Eric Vincent Batalla | De La Salle University (original) (raw)

Papers by Eric Vincent Batalla

Asia Pacific Social Science Review, Jul 30, 2013

東南アジア研究, Jun 1, 1999

This article discusses the ability of the family firm to grow for several generations by examinin... more This article discusses the ability of the family firm to grow for several generations by examining the case of the Ayala group in the Philippines. Such an ability, called here as generational growth, has been the subject of debate regarding the future of the family firm and the zaibatsu, which is a special type of family firm. Two features that distinguish Ayala as a model are 1) the ability of the family to maintain ownership and management control for generations and 2) the rejection of the use of political influence for rent seeking. An examination of Ayala's ownership-management system points to strategies employed for the preservation of the family's position within the firm. The quality and process of such preservation, which family members called stewardship, is also consistent in family and firm's political behavior. The paper proposes that the adoption of superior stewardship strategies accompanied by skillful entrepreneurship would ensure the family's continued ownership-management of the zaibatsu.

Asian Education and Development Studies, 2020

Looks at the country's police corruption and the ineffective measures to control it.

Public Administration and Policy, 2020

The article analyses the weaknesses of governance institutions in constraining grand corruption a... more The article analyses the weaknesses of governance institutions in constraining grand corruption arising from the government procurement of large foreign-funded infrastructure projects in the Philippines. The weaknesses are revealed in the description and analysis of two major scandals, namely, the construction of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant during the Marcos era and the National Broadband Network project of the Arroyo presidency.

Religions, 2019

In its declaration of principles, the 1987 Philippine Constitution provides for the separation of... more In its declaration of principles, the 1987 Philippine Constitution provides for the separation of Church and State. While the principle honors distinctions between temporal and spiritual functions, both Church and State maintain a unique and cooperative relationship geared towards the common good. However, traditional boundaries governing political and religious agency have been crossed during Duterte's presidency causing a conflict between leaders of government and the Catholic hierarchy. In the process, the conflict has resurfaced issues about the principle of Church-State separation. What accounts for the changing Church-State relations in the Philippines? How will this conflict affect State policy towards religion, religious freedom, and religious education? In the present study we discuss the present context of the Church-State separation principle in the Philippines. We argue that institutional relations between Church and State remain stable despite the Duterte-Catholic Church conflict.

As the 2016 elections drew near and the prospects of a Rodrigo Duterte presidency became stronger... more As the 2016 elections drew near and the prospects of a Rodrigo
Duterte presidency became stronger, there were concerns that the
economy might be adversely affected by the expected political volatility
under the new regime. Since the start of the campaign season, Duterte
had been rocking the establishment through controversial pronouncements
and outbursts, attracting the enmity of leaders of the Catholic
Church, the United States, and the United Nations. Based on a review of
recent political and economic performance, this article argues that unless
there are significant changes in the major sources of macroeconomic
growth and stability, the Philippine economy would likely withstand the
impact of a “Duterte shock.”

Assessments of Philippine development performance raise questions about the quantity and quality ... more Assessments of Philippine development performance raise questions about the quantity and quality of Filipino entrepreneurship. Despite the early attempt at indus-trialization, industrial entrepreneurship has failed to flourish in the country. Is industrial entrepreneurship constrained more by cultural limitations than by political and economic factors? This paper provides a brief historical survey of Philippine entrepreneurship and development. It argues that Philippine industrial entrepreneurship did not take off because of a combination of external constraints and internal motivations. Résumé Les évaluations de la performance des Philippines en matière de développement soulèvent des questions sur les entrepreneurs philippins tant par rapport à la quantité qu'à la qualité de ces derniers. Malgré leurs premières tentatives d'industrialisation, les entrepreneurs n'ont pas réussi à prospérer dans le pays. Cette restriction de l'entrepreneuriat industriel tient-elle davantage à des contraintes culturelles qu'à des facteurs politiques et économiques ? L'article donne un bref aperçu de l'histoire de l'entrepreneuriat et du développement dans les Philippines. Il soutient que l'entrepreneuriat industriel philippin a été incapable de connaître un essor à cause d'une combinaison de contraintes externes et de motivations internes.

The government of President B.S. Aquino III has exercised remarkable political will in acting on ... more The government of President B.S. Aquino III has exercised remarkable political will in acting on high profile cases involving former government officials, including former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. However, the government’s overall anti-corruption performance is hampered by 1) outdated and conflicting laws, 2) lack of compliance of anti-corruption laws and regulations by public officials and employees, 3) poor ACA operational capacities, 4) judicial inefficiency, 5) deficient organizational systems and change-resistant government agencies, and 6) selective and partial enforcement of anti-corruption laws. These problems are characteristic of Philippine political administrations and are arguably rooted in a system long characterized by fragile state institutions, strong oligarchic control, and weak citizenship.

This article extends the veto player framework introduced by Haggard and McCubbins in 2001 to exa... more This article extends the veto player framework introduced by Haggard and McCubbins in 2001 to examine state decisiveness toward bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) in developing countries of Southeast Asia. It uses as reference points Japan's bilateral economic partnership agreements (EPAs) with Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines. As argued in the Haggard and McCubbins framework, decisiveness is a function of the number of effective veto players arising from a country's institutional configuration. In addition, this article proposes that the political environment as it affects veto player preferences be considered in explaining decisiveness. The article further discusses the political consequences of decisive policy-making behavior in Southeast Asian democracies.

This essay examines the politics of regional economic construction in East Asia based on the comp... more This essay examines the politics of regional economic construction in East Asia based on the comparative politics framework of Kopstein and Lichbach (2009). The framework highlights three important aspects of domestic politics, namely: interests, identities, and institutions and relates these aspects to the global (or regional) context. The essay stresses the importance of domestic politics to regional affairs and therefore, should be considered in future assessments of the prospects of regional economic construction. It suggests a research agenda in aid of ongoing regionalization processes.

The 1980s witnessed the economic transformation of many Southeast Asian economies but for the Phi... more The 1980s witnessed the economic transformation of many Southeast Asian economies but for the Philippines they were a lost decade in terms of economic growth. Arguably, external finance played a major differential role especially after the 1985 Plaza Accord when vast sums of foreign direct investments (FDI) flowed to Southeast Asia. In the case of the Philippines, external finance had been critical; to a large extent, her economic performance depended on funds from abroad.

This dependence raises the importance of international relations to the country’s economic growth and sustenance. This study explores how international relations have affected financial flows, including Japanese FDI, to the Philippines during the1980s. It examines the period 1979-83 as a decisive period for the later distribution pattern of FDI flows. The argument is that FDI avoided the Philippines because 1) the domestic investment climate under the Marcos regime increasingly became inhospitable since 1979 and 2) Japan’s foreign policy and relations with other countries created a basis for Japanese FDI locational preferences later in the decade.

The study revisits the 1983 balance-of-payments (BOP) crisis, which was a critical juncture in Philippine economic performance of the 1980s, if not of her long-term performance record. It proposes that the crisis represented the loss of international support to the Marcos regime. This loss of support produced serious complications that later resulted in the steep decline of the Philippine economy. The periods surrounding the 1983 crisis reflected conditions that made the country less attractive to FDI.

Japan’s active involvement in Southeast Asia also became notable in the early 1980s. Japan’s foreign policy has been shaped by economic security considerations, which around 1980 included the economic and political stability of Southeast Asian countries. Particularly, world and regional events raised the strategic importance of countries along the Malacca Straits. The comprehensive security policy adopted meant that the “trilogy” of aid, trade, and FDI be stepped up in favour of these countries. Initial investments placed made these countries more attractive to Japanese FDI, particularly after the 1985 Plaza Accord.

東南アジア研究, Jan 1, 1999

This article discusses the ability of the family firm to grow for several generations by examinin... more This article discusses the ability of the family firm to grow for several generations by examining the case of the Ayala group in the Philippines. Such an ability, called here as generational growth, has been the subject of debate regarding the future of the family firm and the zaibatsu, which is a special type of family firm. Two features that distinguish Ayala as a model are 1) the ability of the family to maintain ownership and management control for generations and 2) the rejection of the use of political influence for rent seeking.

… Requirements for Reinventing institutions. Paper for …, Jan 1, 2000

Canadian Journal of Development Studies/Revue …, Jan 1, 2010

Assessments of Philippine development performance raise questions about the quantity and quality ... more Assessments of Philippine development performance raise questions about the quantity and quality of Filipino entrepreneurship. Despite the early attempt at industrialization, industrial entrepreneurship has failed to flourish in the country. Is industrial entrepreneurship constrained more by cultural limitations than by political and economic factors? This paper provides a brief historical survey of Philippine entrepreneurship and development. It argues that Philippine industrial entrepreneurship did not take off because of a combination of external constraints and internal motivations.

Conference Presentations by Eric Vincent Batalla

DLSU Arts Congress Conference Proceedings, 2013

Like most wars, the Philippine war on poverty has been costly. Since the 1980s, vast sums of reso... more Like most wars, the Philippine war on poverty has been costly. Since the 1980s, vast sums of resources have been poured into poverty alleviation programs. However, mass poverty has not abated. This renders as ineffective the contemporary approaches to poverty reduction. Further, some approaches such as demolitions and coercive land acquisitions have escalated conflict in society. In certain instances, they have led to unnecessary violence. This paper argues that it is possible to fight poverty without fighting.

Books by Eric Vincent Batalla

Routledge , 2018

Routledge Handbook of tHe ContempoRaRy pHilippines the philippines is a fascinating example of a ... more Routledge Handbook of tHe ContempoRaRy pHilippines the philippines is a fascinating example of a "poor country democracy" where issues of economic development and poverty, political participation and stability, as well as ethnicity and migration are crucial. the Routledge Handbook of the Contemporary Philippines provides a comprehensive overview of the current political, economic, social, and cultural issues of the country. the Handbook is divided into the following four sections concentrating on a different aspect of the philippines:

Routledge Handbook of the Contemporary Philippines, 2018

Talks by Eric Vincent Batalla

The early 2010s have witnessed maritime territorial disputes involving some East Asian countries.... more The early 2010s have witnessed maritime territorial disputes involving some East Asian countries. China's emergence as an economic superpower has emboldened its leaders to aggressively pursue expansionist claims over islands stretching from the East China Sea to the South China Sea. From April to June 2012, tensions between China and the Philippines were raised during a standoff at Scarborough Shoal. More recently, Sino-Japanese relations significantly deteriorated after militarized incidents involving the Senkaku (or Diaoyu) islands. The involvement of the military in pursuit of territorial claims has disturbed regional stability and security. Indeed, it has reinforced the notion of a new cold war in East Asia. If a new cold war indeed exists, this paper discusses implications for the Philippines as a security state. It will also present implications on the country's bilateral relations with Japan.

Asia Pacific Social Science Review, Jul 30, 2013

東南アジア研究, Jun 1, 1999

This article discusses the ability of the family firm to grow for several generations by examinin... more This article discusses the ability of the family firm to grow for several generations by examining the case of the Ayala group in the Philippines. Such an ability, called here as generational growth, has been the subject of debate regarding the future of the family firm and the zaibatsu, which is a special type of family firm. Two features that distinguish Ayala as a model are 1) the ability of the family to maintain ownership and management control for generations and 2) the rejection of the use of political influence for rent seeking. An examination of Ayala's ownership-management system points to strategies employed for the preservation of the family's position within the firm. The quality and process of such preservation, which family members called stewardship, is also consistent in family and firm's political behavior. The paper proposes that the adoption of superior stewardship strategies accompanied by skillful entrepreneurship would ensure the family's continued ownership-management of the zaibatsu.

Asian Education and Development Studies, 2020

Looks at the country's police corruption and the ineffective measures to control it.

Public Administration and Policy, 2020

The article analyses the weaknesses of governance institutions in constraining grand corruption a... more The article analyses the weaknesses of governance institutions in constraining grand corruption arising from the government procurement of large foreign-funded infrastructure projects in the Philippines. The weaknesses are revealed in the description and analysis of two major scandals, namely, the construction of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant during the Marcos era and the National Broadband Network project of the Arroyo presidency.

Religions, 2019

In its declaration of principles, the 1987 Philippine Constitution provides for the separation of... more In its declaration of principles, the 1987 Philippine Constitution provides for the separation of Church and State. While the principle honors distinctions between temporal and spiritual functions, both Church and State maintain a unique and cooperative relationship geared towards the common good. However, traditional boundaries governing political and religious agency have been crossed during Duterte's presidency causing a conflict between leaders of government and the Catholic hierarchy. In the process, the conflict has resurfaced issues about the principle of Church-State separation. What accounts for the changing Church-State relations in the Philippines? How will this conflict affect State policy towards religion, religious freedom, and religious education? In the present study we discuss the present context of the Church-State separation principle in the Philippines. We argue that institutional relations between Church and State remain stable despite the Duterte-Catholic Church conflict.

As the 2016 elections drew near and the prospects of a Rodrigo Duterte presidency became stronger... more As the 2016 elections drew near and the prospects of a Rodrigo
Duterte presidency became stronger, there were concerns that the
economy might be adversely affected by the expected political volatility
under the new regime. Since the start of the campaign season, Duterte
had been rocking the establishment through controversial pronouncements
and outbursts, attracting the enmity of leaders of the Catholic
Church, the United States, and the United Nations. Based on a review of
recent political and economic performance, this article argues that unless
there are significant changes in the major sources of macroeconomic
growth and stability, the Philippine economy would likely withstand the
impact of a “Duterte shock.”

Assessments of Philippine development performance raise questions about the quantity and quality ... more Assessments of Philippine development performance raise questions about the quantity and quality of Filipino entrepreneurship. Despite the early attempt at indus-trialization, industrial entrepreneurship has failed to flourish in the country. Is industrial entrepreneurship constrained more by cultural limitations than by political and economic factors? This paper provides a brief historical survey of Philippine entrepreneurship and development. It argues that Philippine industrial entrepreneurship did not take off because of a combination of external constraints and internal motivations. Résumé Les évaluations de la performance des Philippines en matière de développement soulèvent des questions sur les entrepreneurs philippins tant par rapport à la quantité qu'à la qualité de ces derniers. Malgré leurs premières tentatives d'industrialisation, les entrepreneurs n'ont pas réussi à prospérer dans le pays. Cette restriction de l'entrepreneuriat industriel tient-elle davantage à des contraintes culturelles qu'à des facteurs politiques et économiques ? L'article donne un bref aperçu de l'histoire de l'entrepreneuriat et du développement dans les Philippines. Il soutient que l'entrepreneuriat industriel philippin a été incapable de connaître un essor à cause d'une combinaison de contraintes externes et de motivations internes.

The government of President B.S. Aquino III has exercised remarkable political will in acting on ... more The government of President B.S. Aquino III has exercised remarkable political will in acting on high profile cases involving former government officials, including former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. However, the government’s overall anti-corruption performance is hampered by 1) outdated and conflicting laws, 2) lack of compliance of anti-corruption laws and regulations by public officials and employees, 3) poor ACA operational capacities, 4) judicial inefficiency, 5) deficient organizational systems and change-resistant government agencies, and 6) selective and partial enforcement of anti-corruption laws. These problems are characteristic of Philippine political administrations and are arguably rooted in a system long characterized by fragile state institutions, strong oligarchic control, and weak citizenship.

This article extends the veto player framework introduced by Haggard and McCubbins in 2001 to exa... more This article extends the veto player framework introduced by Haggard and McCubbins in 2001 to examine state decisiveness toward bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) in developing countries of Southeast Asia. It uses as reference points Japan's bilateral economic partnership agreements (EPAs) with Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines. As argued in the Haggard and McCubbins framework, decisiveness is a function of the number of effective veto players arising from a country's institutional configuration. In addition, this article proposes that the political environment as it affects veto player preferences be considered in explaining decisiveness. The article further discusses the political consequences of decisive policy-making behavior in Southeast Asian democracies.

This essay examines the politics of regional economic construction in East Asia based on the comp... more This essay examines the politics of regional economic construction in East Asia based on the comparative politics framework of Kopstein and Lichbach (2009). The framework highlights three important aspects of domestic politics, namely: interests, identities, and institutions and relates these aspects to the global (or regional) context. The essay stresses the importance of domestic politics to regional affairs and therefore, should be considered in future assessments of the prospects of regional economic construction. It suggests a research agenda in aid of ongoing regionalization processes.

The 1980s witnessed the economic transformation of many Southeast Asian economies but for the Phi... more The 1980s witnessed the economic transformation of many Southeast Asian economies but for the Philippines they were a lost decade in terms of economic growth. Arguably, external finance played a major differential role especially after the 1985 Plaza Accord when vast sums of foreign direct investments (FDI) flowed to Southeast Asia. In the case of the Philippines, external finance had been critical; to a large extent, her economic performance depended on funds from abroad.

This dependence raises the importance of international relations to the country’s economic growth and sustenance. This study explores how international relations have affected financial flows, including Japanese FDI, to the Philippines during the1980s. It examines the period 1979-83 as a decisive period for the later distribution pattern of FDI flows. The argument is that FDI avoided the Philippines because 1) the domestic investment climate under the Marcos regime increasingly became inhospitable since 1979 and 2) Japan’s foreign policy and relations with other countries created a basis for Japanese FDI locational preferences later in the decade.

The study revisits the 1983 balance-of-payments (BOP) crisis, which was a critical juncture in Philippine economic performance of the 1980s, if not of her long-term performance record. It proposes that the crisis represented the loss of international support to the Marcos regime. This loss of support produced serious complications that later resulted in the steep decline of the Philippine economy. The periods surrounding the 1983 crisis reflected conditions that made the country less attractive to FDI.

Japan’s active involvement in Southeast Asia also became notable in the early 1980s. Japan’s foreign policy has been shaped by economic security considerations, which around 1980 included the economic and political stability of Southeast Asian countries. Particularly, world and regional events raised the strategic importance of countries along the Malacca Straits. The comprehensive security policy adopted meant that the “trilogy” of aid, trade, and FDI be stepped up in favour of these countries. Initial investments placed made these countries more attractive to Japanese FDI, particularly after the 1985 Plaza Accord.

東南アジア研究, Jan 1, 1999

This article discusses the ability of the family firm to grow for several generations by examinin... more This article discusses the ability of the family firm to grow for several generations by examining the case of the Ayala group in the Philippines. Such an ability, called here as generational growth, has been the subject of debate regarding the future of the family firm and the zaibatsu, which is a special type of family firm. Two features that distinguish Ayala as a model are 1) the ability of the family to maintain ownership and management control for generations and 2) the rejection of the use of political influence for rent seeking.

… Requirements for Reinventing institutions. Paper for …, Jan 1, 2000

Canadian Journal of Development Studies/Revue …, Jan 1, 2010

Assessments of Philippine development performance raise questions about the quantity and quality ... more Assessments of Philippine development performance raise questions about the quantity and quality of Filipino entrepreneurship. Despite the early attempt at industrialization, industrial entrepreneurship has failed to flourish in the country. Is industrial entrepreneurship constrained more by cultural limitations than by political and economic factors? This paper provides a brief historical survey of Philippine entrepreneurship and development. It argues that Philippine industrial entrepreneurship did not take off because of a combination of external constraints and internal motivations.

DLSU Arts Congress Conference Proceedings, 2013

Like most wars, the Philippine war on poverty has been costly. Since the 1980s, vast sums of reso... more Like most wars, the Philippine war on poverty has been costly. Since the 1980s, vast sums of resources have been poured into poverty alleviation programs. However, mass poverty has not abated. This renders as ineffective the contemporary approaches to poverty reduction. Further, some approaches such as demolitions and coercive land acquisitions have escalated conflict in society. In certain instances, they have led to unnecessary violence. This paper argues that it is possible to fight poverty without fighting.

Routledge , 2018

Routledge Handbook of tHe ContempoRaRy pHilippines the philippines is a fascinating example of a ... more Routledge Handbook of tHe ContempoRaRy pHilippines the philippines is a fascinating example of a "poor country democracy" where issues of economic development and poverty, political participation and stability, as well as ethnicity and migration are crucial. the Routledge Handbook of the Contemporary Philippines provides a comprehensive overview of the current political, economic, social, and cultural issues of the country. the Handbook is divided into the following four sections concentrating on a different aspect of the philippines:

Routledge Handbook of the Contemporary Philippines, 2018

The early 2010s have witnessed maritime territorial disputes involving some East Asian countries.... more The early 2010s have witnessed maritime territorial disputes involving some East Asian countries. China's emergence as an economic superpower has emboldened its leaders to aggressively pursue expansionist claims over islands stretching from the East China Sea to the South China Sea. From April to June 2012, tensions between China and the Philippines were raised during a standoff at Scarborough Shoal. More recently, Sino-Japanese relations significantly deteriorated after militarized incidents involving the Senkaku (or Diaoyu) islands. The involvement of the military in pursuit of territorial claims has disturbed regional stability and security. Indeed, it has reinforced the notion of a new cold war in East Asia. If a new cold war indeed exists, this paper discusses implications for the Philippines as a security state. It will also present implications on the country's bilateral relations with Japan.

Two images of the Philippine state prevail. One is the neocolonial or dependent state and the oth... more Two images of the Philippine state prevail. One is the neocolonial or dependent state and the other is a weak state dominated by an oligarchic and patrimonial elite. The latter has become the dominant paradigm since the 1990s. In this paper, I explore pressures on the so-called oligarchic state arising from improved economic performance in the early 21 st century. While oligarchic control continues its grip on the state, rising political participation from below provide indications of political power being more widely dispersed. Economic growth and transformation particularly from the early 2000s have expanded the ranks of the elite and the middle class, who clamor for a stronger, developmental state.