International cooperation and institutional choice: the European Community's internal market | International Organization | Cambridge Core (original) (raw)
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The decision of the European Community (EC) members to complete their “internal market” by the end of 1992, as embodied in the 1987 Single European Act (SEA), may represent the most ambitious instance of multilateral cooperation since the construction of the post-World War II international order. The economic objective of internal market completion is the removal of a wide array of nontariff barriers to trade that elsewhere have proved politically intractable, including border controls, national standards, preferential procurement policies, and industrial subsidies. The institutional structures underpinning the internal market are more constraining on the behavior of sovereign states than has been the case for other international regimes. The SEA replaced unanimity voting (national vetoes) in the primary decision-making body of the EC, the Council of Ministers, with a system of majority voting over matters pertaining to the internal market. In addition, the internal market is buttressed by an elaborate and powerful legal system. EC law is considered to have supremacy over national laws and to have “direct effect” in domestic jurisdictions, regardless of whether it is explicitly incorporated through legislation.
References
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In many EC states, there were also significant restrictions on capital flows, which the SEA stipulated would be eliminated. The removal of capital controls and its consequences for the Economic and Monetary Union are beyond the scope of this article.
See “Business in Europe: On the Defensive,” The Economist, 8 06 1991, p. 10Google Scholar. Germany alone had over 20,000 different standards, and Britain—even after the Thatcher decade—had over 12,000.
See ibid., p. 9. In the late 1980s, only about 2 percent of public sector contracts in the EC were awarded to foreign firms.
See ibid., p. 10. Standard VAT rates ranged from 12 percent in Luxembourg and Spain to 23 percent in Ireland.
The Financial Times and The Economist provided excellent descriptions of the bargaining positions of EC members over the SEA. For more analytic treatments, see Cameron, David, “The 1992 Initiative: Causes and Consequences,” in Sbragia, Alberta, ed, Europolitics (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, forthcoming)Google Scholar; Moravcsik, Andrew, “Negotiating the Single European Act: National Interests and Conventional Statecraft in the European Community,” International Organization 45 (Winter 1991), pp. 19–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Woolcock, Stephen et al. , Britain, Germany and 1992 (London: Pinter, 1991)Google Scholar.
Mutual recognition was the principle for EC trade enunciated by the European Court of Justice in Cassis de Dijon, a 1979 case.
In the years since the signing of the SEA, the Danish government has changed its orientation on certain issues and is now often opposed to the positions taken by Britain.
For an analysis of the German financial system and its implications for economic performance, see Soskice, David, “The Institutional Infrastructure for International Competitiveness: A Comparative Analysis of the United Kingdom and Germany,” in Atkinson, Anthony Barnes and Brunetta, Renato, eds., The Economics of the New Europe (London: Macmillan, forthcoming)Google Scholar.
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The level of economic development in Ireland is closer to that in Greece, Portugal, Spain, and southern Italy than it is to that in Germany or France. The interests of political actors in Italy cleave between north and south. The northern Italian economy is characterized by firms that are competitive in the world market, whereas the southern part of the country remains far less well developed. The Christian Democrat-dominated government, however, has always been careful to protect the interests of its political heartland in the south.
The Council of Ministers is an umbrella term covering the regular meetings attended by cabinet ministers from member states for the various jurisdictions of the EC. The exceptions to the qualified majority voting rule over the internal market are fiscal (primarily tax) issues, the movement of people, and the rights and interests of workers. The roles of the EC Commission and the European Parliament were also affected by the SEA. Relations between the council, the commission, and the parliament are discussed in the next section.
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I am indebted to Helen Wallace for this point. It should also be noted that in the current voting system, the larger countries are still underrepresented in terms either of population or of economic output.
The British government did, however, win significant concessions in that both industrial relations and immigration issues were exempted from qualified majority voting.
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By 1993, these funds are projected to be equivalent to one-quarter of the EC budget ($11 billion), representing a significant side-payment. See Gary Marks, “Structural Policy in the European Community,” in Sbragia, Europolitics.
The British government's acceptance of the SEA was also made more likely by important French and German concessions over the EC budget and the Common Agricultural Policy. See Moravcsik, , “Negotiating the Single European Act,” pp. 34–38Google Scholar.
In the mid-1980s, French and German exports constituted over 40 percent of all intra-EC exports. See Cameron, “The 1992 Initiative.”
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In this context, it should be noted that EC issues, particularly with respect to the exchange rate mechanism of the EMS, played a significant role in the subsequent defeat of Thatcher and the elevation of John Major to Prime Minister late in 1990.
This argument does not depend on votes actually being taken in the Council of Ministers. In fact, most matters are resolved consensually in the council, without recourse to qualified majority voting. However, the specter of a vote, given its probable outcome, is sufficient to accord France and Germany significant influence on the content of the “consensus” position.
For details of these institutional procedures, see Dehousse, Renaud, “Completing the Internal Market: Institutional Constraints and Challenges,” in Bieber, Ronald et al. , eds., 1992: One Internal Market? (Baden-Baden, Germany: Verlagsgesellschaft, 1988)Google Scholar; and Nugent, Neil, The Government and Politics of the European Community (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1988), p. 247Google Scholar.
This rule pertains to the “second reading” of an EC Commission proposal—that is, the reading after the proposal has been passed by the Council of Ministers. The European Parliament also issues opinions on proposals at their “first reading,” before they are initially submitted by the commission to the council.
This holds true for any matter that is not specifically exempted from majority voting in the SEA.
The president of the EC Commission, Delors, has pressed for radical extensions of the scope of internal market regulation by the EC. Statements made by Delors betray a more general interest of bureaucrats in the commission to increase their own roles and power.
This holds true as long as there are no incentives for governments in the council to vote strategically—that is, to vote against commission proposals that they actually prefer to the status quo. The implications of strategic voting are analyzed later in this article.
It should also be noted that such an outcome might not represent a Pareto improvement for the EC, since it could be farther from the ideal point of Britain and Denmark than is the status quo.
See “Business in Europe,” p. 9.
The most important instance of this was Thatcher's decision not to reappoint Lord Arthur Cockfield as an EC commissioner in 1989 because he had been a prime mover behind many internal market initiatives that the British government disapproved.
See the following articles by Rubinstein, Ariel: “Perfect Equilibrium in a Bargaining Game,” Econometrica 50 (01 1982), pp. 97–109CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and “A Bargaining Model with Incomplete Information About Time Preferences,” Econometrica 53 (09 1985), pp. 1151–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The commission-council game is somewhat different from that analyzed by Rubinstein because only the commission can make proposals.
For analyses of the role of EC law in implementing the internal market, see Capalleti, Mauro et al. , eds., Integration Through Law, vol. 1 (New York: De Gruyter, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dehousse, Renaud and Weiler, Joseph, “The Legal Dimension,” in Wallace, William, ed., The Dynamics of European Integration (New York: Pinter, 1990), pp. 242–60Google Scholar; Garrett and Weingast, “Ideas, Interests and Institutions”; Martin Shapiro, “The Court of Justice,” in Sbragia, Europolitics; and Stein, “Lawyers, Judges and the Making of a Transnational Constitution.”
The United Kingdom and Denmark have the best records for legislation implementing internal market directives. The southern European states have tended to be laggards. This pattern is a result of the fact that most directives have dealt with the elimination of barriers to the free movement of goods and services, rather than with the creation of a more interventionist internal market.
The doctrine of direct effect was established in Van Gend, a 1963 case. Since individuals and other private actors do not have direct recourse to the European Court of Justice, the European court ruled that in order to protect their rights with respect to the Treaty of Rome, it was necessary for the treaty to have “direct effect” in domestic courts. In Van Duyn, a 1974 case, the European court extended this doctrine to directives passed by the Council of Ministers but not legislated into national law.
The number of preliminary judgments made by the European Court of Justice far exceeds the number of rulings made in cases brought directly before it. See Stein, , “Lawyers, Judges and the Making of a Transnational Constitution,” p. 6Google Scholar.
The supremacy of EC law was first asserted by the European Court of Justice in Costa v. ENEL, a 1964 case.
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