Paul W Posner | Clark University (original) (raw)

Papers by Paul W Posner

Critical Sociology

Chile’s massive 2019 protests indicate a pronounced discrepancy between the country’s alleged est... more Chile’s massive 2019 protests indicate a pronounced discrepancy between the country’s alleged establishment of social democracy and the public’s perception of pervasive inequity. To understand this discrepancy, this analysis evaluates the extent to which Chilean social welfare policy conforms to social democratic norms of promoting solidarity, equity, and universalism. Analysis of poverty reduction, pension, health care, and education policy demonstrates that Chile’s center-left governments succeeded in mitigating some of the more extreme elements of the social welfare policies inherited from the Pinochet regime. However, they failed to reverse their underlying logic, which reinforces stratification and inequity and undermines incentives for the cultivation of solidarity among the working and middle classes. As a result, social welfare policy in Chile continues to resemble the neoliberal welfare regime implemented by the Pinochet dictatorship while the establishment of a social demo...

Bulletin of Latin American Research, Dec 9, 2015

University of Florida Press eBooks, Aug 14, 2018

In contrast to cases such as Chile and Mexico, which have undergone substantial economic liberali... more In contrast to cases such as Chile and Mexico, which have undergone substantial economic liberalization and labor flexibilization, labor reform under the Chávez regime’s twenty-first-century socialism promised greater protection for workers from market forces and the development of a strong, autonomous labor movement capable of advocating effectively for workers’ rights and interests. However, this chapter argues that such potential was not realized under Chávez and will not likely be realized under his chosen successor, Nicolás Maduro. Indeed, while in rhetoric the regime vehemently rejected neoliberalism, in practice it promoted de facto flexibilized labor relations through the creation of worker cooperatives, which serve as sources of subcontracted labor, particularly for state-owned industries. In addition to exploiting vulnerable workers in cooperatives, the Chávez regime’s “rentier populism” employed divisive institutional practices that encouraged the fragmentation and weakening of organized labor, impeded the labor movement’s autonomy, contravened essential labor rights such as free union elections, collective bargaining, and the right to strike and engaged in reprisals against unions and workers it perceived as threats. These key features of labor organization in contemporary Venezuela indicate a pronounced contradiction between the Chávez regime’s avowed commitment to socialist principles of worker solidarity and equality and its political economy in practice.

Latin American Research Review, Jun 29, 2022

This article seeks to understand the relationship between populism and participatory democracy th... more This article seeks to understand the relationship between populism and participatory democracy through analysis of Rafael Correa's left populist regime in Ecuador (2007-2017). It argues that rather than adhering to its own standard for participatory democracy, what the Correa regime referred to as the "Socialism of Buen Vivir," it employed the rhetoric of participatory democracy in the service of populist rule. As a result, the Correa regime failed to promote the participatory form of democracy and citizenship promised in Buen Vivir, its version of twenty-first-century socialism. Accordingly, analysis of the Correa regime demonstrates how the concentration of top-down executive power characteristic of populism in general, and rentier populism in particular, impedes the egalitarian and solidaristic mission of participatory democracy. Thus, inductive analysis of the Correa regime reinforces the conceptual understanding that populism is antagonistic and antithetical to participatory democracy.

... Carmen Gloria Allende, Padre Oscar Mufioz, Carlos Ramirez, Oscar Pena, Ateleo Gaete, Soledad ... more ... Carmen Gloria Allende, Padre Oscar Mufioz, Carlos Ramirez, Oscar Pena, Ateleo Gaete, Soledad Araos, Sergio Robles, Luzmenia Toro, Julio McKay, Alfredo Galdames, Jacqueline Tichauer, Luciano Valle, Julio Perez, Jaime Riquelme, Maria Cucurella, Alejandro Rojas ...

Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2008

International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Jul 5, 2011

This article argues that housing reforms imposed by the military regime, and largely preserved by... more This article argues that housing reforms imposed by the military regime, and largely preserved by the center-left Concertación since the 1990 transition to democracy, represent substantial impediments to collective action and the development of social capital among Chile's urban poor. In particular, housing policy exacerbates social stratification, reinforces workers' vulnerability to market forces and undermines social trust. These dynamics and the institutional structures which perpetuate them constrain social cohesion and collective action among the urban poor. The broader implication which this research suggests is that social reforms structured in a manner similar to Chile's housing program vitiate the cohesion of disadvantaged communities, thus making it difficult for them to work together to improve their welfare and to hold public officials accountable. The World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank and other development institutions would do well to consider these negative repercussions of targeted assistance programs (as typified by Chile's housing program) if they are indeed serious about addressing the social dislocations wrought by structural adjustment and strengthening democracy through the promotion of social capital. I am grateful to three IJURR reviewers for their helpful suggestions on how to improve the article. I am also grateful to the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga and Clark University for their financial support, which enabled me to conduct this research.

UMI Dissertation Services eBooks, 1999

Canadian journal of Latin American and Caribbean studies, 2008

Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2008

Over the past several decades, scholars have produced a voluminous amount of research addressing ... more Over the past several decades, scholars have produced a voluminous amount of research addressing the issue of collective action on the part of subaltern groups in Latin America and other regions across the globe. Significant diversity in research agendas and theoretical and methodologi-cal approaches continue to exist among those engaging in such research. Yet, increasingly, consensus has emerged over the dynamic interrelationship between the state and civil society in shaping the propensity and capacity for political participation and collective action, particularly among historically excluded segments of the population (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly 1997). Historical events and empirical research have steadily eroded the plausibility of theories and conceptual frameworks that posit some sort of rigid dichotomy between state and society, modern and traditional social sectors, or capitalist and precapitalist economic sectors.

Social welfare reform was a major component of the authoritarian regime’s efforts to transform Ch... more Social welfare reform was a major component of the authoritarian regime’s efforts to transform Chile’s state and society in keeping with neoliberal principles. According to neoliberal theory, disseminated in Chile by the University of Chicago’s Milton Friedman and his acolytes, the market—if allowed to operate unfettered—ensures that workers are paid what they are worth, obviating the need for trade unions and institutions of social protection. Indeed, collective actors such as trade unions and social welfare provisions that insulate workers from market forces can compromise social well-being by artificially increasing the price of goods and services. Such price distortions lead to an inefficient distribution of resources, exacerbate inflationary pressures, impede economic growth and increase unemployment.1 On the basis of this reasoning, military regime officials and neoliberal technocrats, the so-called Chicago Boys, concluded that reforming Chile’s welfare regime according to market principles was a necessary counterpart to labor market reform. In short, to break the vicious cycle of high inflation, high unemployment and low growth, the private sector had to assume control over social welfare resources and functions that under ISI were controlled by the state.2

Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2008

The close linkages between parties and society that characterized Chile’s pre-coup period were de... more The close linkages between parties and society that characterized Chile’s pre-coup period were developed most effectively at the local level of government. The intensity of these ties grew exponentially during the late sixties and early seventies in response to the growing ideological polarization emanating from the party system, particularly between the centrist PDC and its leftist competitors. During this period Chile convulsed with grass-roots political activity. Rallies, demonstrations, and land seizures were increasingly common in shantytowns surrounding Santiago and other major urban centers. Perhaps unwittingly, the Christian Democrats under President Eduardo Frei Montalvo (1964–70) facilitated this intense grass-roots mobilization. The party established a corporatist program through municipal government, Promocion Popular (Popular Promotion), which it hoped would provide a monopoly of influence over previously marginalized and unincorporated segments of the population. In this manner, the PDC intended to broaden its base of support and establish itself as the ultimate arbiter of Chile’s political destiny. Instead, it alienated the right and provoked intense competition from the left. Like the Christian Democrats, the Socialists and Communists aggressively organized, mobilized, and encouraged previously marginalized segments of the population to demand greater responsiveness and resources from the state.

Latin American Politics and Society, 2004

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears... more Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

New Political Economy, Aug 10, 2016

Flexibility proponents assert that rigid Latin American labour markets impede economic expansion ... more Flexibility proponents assert that rigid Latin American labour markets impede economic expansion and job growth; they advocate reforming labour codes through increased flexibility. Critics argue that heightened labour flexibility exacerbates inequality without expanding employment. From this perspective, precarious employment and inequality are remedied by strengthening labour's bargaining power. Chile's maintenance of flexible labour reforms adopted during the dictatorship make it appropriate for evaluating these competing perspectives. Based on flexibility proponents' predictions, we should expect increased formal sector employment over time, particularly among the least skilled Chilean workers, as well as reduced wage inequality. Yet, the rate of unemployment among least skilled workers in Chile remains essentially unchanged since the democratic transition as does income inequality. These conditions persist despite a high degree of labour market flexibility. Thus, Chile's continued adherence to a flexibilised labour market should be understood not in terms of its capacity to reduce inequality or generate employment. Rather, it should be understood as the product of several interrelated factors: (1) the business sector's ability to protect its interests; (2) the Concertación's conscious limitation of threats to the business sector's interests and (3) the weakness of organised labour, resulting from the perpetuation of the Pinochet-era labour regime.

Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2008

University of Florida Press eBooks, Aug 14, 2018

<p>Flexibility proponents assert that rigid Latin American labor markets impede economic ex... more <p>Flexibility proponents assert that rigid Latin American labor markets impede economic expansion and job growth; they advocate reforming labor codes through increased flexibility. Critics argue that heightened labor flexibility exacerbates inequality without expanding employment. From this perspective, precarious employment and inequality are remedied by strengthening labor's bargaining power. Chile's maintenance of flexible labor reforms since the Pinochet dictatorship make it appropriate for evaluating these competing perspectives. Based on flexibility proponents' predictions, we should expect increased formal sector employment over time, particularly among the least skilled Chilean workers, as well as reduced wage inequality. Yet the rate of unemployment among least-skilled workers in Chile remains essentially unchanged since the democratic transition, as does income inequality. These conditions persist despite a highly flexible labor market. Thus, Chile's continued adherence to a flexibilized labor market should be understood not in terms of its capacity to reduce inequality or generate employment. Rather, it should be understood as the product of several interrelated factors: (1) the business sector's ability to protect its interests; (2) the Concertación's conscious limitation of threats to the business sector's interests; and (3) the weakness of organized labor, resulting from the perpetuation of the Pinochet-era labor regime.</p>

Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2008

Bulletin of Latin American Research, Jul 9, 2020

This analysis evaluates the Chávez regime by its own standard for democracy and citizenship, what... more This analysis evaluates the Chávez regime by its own standard for democracy and citizenship, what it referred to as protagonistic, participatory democracy. Rather than committing itself to the realisation of this project, and the expanded notion of citizenship that it entailed, the Chávez regime employed the rhetoric of participatory democracy in the service of populist rule. As a result, it failed to promote the participatory form of democracy and citizenship promised in Twenty-first Century Socialism. Accordingly, this analysis demonstrates how the concentration of top-down, executive power characteristic of rentier populism impedes the egalitarian and solidaristic mission of participatory democracy.

Bulletin of Latin American Research, Mar 5, 2017

Critical Sociology

Chile’s massive 2019 protests indicate a pronounced discrepancy between the country’s alleged est... more Chile’s massive 2019 protests indicate a pronounced discrepancy between the country’s alleged establishment of social democracy and the public’s perception of pervasive inequity. To understand this discrepancy, this analysis evaluates the extent to which Chilean social welfare policy conforms to social democratic norms of promoting solidarity, equity, and universalism. Analysis of poverty reduction, pension, health care, and education policy demonstrates that Chile’s center-left governments succeeded in mitigating some of the more extreme elements of the social welfare policies inherited from the Pinochet regime. However, they failed to reverse their underlying logic, which reinforces stratification and inequity and undermines incentives for the cultivation of solidarity among the working and middle classes. As a result, social welfare policy in Chile continues to resemble the neoliberal welfare regime implemented by the Pinochet dictatorship while the establishment of a social demo...

Bulletin of Latin American Research, Dec 9, 2015

University of Florida Press eBooks, Aug 14, 2018

In contrast to cases such as Chile and Mexico, which have undergone substantial economic liberali... more In contrast to cases such as Chile and Mexico, which have undergone substantial economic liberalization and labor flexibilization, labor reform under the Chávez regime’s twenty-first-century socialism promised greater protection for workers from market forces and the development of a strong, autonomous labor movement capable of advocating effectively for workers’ rights and interests. However, this chapter argues that such potential was not realized under Chávez and will not likely be realized under his chosen successor, Nicolás Maduro. Indeed, while in rhetoric the regime vehemently rejected neoliberalism, in practice it promoted de facto flexibilized labor relations through the creation of worker cooperatives, which serve as sources of subcontracted labor, particularly for state-owned industries. In addition to exploiting vulnerable workers in cooperatives, the Chávez regime’s “rentier populism” employed divisive institutional practices that encouraged the fragmentation and weakening of organized labor, impeded the labor movement’s autonomy, contravened essential labor rights such as free union elections, collective bargaining, and the right to strike and engaged in reprisals against unions and workers it perceived as threats. These key features of labor organization in contemporary Venezuela indicate a pronounced contradiction between the Chávez regime’s avowed commitment to socialist principles of worker solidarity and equality and its political economy in practice.

Latin American Research Review, Jun 29, 2022

This article seeks to understand the relationship between populism and participatory democracy th... more This article seeks to understand the relationship between populism and participatory democracy through analysis of Rafael Correa's left populist regime in Ecuador (2007-2017). It argues that rather than adhering to its own standard for participatory democracy, what the Correa regime referred to as the "Socialism of Buen Vivir," it employed the rhetoric of participatory democracy in the service of populist rule. As a result, the Correa regime failed to promote the participatory form of democracy and citizenship promised in Buen Vivir, its version of twenty-first-century socialism. Accordingly, analysis of the Correa regime demonstrates how the concentration of top-down executive power characteristic of populism in general, and rentier populism in particular, impedes the egalitarian and solidaristic mission of participatory democracy. Thus, inductive analysis of the Correa regime reinforces the conceptual understanding that populism is antagonistic and antithetical to participatory democracy.

... Carmen Gloria Allende, Padre Oscar Mufioz, Carlos Ramirez, Oscar Pena, Ateleo Gaete, Soledad ... more ... Carmen Gloria Allende, Padre Oscar Mufioz, Carlos Ramirez, Oscar Pena, Ateleo Gaete, Soledad Araos, Sergio Robles, Luzmenia Toro, Julio McKay, Alfredo Galdames, Jacqueline Tichauer, Luciano Valle, Julio Perez, Jaime Riquelme, Maria Cucurella, Alejandro Rojas ...

Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2008

International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Jul 5, 2011

This article argues that housing reforms imposed by the military regime, and largely preserved by... more This article argues that housing reforms imposed by the military regime, and largely preserved by the center-left Concertación since the 1990 transition to democracy, represent substantial impediments to collective action and the development of social capital among Chile's urban poor. In particular, housing policy exacerbates social stratification, reinforces workers' vulnerability to market forces and undermines social trust. These dynamics and the institutional structures which perpetuate them constrain social cohesion and collective action among the urban poor. The broader implication which this research suggests is that social reforms structured in a manner similar to Chile's housing program vitiate the cohesion of disadvantaged communities, thus making it difficult for them to work together to improve their welfare and to hold public officials accountable. The World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank and other development institutions would do well to consider these negative repercussions of targeted assistance programs (as typified by Chile's housing program) if they are indeed serious about addressing the social dislocations wrought by structural adjustment and strengthening democracy through the promotion of social capital. I am grateful to three IJURR reviewers for their helpful suggestions on how to improve the article. I am also grateful to the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga and Clark University for their financial support, which enabled me to conduct this research.

UMI Dissertation Services eBooks, 1999

Canadian journal of Latin American and Caribbean studies, 2008

Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2008

Over the past several decades, scholars have produced a voluminous amount of research addressing ... more Over the past several decades, scholars have produced a voluminous amount of research addressing the issue of collective action on the part of subaltern groups in Latin America and other regions across the globe. Significant diversity in research agendas and theoretical and methodologi-cal approaches continue to exist among those engaging in such research. Yet, increasingly, consensus has emerged over the dynamic interrelationship between the state and civil society in shaping the propensity and capacity for political participation and collective action, particularly among historically excluded segments of the population (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly 1997). Historical events and empirical research have steadily eroded the plausibility of theories and conceptual frameworks that posit some sort of rigid dichotomy between state and society, modern and traditional social sectors, or capitalist and precapitalist economic sectors.

Social welfare reform was a major component of the authoritarian regime’s efforts to transform Ch... more Social welfare reform was a major component of the authoritarian regime’s efforts to transform Chile’s state and society in keeping with neoliberal principles. According to neoliberal theory, disseminated in Chile by the University of Chicago’s Milton Friedman and his acolytes, the market—if allowed to operate unfettered—ensures that workers are paid what they are worth, obviating the need for trade unions and institutions of social protection. Indeed, collective actors such as trade unions and social welfare provisions that insulate workers from market forces can compromise social well-being by artificially increasing the price of goods and services. Such price distortions lead to an inefficient distribution of resources, exacerbate inflationary pressures, impede economic growth and increase unemployment.1 On the basis of this reasoning, military regime officials and neoliberal technocrats, the so-called Chicago Boys, concluded that reforming Chile’s welfare regime according to market principles was a necessary counterpart to labor market reform. In short, to break the vicious cycle of high inflation, high unemployment and low growth, the private sector had to assume control over social welfare resources and functions that under ISI were controlled by the state.2

Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2008

The close linkages between parties and society that characterized Chile’s pre-coup period were de... more The close linkages between parties and society that characterized Chile’s pre-coup period were developed most effectively at the local level of government. The intensity of these ties grew exponentially during the late sixties and early seventies in response to the growing ideological polarization emanating from the party system, particularly between the centrist PDC and its leftist competitors. During this period Chile convulsed with grass-roots political activity. Rallies, demonstrations, and land seizures were increasingly common in shantytowns surrounding Santiago and other major urban centers. Perhaps unwittingly, the Christian Democrats under President Eduardo Frei Montalvo (1964–70) facilitated this intense grass-roots mobilization. The party established a corporatist program through municipal government, Promocion Popular (Popular Promotion), which it hoped would provide a monopoly of influence over previously marginalized and unincorporated segments of the population. In this manner, the PDC intended to broaden its base of support and establish itself as the ultimate arbiter of Chile’s political destiny. Instead, it alienated the right and provoked intense competition from the left. Like the Christian Democrats, the Socialists and Communists aggressively organized, mobilized, and encouraged previously marginalized segments of the population to demand greater responsiveness and resources from the state.

Latin American Politics and Society, 2004

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears... more Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

New Political Economy, Aug 10, 2016

Flexibility proponents assert that rigid Latin American labour markets impede economic expansion ... more Flexibility proponents assert that rigid Latin American labour markets impede economic expansion and job growth; they advocate reforming labour codes through increased flexibility. Critics argue that heightened labour flexibility exacerbates inequality without expanding employment. From this perspective, precarious employment and inequality are remedied by strengthening labour's bargaining power. Chile's maintenance of flexible labour reforms adopted during the dictatorship make it appropriate for evaluating these competing perspectives. Based on flexibility proponents' predictions, we should expect increased formal sector employment over time, particularly among the least skilled Chilean workers, as well as reduced wage inequality. Yet, the rate of unemployment among least skilled workers in Chile remains essentially unchanged since the democratic transition as does income inequality. These conditions persist despite a high degree of labour market flexibility. Thus, Chile's continued adherence to a flexibilised labour market should be understood not in terms of its capacity to reduce inequality or generate employment. Rather, it should be understood as the product of several interrelated factors: (1) the business sector's ability to protect its interests; (2) the Concertación's conscious limitation of threats to the business sector's interests and (3) the weakness of organised labour, resulting from the perpetuation of the Pinochet-era labour regime.

Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2008

University of Florida Press eBooks, Aug 14, 2018

<p>Flexibility proponents assert that rigid Latin American labor markets impede economic ex... more <p>Flexibility proponents assert that rigid Latin American labor markets impede economic expansion and job growth; they advocate reforming labor codes through increased flexibility. Critics argue that heightened labor flexibility exacerbates inequality without expanding employment. From this perspective, precarious employment and inequality are remedied by strengthening labor's bargaining power. Chile's maintenance of flexible labor reforms since the Pinochet dictatorship make it appropriate for evaluating these competing perspectives. Based on flexibility proponents' predictions, we should expect increased formal sector employment over time, particularly among the least skilled Chilean workers, as well as reduced wage inequality. Yet the rate of unemployment among least-skilled workers in Chile remains essentially unchanged since the democratic transition, as does income inequality. These conditions persist despite a highly flexible labor market. Thus, Chile's continued adherence to a flexibilized labor market should be understood not in terms of its capacity to reduce inequality or generate employment. Rather, it should be understood as the product of several interrelated factors: (1) the business sector's ability to protect its interests; (2) the Concertación's conscious limitation of threats to the business sector's interests; and (3) the weakness of organized labor, resulting from the perpetuation of the Pinochet-era labor regime.</p>

Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2008

Bulletin of Latin American Research, Jul 9, 2020

This analysis evaluates the Chávez regime by its own standard for democracy and citizenship, what... more This analysis evaluates the Chávez regime by its own standard for democracy and citizenship, what it referred to as protagonistic, participatory democracy. Rather than committing itself to the realisation of this project, and the expanded notion of citizenship that it entailed, the Chávez regime employed the rhetoric of participatory democracy in the service of populist rule. As a result, it failed to promote the participatory form of democracy and citizenship promised in Twenty-first Century Socialism. Accordingly, this analysis demonstrates how the concentration of top-down, executive power characteristic of rentier populism impedes the egalitarian and solidaristic mission of participatory democracy.

Bulletin of Latin American Research, Mar 5, 2017