groups. Our results are particularly important in light of research demonstrating that individuals' political attitudes are influenced by the perceived 'target group,' or beneficiary, of a given policy, as well as scholarship demonstrating the media's role in fostering a sense of 'Latino threat.' ARTICLE HISTORY

Politics, Groups, and Identities, 2018

A growing body of evidence demonstrates that the way the press frames policy issues can foster fe... more A growing body of evidence demonstrates that the way the press frames policy issues can foster fear, particularly with respect to portrayals of immigrants. Building on this research, we examine images of immigrants, borders, and legality in the media's coverage of immigration. To do so, we collect a unique dataset of images appearing in three major national news magazines' articles about immigration or immigrants in the U.S. between 2000 and 2010. We code the images based on whether they include visual representations of the border and immigration enforcement, whether illegality and/or criminal behavior is shown or implied, and the activities in which the immigrants are engaged. We find that the press frequently portrays immigrants as undocumented, presenting images of the border as well as immigrant arrests and detentions. Moreover, when immigrants are working, they are disproportionately engaged in low-skilled activities. Our analysis demonstrates a general tendency to frame immigrants in a negative light, consistent with a "threat" narrative but inconsistent with actual immigrant demographics. Our findings are particularly important in light of research establishing that such portrayals contribute to more hostile attitudes about immigration in the U.S. as well as greater support for punitive immigration policy among Whites.

Oxford Bibliographies Online Datasets

Although the Statue of Liberty, one of the premier symbols of the United States, welcomes “your t... more Although the Statue of Liberty, one of the premier symbols of the United States, welcomes “your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,” America’s relationship with its immigrants has long been ambivalent. Throughout the United States’ history, there have been persistent and charged debates over the nature and consequences of immigration. At times, America has greatly restricted the number and characteristics of newcomers, despite its aspiration to be identified as a “nation of immigrants” and a “melting pot.” The heated, contentious debate over who should be included in the United States, and how they should be included, persists in the halls of Congress, the judiciary, the executive branch, and at the state and local levels. The literature related to history and contemporary debates regarding immigration politics and policy in the United States is expansive. This article addresses scholarship on a number of specific policy debates, as well as popular reacti...

This article takes advantage of a quasi-experiment in the 2006 Latino National Survey (LNS) to ex... more This article takes advantage of a quasi-experiment in the 2006 Latino National Survey (LNS) to examine the effects of exogenous events on identity. Roughly halfway through the survey's data collection, millions of Latinos mobilized to protest HR 4437, an immigration bill advancing in the U.S. Congress. This event provides the opportunity to examine differences in selfidentification among comparable populations. I divide the LNS into a control group interviewed prior to these demonstrations and a treatment group interviewed after. My analysis shows respondents in the latter group were more likely to identify as American, with effects concentrated among Spanish speakers, and particularly Mexicans and Dominicans. I find no difference in identification as Latino or with one's ancestral subgroup. These findings run contrary to the expectations of much existing literature, which assumes an increased sense of group threat results in heightened pan-ethnic sentiment across the Latino population.