Jessica Northey | Coventry University (coventry.ac.uk) (original) (raw)

Papers by Jessica Northey

Liverpool University Press eBooks, Mar 17, 2018

British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Jul 11, 2023

Routledge eBooks, Jul 21, 2021

This thesis examines the EU's aims to try to construct civil society abroad together with its mor... more This thesis examines the EU's aims to try to construct civil society abroad together with its more modest actions targeting associations in the case of Algeria. Over the last decade, the EU has committed millions of Euros for civil society actors, essentially NGOs, in the Middle East and North Africa. However there are great disparities, both in its budgets and in its approaches. Following the political transformations in North Africa in 2011, the EU has increased even further its budget for funding civil society. Algeria is a context with low levels of foreign donor funding. However, with 93,000 associations registered in 2012, it has more associations than any country of the Arab world. At grass roots level, Algerian associations and their relations to the state and to donors have undergone transformations over the last two decades. The thesis explores a number of these associations and relationships across different sectors and regions of Algeria. It asks whether associations are co-opted by state or by donors, as has been suggested, or whether they can be actors in their own right, either in contestation, or in cooperation with institutions. The thesis takes two sector studies to analyse this. Firstly, it explores how heritage associations both challenge the state's vision of Algeria's history and propose alternatives. Secondly, it examines how social associations, in responding to the population's needs, identify problems in social policy and transform people's expectations about how social care should be managed. As this involves risk-taking, associations cannot, it is argued, be seen as simply reacting, either to donors or to the state. The thesis analyses the EU's presence in Algeria, historical difficulties and its absence during Algeria's conflict. It explores the resulting adaptations, notably in the EU's language in Algeria, which appears comparatively less value laden than in other contexts. It concludes on the interplay between associations and external actors, not only in terms of funding, but also in terms of language and perceptions of what constitutes, or hinders, the construction of a national civil society.

Third World Quarterly, Jul 7, 2020

Picture by Carole Hénaff On 16 February 2019 in Kherata, in the east of Algeria, protest marches ... more Picture by Carole Hénaff On 16 February 2019 in Kherata, in the east of Algeria, protest marches were organised following the unconstitutional decision by Abdelaziz Bouteflika to stand once again for a fifth presidential mandate. As momentum built, on Friday 22 February hundreds of thousands descended on the streets. Algerians marched in all cities, including the capital Algiers, where protests had been banned since 2001. At the symbolic central post office in Algiers, and in public squares across the country, young people, women, children and men gathered peacefully, simultaneously reclaiming these spaces and breaking the wall of fear in a phenomenal display of civic engagement [1].

Publication Date: 29 Sep 2018Are new forms of activism emerging in Algeria? Can civil society eff... more Publication Date: 29 Sep 2018Are new forms of activism emerging in Algeria? Can civil society effect political reform in the country? The violence between radical Islamists and the military during the Algerian civil war of the 1990s led to huge loss of life and mass exile. The public sphere was rendered a dangerous place for over a decade. Yet in defiance of these conditions, civil society grew, with thousands of associations forming throughout the conflict. Associations were set up to protect human rights and vulnerable populations, commemorate those assassinated and promote Algerian heritage. There are now over 93,000 associations registered across the country. Although social, economic and political turbulence continues, new networks still emerge and, since the Arab revolts of 2011, organised demonstrations increasingly take place. Civil Society in Algeria examines these recent developments and scrutinizes the role associations play in promoting political reform and democratization in Algeria. Based on extensive fieldwork undertaken both before and after the Arab Spring, the book shows how associations challenge government policy in the public sphere. Algeria is playing an increasingly important role in the stability and future peaceful relations of the Middle East and North Africa. This book reveals the new forms of activism that are challenging the ever-powerful state. It is a valuable resource for Algeria specialists and for scholars researching political reform and democratization across the Middle East and North Africa.-- Introduction, 1 - Part I: Civil Society and Democracy Promotion in the Arab World -- 1. Civil Society in the Arab World and Algeria, 17 -- 2. International Donors and Democracy Promotion, 39 - Part II: Algerian Civil Society and Relations with the State -- 3. Historical Perspectives on Civil Society in Algeria, 63 -- 4. Civil Society and the State, 82 -- 5. Associations in Algeria, 103 -- 6. Algerian Associations Protecting the Past, 119 -- 7. Algerian Associations and Social Welfare, 138 - Part III: Donors, Democracy and the Language of Others -- 8. Europe, Civil Society and Democracy in Algeria, 159 -- 9. Language and the Construction of Civil Society, 177 -- Conclusion, 195Published version of EUI PhD thesis, 201

Liverpool University Press eBooks, Dec 1, 2017

This chapter explores the work of Algerian heritage associations. It focuses on a number of assoc... more This chapter explores the work of Algerian heritage associations. It focuses on a number of associations seeking to challenge, to redefine or to promote new conceptions of Algerian history and identity. From associations promoting Berber cultural identity, to those in Oran seeking to re-explore the colonial past of the city, it looks at the confrontations and negotiations which take place between associations, the state and external actors. It asks how Algerian perceptions of the past, as seen by associative actors, influence current debates about which Algerian culture and heritage is important to protect and promote. With increasing external funding to the heritage sector from actors such as the EU it explores how external or transnational perspectives are integrated into this process.

Society & Natural Resources, Aug 17, 2016

This document is the author's post-print version, incorporating any revisions agreed during the p... more This document is the author's post-print version, incorporating any revisions agreed during the peer-review process. Some differences between the published version and this version may remain and you are advised to consult the published version if you wish to cite from it.

Algeria

Third World Quarterly, 2020

This presentation will explore some of the EU programmes in Algeria which have explicitly, or imp... more This presentation will explore some of the EU programmes in Algeria which have explicitly, or implicitly, targeted the cultural sector over the last decade. It will discuss reasons for the previously limited role of the EU in culture and explore the role of cultural associations in implementing EU programmes. Despite ambitious EU policy statements, a successful annual cultural festival, and receptive actors within Algerian civil society and the state, the EU's engagement in Algeria has been limited. Institutional, bureaucratic, linguistic, economic and historical factors all weigh heavily upon relations between Algeria and the EU in the cultural domain. Algeria has historically resented the hub and spoke approach of the EU, with standardised programmes applied across the ENPI region, whatever the sector. Yet, all these difficulties have, it is argued, potentially led to a more promising environment in which the EU could intervene in Algeria in the cultural sector. And recent culturally oriented EU programmes have been identified, in external evaluations, as successes. It is argued that a less normative approach, lower funding levels and more open scope for project proposals, has enabled the EU to slowly build up a stronger relationship in Algeria, and to work more effectively with ministries and associations in a challenging context. With the commitment of €21.5 million to support heritage and culture in 2011, and Algerian actors signing up to regional programmes such as the €17 million "Media and Culture programme," EU is placing itself, with the approval of the Algerian government, as a major actor in Algeria in the cultural domain.

The 2013 Madagascan elections were observed by international missions from across the globe, and ... more The 2013 Madagascan elections were observed by international missions from across the globe, and recognised as relatively free from violence. The elections followed four years of political crisis, after a coup in 2009. Whereas this political crisis is estimated to have cost the Malagasy system 8 billion dollars, it is impossible to determine the cost of the latest elections. Electoral laws in Madagascar do not require the strict control of funds, nor impose limits on the funding of campaigns (EISA, 2010 IDEA, 2012). Funds on all sides were unaccounted for. They are suspected to have come from illicit activities, including large-scale illegal logging of rosewood, which has had huge socioeconomic impact in the north of the country. Poverty levels in Madagascar have risen. According to World Bank figures, 92% live on less than 2$ per day and 59% are extremely poor, with even higher rates in rural areas. This paper explores how funding the electoral process, by seriously exploiting natural resources, may have contributed to the structural violence faced by the population in Madagascar, with severely degraded ecosystems, living conditions and significant increases in crime and poverty.

The Condition of Democracy, 2021

Democratization, 2016

Liverpool University Press eBooks, Mar 17, 2018

British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Jul 11, 2023

Routledge eBooks, Jul 21, 2021

Third World Quarterly, Jul 7, 2020

Liverpool University Press eBooks, Dec 1, 2017

Society & Natural Resources, Aug 17, 2016

Algeria

Third World Quarterly, 2020

The Condition of Democracy, 2021

Democratization, 2016

open democracy, 2019

As foreign commentators predict its end or failure – Algerians march on. But not without the anxi... more As foreign commentators predict its end or failure – Algerians march on. But not without the anxiety, worry and deep concern about how best to proceed.

Challenging the thesis that common property is poorly managed and should either be regulated by t... more Challenging the thesis that common property is poorly managed and should either be regulated by the state, or privatised, Elinor Ostrom’s Nobel winning research highlighted how common resources could be sustainably managed for the collective benefit of the community. Yet, despite the importance of her findings, in both theoretical and practical terms, her work has, as yet received insufficient attention. In The Sustainable Economics of Elinor Ostrom: Commons, Contestation and Craft, Derek Wall provides us with a welcome, concise, yet passionately written account of Ostrom’s life, her influences, and her research. Wall concludes that Ostrom’s assumption of plural property rights, her ‘practical emphasis on sustainability and shared consumption/production’ makes her work essential in dealing with ecological dilemmas, and potentially provides a paradigmatic change within the social sciences.