Ömer Faruk ATILGAN | Duzce University / Düzce Üniversitesi (original) (raw)
Master's Thesis by Ömer Faruk ATILGAN
YÖK Ulusal Tez Merkezi, 2022
The Ottoman Empire was one of the states where the influence of the army in the political arena ... more The Ottoman Empire was one of the states where the influence of the army in
the political arena was felt the most. The Ottoman Army, which developed in parallel
with the new enemies that it faced from its establishment, became politicized as it
professionalized and gained a decisive role in the politics of the capital. With the end
of the era of conquests of the empire, the military became the most important pole in
the sharing of political power. The modernization movement, which was initiated with
the liquidation of traditional institutions, caused a great change in the world view in
the army, but continued to carry the traces of the past in its reactions to the events it
was involved in.
With the spread of European ideas to the Empire's mentality, new concepts
such as the constitution and parliament in Turkish politics and new types of actors
struggling for this cause will emerge. At the end of this process, which continued from
the New Ottomans to the Committee of Union and Progress, the reformist achieved
what they wanted with non-peaceful methods, and the disadvantages of this situation
did not leave them even when they were in power. Because the executive wing of these
methods, The Fedais, cast a shadow over politics. Yakup Cemil, one of the most
famous figures among the bouncers, is one of the biggest contributors to this situation.
Born in Yenibahçe, Istanbul in 1883, Yakup Cemil graduated as an Infantry
Lieutenant in 1903 from the Military Academy entered in 1901 and was assigned to
Macedonia, which was turned into a battlefield by gangs of different nationalities.
He joined the Fedai Squad of the Committee of Union and Progress, which he joined in
1908, which was established in the same year, and took on many duties there. After
the revolution in 1908, he took part in the assassinations of the opponents of the
League, went to help the revolutionaries in Iran, and took care of the interests of the
League in Adana, which caused a significant break in his life. After the Tripoli and
First Balkan War, he was expelled from the army due to the Bâb-ı Ali raid he was
involved in. He served in the Second Balkan War. Yakup Cemil, who was included in
the Caucasian front voluntarily when the World War started, then served as internal
security, waged gang wars in Eastern Anatolia, and returned to Istanbul after a very
short service in Iraq. His inability to persevere in his duties was due to his maverick
actions and failure to abide by the hierarchy. As a matter of fact, this aspect will not
leave him alone when he returns to Istanbul, and he will pave the way to his end in this
way.
The Fedai Squad, of which he was a member, became an independent group
after the revolution and entered the process of gaining a political identity under the
leadership of Enver Bey in the Tripoli War, which would also affect Yakup Cemil's
life. For the sake of Enver Bey, he will take up arms many times, act threateningly and
contribute to Enver's becoming "Pasha" from being "Bey". Marking the important
events of his time with his reckless behavior, Yakup Cemil will be the first symbol
that comes to mind when "komitacilik" is mentioned in Turkey. He will even be
referred to as a role model in different fields such as the press in terms of his methods.
Conference Presentations by Ömer Faruk ATILGAN
In environments where constitutional institutions are either absent or not fully internalized, ar... more In environments where constitutional institutions are either absent or not fully internalized, armed forces play a dominant role in power struggles. In the Ottoman Empire, with the centralization of power and the elimination of traditional institutions, the methods of military intervention in politics changed. Unlike the classical period of the Ottomans, overt rebellion was replaced by underground organizations. The Kuleli Incident represents the first example of this, and movements for constitutionalism against Sultan Abdülhamit followed the same path.
The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), using its fedayeen to reinstate the Kanun-i Esasi (Constitution) in 1908, continued to utilize them to be the dominant power of the new order. During World War I, the fedayeen, no longer needed politically, were disbanded after the suppression of the last coup attempt initiated by Yakup Cemil Bey. However, the motivation behind the actions of the fedayeen, the mission to be “the owners of the country and the guardians of the new order” and the revolutionary practices they represented continued to live on in the hearts of Turkish officers in the Republican era. The rebellious character of young officers re-emerged after the 1950 elections, with the transition to a multi-party political system, threatening not only civilian governments but also the top military command from time to time. Yakup Cemil Bey, the symbol of rebellious and uncontrolled actions, would not only be associated with the perpetrators of irregular armed operations but also with journalists who intervened in the political atmosphere with their strong writings. In short, some will be labeled as “Yakup Cemil” either with their guns or their pens, and will be perceived as threats by politicians.
Türk-Gürcü Kültürel İlişkileri, 2023
93 Harbi olarak bilinen 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı, Balkanlar ve Doğu Anadolu-Kafkasya olmak üz... more 93 Harbi olarak bilinen 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı, Balkanlar ve Doğu Anadolu-Kafkasya olmak üzere iki cephede cereyan etmiş, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu için ciddi bedellerle sonuçlanmasının yanı sıra çok sayıda insanı da yurtlarından ederek göç yollarına düşürmüştür. Savaşın cereyan ettiği önemli mevkilerden olan Batum, Osmanlıların çarpışmaları düşman topraklarına taşıyıp sonunda da hudutlarını koruyabildiği tek cephe olarak tarihteki yerini almıştır. Bu başarıda coğrafyanın yüksek dağlarla çevrili olması kadar Rusların sert taarruzları karşısında ellerinden geldiğince mukavemet ederek merkezi orduya destek olan ve asakir-i muavene (yardımcı askerler) adı altında teşkilatlandırılan yerel gönüllüler de pay sahibidir. Söz konusu kuvvetlere komutanlık eden yine bölge ileri gelenlerinden Çürüksulu Ali Paşa tartışmalı bir karakter olarak tarih sahnesinde yer alacaktır. Bağlı olduğu Osmanlılara Kırım Savaşı‘ndan (1851-1854) beri hizmet eden Ali Paşa, Batum‘un müdafaasında da aktif bir şekilde yer alacak ve Mirliva Mustafa Rıfat Paşa ile arasında gerçekleşen ihtilaf ile ortaya çıkacak olan icraatlarıyla da tek arzusunun itaatkarca hizmet etmek olmadığını gösterecektir. Çalışmada mezkur ihtilaf üzerinden Ali Paşa‘nın durumu tahlil edilirken "kahramanlık" ve "hainlik" gibi iki keskin uç arasında gidip gelen kendisiyle ilgili yargılar da değerlendirilecektir.
YÖK Ulusal Tez Merkezi, 2022
The Ottoman Empire was one of the states where the influence of the army in the political arena ... more The Ottoman Empire was one of the states where the influence of the army in
the political arena was felt the most. The Ottoman Army, which developed in parallel
with the new enemies that it faced from its establishment, became politicized as it
professionalized and gained a decisive role in the politics of the capital. With the end
of the era of conquests of the empire, the military became the most important pole in
the sharing of political power. The modernization movement, which was initiated with
the liquidation of traditional institutions, caused a great change in the world view in
the army, but continued to carry the traces of the past in its reactions to the events it
was involved in.
With the spread of European ideas to the Empire's mentality, new concepts
such as the constitution and parliament in Turkish politics and new types of actors
struggling for this cause will emerge. At the end of this process, which continued from
the New Ottomans to the Committee of Union and Progress, the reformist achieved
what they wanted with non-peaceful methods, and the disadvantages of this situation
did not leave them even when they were in power. Because the executive wing of these
methods, The Fedais, cast a shadow over politics. Yakup Cemil, one of the most
famous figures among the bouncers, is one of the biggest contributors to this situation.
Born in Yenibahçe, Istanbul in 1883, Yakup Cemil graduated as an Infantry
Lieutenant in 1903 from the Military Academy entered in 1901 and was assigned to
Macedonia, which was turned into a battlefield by gangs of different nationalities.
He joined the Fedai Squad of the Committee of Union and Progress, which he joined in
1908, which was established in the same year, and took on many duties there. After
the revolution in 1908, he took part in the assassinations of the opponents of the
League, went to help the revolutionaries in Iran, and took care of the interests of the
League in Adana, which caused a significant break in his life. After the Tripoli and
First Balkan War, he was expelled from the army due to the Bâb-ı Ali raid he was
involved in. He served in the Second Balkan War. Yakup Cemil, who was included in
the Caucasian front voluntarily when the World War started, then served as internal
security, waged gang wars in Eastern Anatolia, and returned to Istanbul after a very
short service in Iraq. His inability to persevere in his duties was due to his maverick
actions and failure to abide by the hierarchy. As a matter of fact, this aspect will not
leave him alone when he returns to Istanbul, and he will pave the way to his end in this
way.
The Fedai Squad, of which he was a member, became an independent group
after the revolution and entered the process of gaining a political identity under the
leadership of Enver Bey in the Tripoli War, which would also affect Yakup Cemil's
life. For the sake of Enver Bey, he will take up arms many times, act threateningly and
contribute to Enver's becoming "Pasha" from being "Bey". Marking the important
events of his time with his reckless behavior, Yakup Cemil will be the first symbol
that comes to mind when "komitacilik" is mentioned in Turkey. He will even be
referred to as a role model in different fields such as the press in terms of his methods.
In environments where constitutional institutions are either absent or not fully internalized, ar... more In environments where constitutional institutions are either absent or not fully internalized, armed forces play a dominant role in power struggles. In the Ottoman Empire, with the centralization of power and the elimination of traditional institutions, the methods of military intervention in politics changed. Unlike the classical period of the Ottomans, overt rebellion was replaced by underground organizations. The Kuleli Incident represents the first example of this, and movements for constitutionalism against Sultan Abdülhamit followed the same path.
The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), using its fedayeen to reinstate the Kanun-i Esasi (Constitution) in 1908, continued to utilize them to be the dominant power of the new order. During World War I, the fedayeen, no longer needed politically, were disbanded after the suppression of the last coup attempt initiated by Yakup Cemil Bey. However, the motivation behind the actions of the fedayeen, the mission to be “the owners of the country and the guardians of the new order” and the revolutionary practices they represented continued to live on in the hearts of Turkish officers in the Republican era. The rebellious character of young officers re-emerged after the 1950 elections, with the transition to a multi-party political system, threatening not only civilian governments but also the top military command from time to time. Yakup Cemil Bey, the symbol of rebellious and uncontrolled actions, would not only be associated with the perpetrators of irregular armed operations but also with journalists who intervened in the political atmosphere with their strong writings. In short, some will be labeled as “Yakup Cemil” either with their guns or their pens, and will be perceived as threats by politicians.
Türk-Gürcü Kültürel İlişkileri, 2023
93 Harbi olarak bilinen 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı, Balkanlar ve Doğu Anadolu-Kafkasya olmak üz... more 93 Harbi olarak bilinen 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı, Balkanlar ve Doğu Anadolu-Kafkasya olmak üzere iki cephede cereyan etmiş, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu için ciddi bedellerle sonuçlanmasının yanı sıra çok sayıda insanı da yurtlarından ederek göç yollarına düşürmüştür. Savaşın cereyan ettiği önemli mevkilerden olan Batum, Osmanlıların çarpışmaları düşman topraklarına taşıyıp sonunda da hudutlarını koruyabildiği tek cephe olarak tarihteki yerini almıştır. Bu başarıda coğrafyanın yüksek dağlarla çevrili olması kadar Rusların sert taarruzları karşısında ellerinden geldiğince mukavemet ederek merkezi orduya destek olan ve asakir-i muavene (yardımcı askerler) adı altında teşkilatlandırılan yerel gönüllüler de pay sahibidir. Söz konusu kuvvetlere komutanlık eden yine bölge ileri gelenlerinden Çürüksulu Ali Paşa tartışmalı bir karakter olarak tarih sahnesinde yer alacaktır. Bağlı olduğu Osmanlılara Kırım Savaşı‘ndan (1851-1854) beri hizmet eden Ali Paşa, Batum‘un müdafaasında da aktif bir şekilde yer alacak ve Mirliva Mustafa Rıfat Paşa ile arasında gerçekleşen ihtilaf ile ortaya çıkacak olan icraatlarıyla da tek arzusunun itaatkarca hizmet etmek olmadığını gösterecektir. Çalışmada mezkur ihtilaf üzerinden Ali Paşa‘nın durumu tahlil edilirken "kahramanlık" ve "hainlik" gibi iki keskin uç arasında gidip gelen kendisiyle ilgili yargılar da değerlendirilecektir.