Manuel A Otero | Eastern Connecticut State University (original) (raw)
Papers by Manuel A Otero
Nivaĉle, a Mataco‐Mataguayan language of the South American Chaco, exhibits right branching synta... more Nivaĉle, a Mataco‐Mataguayan language of the South American Chaco, exhibits right branching syntax often involving determiners. The determiners express visibility, proximity, existence, have temporal implications, and mark abstract referents and nominalized clauses. This paper proposes that headless relative clauses arose by using determiners in grammatical nominalization via an amalgam source construction, while a certain complement clause structure may have arisen by using a determiner as a cataphoric pronoun before a co‐referent clause. As background for the historical argument, we first introduce the determiners and predicating versus referring expressions. We then discuss the role of the determiners in grammatical nominalization to create headless relatives, and then the complement clause structure headed by ka=. Employing comparative Mataguayan data, we propose historical scenarios that may have yielded the two constructions.
Associated Motion, 2021
The living Koman languages of the Ethiopia-Sudan borderlands all display Deictic Directional (DD)... more The living Koman languages of the Ethiopia-Sudan borderlands all display Deictic Directional (DD) verb morphology which, when occurring on verbs of distinct semantic classes, can express three main conceptual categories. Associated motion is expressed on dynamic verbs that do not contain motion in their inherent semantics, (deictic) direction is expressed on translational motion verbs, and exchoative aspect, or the “exiting from a state”, a heretofore cross-linguistically unattested category, entails that the state expressed by the verb no longer holds. This paper examines the Koman dd system in light of current associated motion typologies and through the lens of a motion event. While the function of a particular DD morpheme can generally be predicted by the semantic class of verb on which it occurs, an examination of lower-lever semantic verb classes reveals that alternate construals of events and states can lead to the expression of more than one conceptual category.
Studies in Language, 2020
Komo (Koman) of Ethiopia has an obligatory paradigm of deictic directional (DD) verb morphology t... more Komo (Koman) of Ethiopia has an obligatory paradigm of deictic directional (DD) verb morphology that, among its functions, indicates direction of motion relative to a deictic reference point, associated motion and grammatical aspect when collocated with verb roots of different semantic classes. The semantic components of a motion event underlie the Komo DD system and the grammatical aspect of a predicate can be directly mapped to the bounded/unbounded path profile. The Associated Motion function contains a bounded path which entails arrival at or departure from a reference point and, as a result, imparts aspectual telicity to the predicate. The Direction function by contrast, contains an unbounded path that expresses motion towards a reference point and does not impart aspectual telicity. Further, some morphemes express exchoativity, or the ‘exiting’ of a state, a rare if unattested grammatical category.
Journal of Phonetics, 2019
Komo, an endangered Koman language spoken in Western Ethiopia, features a system of vowel assimil... more Komo, an endangered Koman language spoken in Western Ethiopia, features a system of vowel assimilation commonly referred to as ‘advanced tongue root’ (ATR) harmony. Prior accounts of Komo [ATR] harmony describe a typologically unique, bidirectional system with two distinct and productive processes: anticipatory [+ATR] spreads leftward to non-high vowels and progressive [ATR] spreads rightward to high vowels. In this study, we investigated the acoustic correlates of the [ATR] feature in Komo using recordings from twelve native speakers collected in the field. Our aims were to describe the acoustic signature of the feature, evaluate acoustic evidence for the claim that both assimilatory processes indeed involve [ATR] spreading, and explore individual variability in the realization of the feature. The results of linear mixed effects models indicated that, in both processes, [+ATR] vowels featured lower F1 values, less periodicity, and a relatively pronounced first harmonic. The anticipatory process was also cued by duration differences while the progressive harmony featured a partial difference in spectral slope. As for individual strategies, random forest analysis revealed a great deal of variability in the relative importance of different correlates. While F1 dominated many of the acoustic profiles, some speakers relied primarily on voice quality or duration to signal the feature.
Linguistic Discovery, 2018
This paper presents the first comprehensive analysis of the phonological system of Komo (Koman of... more This paper presents the first comprehensive analysis of the phonological system of Komo (Koman of Western Ethiopia), including the tone system and morphophonological processes in the verb involving deictic directional morphology. The consonant inventory contains plain, ejective, implosive stops and an ejective affricate in three places of articulation. Komo has a seven-vowel inventory with Advanced Tongue Root (ATR) contrast in the high vowels and a typologically rare bi-directional ATR harmony system. Komo displays anticipatory [+ATR] harmony as well as progressive [-ATR] harmony, which, when taken together, call into question the notion of a single "dominant" ATR feature value in an ATR harmony system.
Non-verbal predication in Amazonian languages, 2018
Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) and Pilagá (Guaykuruan) languages, which geographically overlap in the Arg... more Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) and Pilagá (Guaykuruan) languages, which geographically overlap in the Argentinian Chaco region of South America, present evidence challenging the often repeated claim that locative predications universally un- derlie possession predications (Lyons 1967; Jackendoff 1983; DeLancey 2000; Freeze 2001; Langacker 2009, among others). In both languages copular ele- ments can link two Determined Phrases (DPs) to predicate location, possession or existence, i.e. the primary predicative element in such constructions is not a lexical verb. However, Nivaĉle and Pilagá each use a single copular form for both non-verbal existential and possessive predication constructions, and a different copular form for non-verbal locative predication constructions. Subtypes of
the various constructions, including negative forms, can be related to Heine’s cognitive possession schemas. In Pilagá, all three negative constructions share the same copular elements, but there are arguably still more similarities between the negative possessive and negative existential constructions compared to the negative locative construction. If these shared features across the two languages are due to areal contact, the influence would have had to have happened at the Proto-Mataguayan and Proto-Guaykuruan languages stage.
Nilo-Saharan issues and perspectives, 2018
This paper describes a unique system of directional morphology in Ethiopian Komo, an endangered l... more This paper describes a unique system of directional morphology in Ethiopian Komo, an endangered language of the Koman subfamily. Based on original data, this paper examines how this system of obligatory verbal morphology, which codes the direction of translational kinetic motion on verbs of motion and subsequently the location of participants in non- motion events, is synchronically grammaticalizing beyond spatial deixis into a temporal/ aspectual domain and even further in other cases, into hearer-based pragmatics. The directional system in Komo is unusual in two respects. First, every finite verb must occur with one of three directional morphemes (/-i, -ʊ́ , -úk/) in paradigmatic opposition. Second, these suffixes, which occur immediately on the verb stem, are the only means available to convey temporal or aspectual meanings immediately in the verb.
Nilo-Saharan: Models and descriptions, 2015
Selected Proceedings of the 44th Annual Conference on African Linguistics, 2015
Komo (Koman) has an underlying seven-vowel inventory with phonemic ATR contrast in the high vowel... more Komo (Koman) has an underlying seven-vowel inventory with phonemic ATR contrast in the high vowels. Languages with this inventory overwhelmingly exhibit [+ATR] dominant vowel harmony (Casali 2003, 2008). Komo exhibits two distinct ATR harmony processes, one of which amply satisfies the criteria for [+ATR] dominant harmony. One characteristic of [+ATR] dominant harmony systems is the presence of 'dominant affixes', typically suffixes, which do not alternate in their [+ATR] value and invariably cause [-ATR] root vowels to assimilate to [+ATR] (Casali 2008: 514). What is unique about the Komo ATR system is that underlyingly [+ATR] suffix vowels, which behave like prototypical triggers of anticipatory [+ATR] dominant harmony in one phonological domain, are targets of progressive [-ATR] harmony in another domain. The data in this paper attempt to illustrate that both [+ATR] and [-ATR] harmony processes in Komo are strictly phonologically conditioned and not idiosyncratic. ATR vowel harmony in Komo calls into question the notion that within any one language, only one ATR value can be dominant.
Dissertation by Manuel A Otero
PhD dissertation (U Oregon), 2019
Pedagogical materials by Manuel A Otero
Komo community booklet titled: 'Making a rat trap'
Komo community booklet titled: 'A Balanced Diet (Pregnant Women and Babies)'
Komo community booklet titled: 'AIDS and How to avoid it'
A revised version of the Teacher's edition of the Komo primer used in Ethiopian schools where Kom... more A revised version of the Teacher's edition of the Komo primer used in Ethiopian schools where Komo is taught
This is a revised trail version of the Komo primer for students being used in Ethiopia
Nivaĉle, a Mataco‐Mataguayan language of the South American Chaco, exhibits right branching synta... more Nivaĉle, a Mataco‐Mataguayan language of the South American Chaco, exhibits right branching syntax often involving determiners. The determiners express visibility, proximity, existence, have temporal implications, and mark abstract referents and nominalized clauses. This paper proposes that headless relative clauses arose by using determiners in grammatical nominalization via an amalgam source construction, while a certain complement clause structure may have arisen by using a determiner as a cataphoric pronoun before a co‐referent clause. As background for the historical argument, we first introduce the determiners and predicating versus referring expressions. We then discuss the role of the determiners in grammatical nominalization to create headless relatives, and then the complement clause structure headed by ka=. Employing comparative Mataguayan data, we propose historical scenarios that may have yielded the two constructions.
Associated Motion, 2021
The living Koman languages of the Ethiopia-Sudan borderlands all display Deictic Directional (DD)... more The living Koman languages of the Ethiopia-Sudan borderlands all display Deictic Directional (DD) verb morphology which, when occurring on verbs of distinct semantic classes, can express three main conceptual categories. Associated motion is expressed on dynamic verbs that do not contain motion in their inherent semantics, (deictic) direction is expressed on translational motion verbs, and exchoative aspect, or the “exiting from a state”, a heretofore cross-linguistically unattested category, entails that the state expressed by the verb no longer holds. This paper examines the Koman dd system in light of current associated motion typologies and through the lens of a motion event. While the function of a particular DD morpheme can generally be predicted by the semantic class of verb on which it occurs, an examination of lower-lever semantic verb classes reveals that alternate construals of events and states can lead to the expression of more than one conceptual category.
Studies in Language, 2020
Komo (Koman) of Ethiopia has an obligatory paradigm of deictic directional (DD) verb morphology t... more Komo (Koman) of Ethiopia has an obligatory paradigm of deictic directional (DD) verb morphology that, among its functions, indicates direction of motion relative to a deictic reference point, associated motion and grammatical aspect when collocated with verb roots of different semantic classes. The semantic components of a motion event underlie the Komo DD system and the grammatical aspect of a predicate can be directly mapped to the bounded/unbounded path profile. The Associated Motion function contains a bounded path which entails arrival at or departure from a reference point and, as a result, imparts aspectual telicity to the predicate. The Direction function by contrast, contains an unbounded path that expresses motion towards a reference point and does not impart aspectual telicity. Further, some morphemes express exchoativity, or the ‘exiting’ of a state, a rare if unattested grammatical category.
Journal of Phonetics, 2019
Komo, an endangered Koman language spoken in Western Ethiopia, features a system of vowel assimil... more Komo, an endangered Koman language spoken in Western Ethiopia, features a system of vowel assimilation commonly referred to as ‘advanced tongue root’ (ATR) harmony. Prior accounts of Komo [ATR] harmony describe a typologically unique, bidirectional system with two distinct and productive processes: anticipatory [+ATR] spreads leftward to non-high vowels and progressive [ATR] spreads rightward to high vowels. In this study, we investigated the acoustic correlates of the [ATR] feature in Komo using recordings from twelve native speakers collected in the field. Our aims were to describe the acoustic signature of the feature, evaluate acoustic evidence for the claim that both assimilatory processes indeed involve [ATR] spreading, and explore individual variability in the realization of the feature. The results of linear mixed effects models indicated that, in both processes, [+ATR] vowels featured lower F1 values, less periodicity, and a relatively pronounced first harmonic. The anticipatory process was also cued by duration differences while the progressive harmony featured a partial difference in spectral slope. As for individual strategies, random forest analysis revealed a great deal of variability in the relative importance of different correlates. While F1 dominated many of the acoustic profiles, some speakers relied primarily on voice quality or duration to signal the feature.
Linguistic Discovery, 2018
This paper presents the first comprehensive analysis of the phonological system of Komo (Koman of... more This paper presents the first comprehensive analysis of the phonological system of Komo (Koman of Western Ethiopia), including the tone system and morphophonological processes in the verb involving deictic directional morphology. The consonant inventory contains plain, ejective, implosive stops and an ejective affricate in three places of articulation. Komo has a seven-vowel inventory with Advanced Tongue Root (ATR) contrast in the high vowels and a typologically rare bi-directional ATR harmony system. Komo displays anticipatory [+ATR] harmony as well as progressive [-ATR] harmony, which, when taken together, call into question the notion of a single "dominant" ATR feature value in an ATR harmony system.
Non-verbal predication in Amazonian languages, 2018
Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) and Pilagá (Guaykuruan) languages, which geographically overlap in the Arg... more Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) and Pilagá (Guaykuruan) languages, which geographically overlap in the Argentinian Chaco region of South America, present evidence challenging the often repeated claim that locative predications universally un- derlie possession predications (Lyons 1967; Jackendoff 1983; DeLancey 2000; Freeze 2001; Langacker 2009, among others). In both languages copular ele- ments can link two Determined Phrases (DPs) to predicate location, possession or existence, i.e. the primary predicative element in such constructions is not a lexical verb. However, Nivaĉle and Pilagá each use a single copular form for both non-verbal existential and possessive predication constructions, and a different copular form for non-verbal locative predication constructions. Subtypes of
the various constructions, including negative forms, can be related to Heine’s cognitive possession schemas. In Pilagá, all three negative constructions share the same copular elements, but there are arguably still more similarities between the negative possessive and negative existential constructions compared to the negative locative construction. If these shared features across the two languages are due to areal contact, the influence would have had to have happened at the Proto-Mataguayan and Proto-Guaykuruan languages stage.
Nilo-Saharan issues and perspectives, 2018
This paper describes a unique system of directional morphology in Ethiopian Komo, an endangered l... more This paper describes a unique system of directional morphology in Ethiopian Komo, an endangered language of the Koman subfamily. Based on original data, this paper examines how this system of obligatory verbal morphology, which codes the direction of translational kinetic motion on verbs of motion and subsequently the location of participants in non- motion events, is synchronically grammaticalizing beyond spatial deixis into a temporal/ aspectual domain and even further in other cases, into hearer-based pragmatics. The directional system in Komo is unusual in two respects. First, every finite verb must occur with one of three directional morphemes (/-i, -ʊ́ , -úk/) in paradigmatic opposition. Second, these suffixes, which occur immediately on the verb stem, are the only means available to convey temporal or aspectual meanings immediately in the verb.
Nilo-Saharan: Models and descriptions, 2015
Selected Proceedings of the 44th Annual Conference on African Linguistics, 2015
Komo (Koman) has an underlying seven-vowel inventory with phonemic ATR contrast in the high vowel... more Komo (Koman) has an underlying seven-vowel inventory with phonemic ATR contrast in the high vowels. Languages with this inventory overwhelmingly exhibit [+ATR] dominant vowel harmony (Casali 2003, 2008). Komo exhibits two distinct ATR harmony processes, one of which amply satisfies the criteria for [+ATR] dominant harmony. One characteristic of [+ATR] dominant harmony systems is the presence of 'dominant affixes', typically suffixes, which do not alternate in their [+ATR] value and invariably cause [-ATR] root vowels to assimilate to [+ATR] (Casali 2008: 514). What is unique about the Komo ATR system is that underlyingly [+ATR] suffix vowels, which behave like prototypical triggers of anticipatory [+ATR] dominant harmony in one phonological domain, are targets of progressive [-ATR] harmony in another domain. The data in this paper attempt to illustrate that both [+ATR] and [-ATR] harmony processes in Komo are strictly phonologically conditioned and not idiosyncratic. ATR vowel harmony in Komo calls into question the notion that within any one language, only one ATR value can be dominant.
Komo community booklet titled: 'Making a rat trap'
Komo community booklet titled: 'A Balanced Diet (Pregnant Women and Babies)'
Komo community booklet titled: 'AIDS and How to avoid it'
A revised version of the Teacher's edition of the Komo primer used in Ethiopian schools where Kom... more A revised version of the Teacher's edition of the Komo primer used in Ethiopian schools where Komo is taught
This is a revised trail version of the Komo primer for students being used in Ethiopia