Ambuja Kumar Tripathy | University of Delhi (original) (raw)

Teaching Documents by Ambuja Kumar Tripathy

Journal Articles by Ambuja Kumar Tripathy

Journal of Research Administration, 2023

Niyamgiri movement in Odisha is a major example of collective action and oppositional political a... more Niyamgiri movement in Odisha is a major example of collective action and oppositional political activism in recent times. Based on empirical research on Niyamgiri movement, this paper seeks to analyse the dynamics of the movement and thus contribute to movement studies. The Niyamgiri mining project in Kalahandi district of Odisha involving the endangered Dongria Kondh has brought into light the issues of displacement and rehabilitation along with cultural implications of development projects. Niyamgiri movement originated as a response to this bauxite mining project of Vedanta Alumina. It confronted the state and elites. Leadership emerged, mobilizing structures were made, collective identity was constructed, and arguments against mining were put forth. The movement also endured efforts at suppression. Finally, the Supreme Court Judgment in 2013, calling Niyamgiri villagers themselves to decide about the mining project, came as a landmark. The villagers unanimously voted against mining. Niyamgiri movement has lasting impacts. However, the movement is still navigating through turbulent waters.
Keywords: Development, Gram Sabha, Mining, Niyamgiri, Odisha, Rehabilitation

European Journal of Theoretical and Applied Sciences, 2023

This paper aims to explore the relation between civil society associations and political particip... more This paper aims to explore the relation between civil society associations and political participation in a normative framework. Civil society associations are widely regarded as the basis for citizen involvement and participation, and as the location for democratic action. There is an increasing scholarly recognition that associationalism is essential for a healthy democratic society for the reason that it tends to strengthen democratic political culture. Associations encourage citizens to take part in public discourse and civic projects. And, thus they shape civic engagement. Through such participation and communicative interaction, identity formation also takes place. Associational members, as a result, learn public-spiritedness and democratic art of participation. It leads us to the debate on ascriptive and voluntary associations in civil society. At the same time, the notion of associational dichotomy is much contested. It is argued that exploration of the link between civil society associations and political participation calls for a much more intricate analysis that would entail going beyond associational dichotomy, particularly in the Indian context. The research presented in this paper, based on analysis of some prominent and relevant theoretical conceptions, aims to contribute to the ongoing debate on the relationship between civil society, active citizenship, and democracy.

Keywords: Ascriptive associations, citizenship, civil society, political participation, voluntary associations.

The Ciência and Engenharia - Science and Engineering journal, 2023

As the nation celebrates the presidential victory of one tribal woman from the northern district ... more As the nation celebrates the presidential victory of one tribal woman from the northern district of Mayurbhanj in Odisha (Ms. Droupadi Murmu), this study attempts to analyse the dynamics surrounding collective agency of rural tribal women in the state with special reference to its southwestern districts. In the tribal region of Odisha, women by and large have been accorded a secondary status with respect to decision-making and access to resources. They negotiate access to village common resources to sustain viable livelihoods. In recent times, the fragile ecology in this forest and mineral rich area has witnessed serious damages in the development process. While the impacts are felt across the communities, women are the most vulnerable section. This paper, drawing on extensive fieldwork, focuses on women's collective at village level, locally known as mahila mandal, as an initiative of a well known civil society organization, Agragamee. Mahila mandal has played a critical role in collective action for natural resource management-in releasing unproductive wastes like degraded forest lands and wastelands from the control of village dominant groups for productive use and management. Further, it has led to considerable collective agency formation in the form of collective mobilizations and resistances by local women against some of the policies of the state directly affecting their livelihoods. Anti-liquor movement and hill broom movement by local women are good instances in this regard. Mahila mandal, however, is currently facing formidable challenges for its survival, especially owing to the rapid spread of self help groups (SHGs) in the region. At the same time, as my recent fieldwork shows, it is indeed experimenting different strategies to revive the old spirit and enthusiasm among local people. In these circumstances, it would not be inaccurate to say that mahila mandal is currently situated between hope and scepticism.

Keywords: Civil society, collective action, collective mobilization, natural resource management, self help group

International Journal of Applied Social Science, 2022

Agragamee is one of the better known civil society organizations in the country. It is located in... more Agragamee is one of the better known civil society organizations in the country. It is located in the tribal hinterlands of the state of Odisha. Since its origin in the late 1970s and early 1980s, this socially committed organization has witnessed different phases in its relation with the state, while performing its developmental functions. My fieldwork shows that the trajectory of Agragamee’s relation with the state began with collaboration and negotiation. As the organization matured, with emphasis on rights-based approach, the relation got transformed intonegotiation with bold expression of difference by Agragamee. Then, there was a phase characterized by contestation and resistance as well. Finally, we come across the current adoption of advocacy as the dominant instrument by Agragamee. This paper aims to analyze the dynamics surrounding the shifts in the relation of the civil society organization with the state, and their implications for Agragamee’s political and developmental characters in a nuanced way.
Key Words : Civil society, State, Tribal development, Contestation, Advocacy

Bihar Journal of Political Science, 2022

Karnataka’s Kudremukh environmental movement against mining is one of the classic cases of social... more Karnataka’s Kudremukh environmental movement against mining is one of the classic cases of social movements in India. Based on the findings of a research project, this paper offers some reflections on the environmental movement in Kudremukh. The project uses secondary as well as primary qualitative data to analyze the movement. Intersectionality constitutes the predominant framework of the project. While the movement has engaged with several critical issues, insufficient attention to intersectional aspects remains its one of the most important weaknesses. Shared mobilization of the Kudremukh environmental movement vis-a-vis Dalit movement and women’s movement in the state of Karnataka, therefore, has not materialized significantly. Nevertheless, a noteworthy development is increasing attention given to intersectionality by all the above-mentioned movements of the state, and their progressive shift of focus from difference to interrelatedness..

Keywords: Environmentalism, interrelatedness, intersectionality, Kudremukh National Park, mining, Western Ghats

NIU International Journal of Human Rights, 2022

Women's movement in Karnataka iscurrently witnessing several significant forms of mobilisation, a... more Women's movement in Karnataka iscurrently witnessing several significant forms of mobilisation, and women's anti-liquor resistance is one of those. Rural women of Karnataka are demanding a total ban on production, sale, and consumption of liquor in the state. Since 2016, when thousands of women assembled in the northern district of Raichur under the leadership of Karnataka Madhya Nisheda Andolana (Karnataka Liquor Ban Movement), the anti-liquor movement in Karnataka has gained much momentum and emerged as a strong political force. It has received the crucial support from Dalit and environmental groups in the state. However, the movement has been unable so far to effectively mobilise the upper class women and treat intersectionality as a movement strategy. Inadequate attention to intersectional aspects has weakened its potential for shared mobilisation and alliance formation with Dalit and environmental movements. At the same time, one of the noticeable features of the movement is that movement leadership is currently in a process to address these issues. This paper is based on the findings of a research project completed recently. Drawing on secondary literature as well as primary data collected through interviews, this article discusses and assesses active engagement of women's movement with a critical issue like liquor in contemporary Karnataka, and its articulation of the intersection of gender and caste.

This paper, based on the findings of a research project, draws on secondary literature along with... more This paper, based on the findings of a research project, draws on secondary literature along with field interviews in order to discuss challenges for and intersectional aspects of the Dalit movement in contemporary Karnataka. Dalit movement in contemporary Karnataka is characterized by increasing internal heterogeneity, complexity, and intersectionality. On the one hand, Dalit movement has to face up the challenge of reorganizing itself by overcoming the internal conflicts and contradictions. The issues of the left and the right or Madigas and Holeyas, shifting with regional specificities, has divided Dalit politics. This division is sharper on the issue of reservation. There has been a consolidation of the sub-caste identity within the larger Dalit politics. Also, Dalit politics is internally split with mushrooming of different Dalit Sangharsh Samiti (DSS). On the other hand, women's participation in Dalit movement of the state is very discouraging. This also is one of the reasons for weakening of the Dalit movement. The movement leadership is increasingly realizing that it has been unable to address the intersectionality between caste and gender. Based on the new realization, the movement has progressively shifted its focus from difference to radical interrelatedness.

Urban India, 2020

Delhi’s one-third population lives in sub-standard housing, which includes slums and JJ (jhuggi j... more Delhi’s one-third population lives in sub-standard housing, which includes slums and JJ (jhuggi jhopdi) clusters. The government agencies have taken up slum resettlement measures in order to address the issue but people in the resettlement colonies find life worse than what it was in the slums. This paper, drawing upon fieldwork in Bawana resettlement colony, seeks to explore complex interface between marginality and urban citizenship in India’s ‘global cities’.
Basic amenities such as roads, hospitals, schools, street lights, and sewer lines are still inadequate. Slum dwellers, even after experiencing a long period of resettlement, find themselves marginalised. At the same time, they unmistakenly appear as actors struggling for recognition and entitlement, claiming their rights to the city. Their various modes of political action- from negotiations in everyday life to resistances- along with the state action and civil society interventions significantly contribute towards articulation of urban citizenship premised on fairness and justice.

JHSSR Special Issue on COVID-19, 2020

This paper, drawing on secondary sources and extensive fieldwork, grapples with the implications ... more This paper, drawing on secondary sources and extensive fieldwork, grapples with the implications of lockdown for the tribal economy of Odisha. .Minor forest produce (MFP) is a critical component of the tribal economy in Odisha. COVID-19 and subsequent mitigation measures such as lockdown and restriction on movement coincided with the peak season for gathering of MFP. Lockdown, by disrupting collection and trading of MFP, has severely affected the livelihood base of the tribal people and other forest dwellers. Governments at the Centre and state have taken up several measures to deal with this difficult situation. Governments exempted work under Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Act (MGNREGA) and collection of MFP during the second phase of lockdown. However, distress sale of MFP and loss of income have emerged as major concerns due to delay in policy decisions. Reverse migration of laborers to tribal villages poses the new challenge to state’s preparedness. At a broader level, the current crisis situation reminds us to seriously think in the direction of implementing tribal rights over forest and forest produce.

ISEC, Bangalore Working Paper Series, 2020

Indian Journal of Human Development, 2010

Very depressingly, even more than sixty years after India gained Independence and its Constitutio... more Very depressingly, even more than sixty years after India gained Independence and its Constitution came into being, the Kalahandi–Bolangir–Koraput (KBK) region in Orissa does not have adequate basic facilities. Although the upliftment of the tribals has been an explicitly stated task since Independence, there have been very few tangible achievements as indicated by the available evidence. Despite the initiation of many poverty alleviation programmes in the tribal region, the real impact of the schemes is questionable because of their inadequate and ineffective implementation. The situation raises several questions: What have we so far given to these people who live at the edge of survival except neglect? Has this not resulted in a colossal wastage of human capital that constitutes India's most precious resource? Has the class bias in government functioning led to the neglect of interests of the Adivasis and Dalits in this remote area? Can we ignore the contribution of these communities to the concept of our nationhood? A short trip from Delhi to the KBK (Kalahandi–Bolangir–Koraput) region in the western tribal region of Orissa took shape a few months ago. This particular area is one of the most backward regions of our country and is largely inhabited by tribal populations. It is known for chronic hunger, deprivation and food insecurity, and consequently its abysmal human development index (HDI). Very often, it makes the headlines only for the hunger deaths that routinely take place here. A peaceful tribal resistance to bauxite mining is going on in the Niyamgiri region of Kalahandi district. In addition, there has been a decade-long agitation of the Adivasis and Dalits against the Utkal Alumina plant at Kashipur in Rayagada district. The region captured widespread attention in January 2006 when twelve Adivasis, struggling as part of a mass struggle for their right to home, land and livelihood against the establishment of the Tata steel plant here, were brutally massacred by the police in Kalinganagar. During about a month-long stay in the region, I gained some critical impressions about the region. I visited a number of villages in the Rayagada and Koraput districts, namely Kashipur, Mandibisi, Bramarjodi, Gumudisupel, Adri, Chandragiri, Rasijhiri, Hatimunda, and Gunner. Very depressingly, even after sixty years of Independence and enactment of the Indian Constitution, this region does not have even basic facilities. This tribal region is, in fact, characterized by pronounced poverty and backwardness, a degenerating natural resource base, poor physical and social infrastructure, and