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Papers by Lyndsey N Deaton

Scholars agree that public space is essential for adolescents living in low-income communities. H... more Scholars agree that public space is essential for adolescents living in low-income communities. However, design professionals struggle to justify public space in resource-constrained environments such as rapidly densifying urban areas. As competition for space heats up, complex neoliberal processes often push out or squeeze in low-income communities that can be generally described as forms of forced dispossession—the taking of land—to make way for new development. Although development-forced dispossession and resettlement (DFDR) is widespread, the lives of adolescents in these environments have rarely been subjected to systematic and in-depth study. Manila, Philippines and Hyderabad, India represent vivid cases where adolescents experience the most extreme forms of dispossession. Focusing on seven dispossessed communities this dissertation asks: what spaces perform as public space and how do adolescents use them? To answer these questions, I used a two-part, inductive research metho...

Ethno-Architecture and the Politics of Migration, 2015

Chinatown. Little Italy. The French Quarter. Names like these have described migrant neighborhood... more Chinatown. Little Italy. The French Quarter. Names like these have described migrant neighborhoods for decades in cities across the United States. These are places where generations of migrants found refuge, relationships, and hope as they embarked on new lives in the planet’s self-proclaimed “melting pot.” But today’s migrants are not pursuing such clearly delineated place-based geographies. They are more dispersed and more integrated into the socio-spatial fabric of their host metropolises. In this chapter, I will describe why this dispersed model is more commonplace. To do this, I will first trace the history of traditional socio-spatial strategies. I will then explore how these strategies are changing in an increasingly polarized and securitized melting pot. In the past, migrants lived a diaspora experience and have tried to define themselves by reference to their distant homeland. In effect, they used spatial strategies to help create what Benedict Anderson refers to as “imagined communities.” And they have done this by attempting to reconcile difference through the creation of Amos Rapoport’s “cultural landscapes.” They have built or occupied what they know. Migrants have found the familiar in the mosques, shophouses, temples, and gardens that populate these districts. But identities are neither completely fixed nor completely fluid. As Stuart Hall argues, cultural identity is marked through differences that are continuously under construction. This is certainly the case for migrant communities. Place-bound migrant districts may slowly disappear as new migrants confront an increasingly hostile host nation. Mosques and marketplaces that announce a migrant culture are generating intense controversies given growing fears of terrorists and undocumented immigrants. The current state of affairs regarding immigration, especially from Latin America and the Middle East, points to a new model. By holing up in identifiable and easily controlled areas, immigrants may be more easily placed under the watchful eyes of the state. Deportations, round-ups, and relocations can be facilitated by place-based migrant communities. This chapter concludes by arguing that now, however, multi-ethnic communities are replacing the traditional immigrant neighborhoods where migrants can more easily melt into today’s landscape of surveillance.

Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, 2020

With names signifying “freedom from slavery” in one case and referencing Creole ethnicity in the ... more With names signifying “freedom from slavery” in one case and referencing Creole ethnicity in the other, the founding characteristics of two black settlements in Houston, Texas, foreshadowed the different prospects their residents would face over the next century and a half. Both Freedmen’s Town and Frenchtown have been studied individually and with regard to patterns of spatial oppression. This article, however, attempts to show how different orientations toward race adopted by the two communities qualified the operation of spatial oppression in them since the late-nineteenth century. In doing so, it will reflect on the hidden workings of discrimination and economic injustice through four critical
planning periods: post-Civil War Reconstruction, the Great Depression, the era of “white” flight, and the era of gentrification. The article will conclude by discussing the continued operation of these forces under hypergentrification.

This presentation is about community cohesion in American tiny-house villages, specifically teasi... more This presentation is about community cohesion in American tiny-house villages, specifically teasing out the social and political concepts in the tiny-house village typology that challenge today’s neoliberal ideology. I specifically engage Laclau and Mouffe’s early work on hegemony and socialist strategy using Gramci’s view of hegemony.

This paper describes resident's perspectives on social capital in the context of tiny-house villa... more This paper describes resident's perspectives on social capital in the context of tiny-house villages intended to mitigate housing insecurity. Three development models (one grassroots, one hybrid, and one traditional) are compared to understand how the architecture and urban design support each village's resocialization goal. Using an inductive framework, this study is founded on 21 interviews with residents and staff at each community as well as my observations as an Architect. I found common themes of stability, cleanliness, belonging, leadership, and community politics across all communities, which highlight key social dynamics that inform the resocialization process.

Strong social traditions influence the “cultural landscapes” of the chronically homeless in Ameri... more Strong social traditions influence the “cultural landscapes” of the chronically homeless in America through the Charity Model. These traditions are being challenged through the establishment of cooperative tiny-house villages. Analyzing the urban design and architecture of two villages and interviewing residents’ yielded questions about the legitimacy of American social traditions and revealed themes of power, subjectivity, and belonging. As residential design needs to move beyond stereotypical suburban patterns to access a wider range of residents, how will the shift in legitimacy of these traditions reflect on the cooperative form?

Chinatown. Little Italy. The French Quarter. Names like these have described migrant neighborhood... more Chinatown. Little Italy. The French Quarter. Names like these have described migrant neighborhoods for decades in cities across the United States. These are places where generations of migrants found refuge, relationships, and hope as they embarked on new lives in the planet’s self-proclaimed “melting pot.” But today’s migrants are not pursuing such clearly delineated place-based geographies. They are more dispersed and more integrated into the socio-spatial fabric of their host metropolises. In this chapter, I will describe why this dispersed model is more commonplace. To do this, I will first trace the history of traditional socio-spatial strategies. I will then explore how these strategies are changing in an increasingly polarized and securitized melting pot. In the past, migrants lived a diaspora experience and have tried to define themselves by reference to their distant homeland. In effect, they used spatial strategies to help create what Benedict Anderson refers to as
“imagined communities.” And they have done this by attempting to reconcile difference through the creation of Amos Rapoport’s “cultural landscapes.” They have built or occupied what they know. Migrants have found the familiar in the mosques, shophouses, temples, and gardens that populate these districts. But identities are neither completely fixed nor completely fluid. As Stuart Hall argues, cultural identity is marked through differences that are continuously under construction. This is
certainly the case for migrant communities. Place-bound migrant districts may slowly disappear as new migrants confront an increasingly hostile host nation. Mosques and marketplaces that announce a migrant culture are generating intense controversies given growing fears of terrorists and
undocumented immigrants. The current state of affairs regarding immigration, especially from Latin America and the Middle East, points to a new model. By holing up in identifiable and easily controlled areas, immigrants may be more easily placed under the watchful eyes of the state. Deportations, round-ups, and relocations can be facilitated by place-based migrant communities. This chapter concludes by arguing that now, however, multi-ethnic communities are replacing the traditional immigrant neighborhoods where migrants can more easily melt into today’s landscape of surveillance.

Ethno-Architecture and the Politics of Migration, 2015

Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, 2020

Chinatown. Little Italy. The French Quarter. Names like these have described migrant neighborhood... more Chinatown. Little Italy. The French Quarter. Names like these have described migrant neighborhoods for decades in cities across the United States. These are places where generations of migrants found refuge, relationships, and hope as they embarked on new lives in the planet’s self-proclaimed “melting pot.” But today’s migrants are not pursuing such clearly delineated place-based geographies. They are more dispersed and more integrated into the socio-spatial fabric of their host metropolises. In this chapter, I will describe why this dispersed model is more commonplace. To do this, I will first trace the history of traditional socio-spatial strategies. I will then explore how these strategies are changing in an increasingly polarized and securitized melting pot. In the past, migrants lived a diaspora experience and have tried to define themselves by reference to their distant homeland. In effect, they used spatial strategies to help create what Benedict Anderson refers to as
“imagined communities.” And they have done this by attempting to reconcile difference through the creation of Amos Rapoport’s “cultural landscapes.” They have built or occupied what they know. Migrants have found the familiar in the mosques, shophouses, temples, and gardens that populate these districts. But identities are neither completely fixed nor completely fluid. As Stuart Hall argues, cultural identity is marked through differences that are continuously under construction. This is
certainly the case for migrant communities. Place-bound migrant districts may slowly disappear as new migrants confront an increasingly hostile host nation. Mosques and marketplaces that announce a migrant culture are generating intense controversies given growing fears of terrorists and
undocumented immigrants. The current state of affairs regarding immigration, especially from Latin America and the Middle East, points to a new model. By holing up in identifiable and easily controlled areas, immigrants may be more easily placed under the watchful eyes of the state. Deportations, round-ups, and relocations can be facilitated by place-based migrant communities. This chapter concludes by arguing that now, however, multi-ethnic communities are replacing the traditional immigrant neighborhoods where migrants can more easily melt into today’s landscape of surveillance.