David Rohde | Duke University (original) (raw)

Papers by David Rohde

This paper considers the relationship between state demographics and the party and DW-NOMINATE sc... more This paper considers the relationship between state demographics and the party and DW-NOMINATE scores of Senators from the 73 rd -108 th Congress. We find that demographics are a significant but relatively weak predictor of party and DW-NOMINATE first dimension scores, while ...

The requirements of presidential nomination and Senate confirmation of,Supreme Court nominees,pre... more The requirements of presidential nomination and Senate confirmation of,Supreme Court nominees,present two anomalies: under what circumstances ,can ideologically extreme nominees win confirmation and, given political polarization and the possibility of a

Previous studies of polarization in Congress have attributed patterns of divergence among legisla... more Previous studies of polarization in Congress have attributed patterns of divergence among legislators to factors ranging from changes in the nature of the legislative agenda to replacement of members by more extreme ideologues. In this paper, we seek to more directly link patterns of polarization in the U.S. House to underlying changes in representatives' constituencies resulting from redistricting. As districts

... Supreme Court decision making. Post a Comment. CONTRIBUTORS: Author: Rohde, David W. Author: ... more ... Supreme Court decision making. Post a Comment. CONTRIBUTORS: Author: Rohde, David W. Author: Spaeth, Harold J. PUBLISHER: WH Freeman (San Francisco). SERIES TITLE: YEAR: 1976. PUB TYPE: Book (ISBN 0716707179 ). VOLUME/EDITION: ...

Congress & the Presidency, 1999

While White (1989) thoroughly examined the House Appropriations Committee after the congressional... more While White (1989) thoroughly examined the House Appropriations Committee after the congressional reforms of the 1960s and 1970s, we begin to offer an updated picture of the counterpart committee in the Senate. We find that there has been considerable change in ...

Congress & the Presidency, 1987

... Congressional Government DAVID W. ROHDE Michigan State University KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Harvard ... more ... Congressional Government DAVID W. ROHDE Michigan State University KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Harvard University Abstract ... Unfortunately, he confused cause and effect. Recently, Cooper andBrady (1981) got it right.3 Their data show a striking rela-Page 7. ...

The Journal of Politics, 2000

Page 1. The Republican Revolution and the House Appropriations Committee John H. Aldrich Duke Uni... more Page 1. The Republican Revolution and the House Appropriations Committee John H. Aldrich Duke University David W. Rohde Michigan State University This study applies the theory of conditional party government to the ...

The Journal of Politics, 1987

Page 1. Articles P Page 2. Progressive Ambition among United States Senators: 1972-1988 Paul R. A... more Page 1. Articles P Page 2. Progressive Ambition among United States Senators: 1972-1988 Paul R. Abramson Michigan State University John H. Aldrich University of Minnesota David W. Rohde Michigan State University A rational ...

The Journal of Politics, 2007

Skip to Main Content. Wiley Online Library will be disrupted 5 Nov from 10-12 GMT for monthly mai... more Skip to Main Content. Wiley Online Library will be disrupted 5 Nov from 10-12 GMT for monthly maintenance. ...

Political Research Quarterly, 2000

Page 1. Challenges to the American Two-Party System: Evidence from the 1968, 1980, 1992, and 1996... more Page 1. Challenges to the American Two-Party System: Evidence from the 1968, 1980, 1992, and 1996 Presidential Elections PAUL R. ABRAMSON, MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY JOHN H. ALDRICH, DUKE UNIVERSITY ...

Political Behavior, 2007

Every presidential election offers interesting questions for analysis, but some elections are mor... more Every presidential election offers interesting questions for analysis, but some elections are more puzzling than others. The election of 2004 involves two linked and countervailing puzzles. The first is: How did President George W. Bush manage to win at all, avoiding the fates of George H.W. Bush and Jimmy Carter? The other is: Why didn't he win by a more substantial margin than in his first election, as all reelected presidents since Eisenhower were able to do? On the one hand, in the wake of September 11, the president had approval ratings around 90% and the threat of terrorism remained a substantial concern through Election Day. This would seem to Electronic supplementary material Supplementary material is available in the online version of this article at http://dx.afford Bush an overwhelming advantage. On the other hand, the public's views of the state of the economy and of the course of the war in Iraq were negative. We think that the juxtaposition of these questions will help to explain the outcome of the election and of the pattern of the results. Moreover, by unpacking our explanation of the vote into three policy-related issue components-economic retrospective evaluations, domestic policy views, and foreign policy views-we examine the way these preferences contributed to the electorate's voting decisions.

Legislative Studies Quarterly, 2008

This article extends recent research on partisan agenda control in the U.S. House of Representati... more This article extends recent research on partisan agenda control in the U.S. House of Representatives to the issue of procedural control of the legislative agenda via special rules. In particular, we draw out a facet of cartel and conditional party government theories that has not been addressed in prior analyses: the simultaneous interrelationship between positive and negative agenda control. Using roll-call data on two procedural matters-votes to order the previous question on a special rule and votes to adopt a special rule-over the 1953-2002 period, we found that, in the area of procedural control of the floor agenda, the majority party's amount of agenda control depends to a significant degree upon the party's homogeneity and power.

Page 1. Variations in Party Voting in the House of Representatives, 1953-2000 Michael H. Crespin ... more Page 1. Variations in Party Voting in the House of Representatives, 1953-2000 Michael H. Crespin Department of Political Science Michigan State University 303 South Kedzie Hall East Lansing, MI 48824 David W. Rohde Department ...

American Politics Research, 2002

Although some studies of Congress have employed aggregate-level ideological measures to character... more Although some studies of Congress have employed aggregate-level ideological measures to characterize the outlier tendencies of congressional committees, such measures cannot reveal intracommittee variation in the propensity for disagreement between committees and the floor. In this analysis, we examine differences in voting behavior between members of the committee to which bills were initially referred and the House in the 96th and 104th Congresses. We demonstrate that significant variation occurs both within and among committees, and divergence is at times quite high among some committees not traditionally considered outliers. In the multivariate analysis, we discover that many vote-level factors significantly influence the degree of committee-floor divergence, and a considerable range of variation is evident in the level of divergence across committees. We also find that the number of committees exhibiting divergent behavior, the degree of this divergence, and the breakdown between the parties differs dramatically between the two periods.

American Politics Research, 2007

The elevated levels of party polarization observed in the contemporary Congress have been attribu... more The elevated levels of party polarization observed in the contemporary Congress have been attributed to a variety of factors. One of the more commonly recurring themes among observers of congressional politics is that changes in district boundaries resulting from the redistricting process are a root cause. Using a new data set linking congressional districts from 1962 to 2002, we offer a direct test of this claim. Our results show that although there is an overall trend of increasing polarization, districts that have undergone significant changes as a result of redistricting have become even more polarized. Although the effect is relatively modest, it suggests that redistricting is one among other factors that produce party polarization in the House and may help to explain the elevated levels of polarization in the House relative to the Senate.

Measuring Conditional Party Government by John H. Aldrich Duke University and David W. Rohde