Choctaw language (original) (raw)

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Muskogean language spoken in US

Choctaw
Chahta
Native to United States
Region From Southeastern Oklahoma, to east-central Mississippi and into Louisiana and Tennessee
Ethnicity 20,000 Choctaw (2007)[1]
Native speakers 9,600 (2015 census)[1]
Language family MuskogeanWesternChoctaw
Official status
Official language in Choctaw Nation
Language codes
ISO 639-2 cho
ISO 639-3 cho
Glottolog choc1276
ELP Choctaw
Current geographic distribution of the Choctaw language
Distribution of Native American languages in Oklahoma
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.
People Chahta
Language Chahta
Country Chahta Okla

The Choctaw language (Choctaw: Chahta[2]), spoken by the Choctaw, an Indigenous people of the Southeastern Woodlands, US, is a member of the Muskogean language family. Chickasaw is a separate but closely related language to Choctaw.[3]

The Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma published the New Choctaw dictionary in 2016.

There are three dialects of Choctaw (Mithun 1999):

  1. "Native" Choctaw on the Choctaw Nation in southeastern Oklahoma
  2. Mississippi Choctaw of Oklahoma on Chickasaw Nation of south-central Oklahoma (near Durwood)
  3. Choctaw of the Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians near Philadelphia, Mississippi

Other speakers live near Tallahassee, Florida, and with the Koasati in Louisiana, and also a few speakers live in Texas and California.

| | Labial | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Glottal | | | | -------------------------------------------------------------------- | --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ | | median | lateral | | | | | | | Nasal | m | n | | | | | | Stop1 | p b | t | | | k | ʔ2 | | Affricate | | | | ch [] | | | | Fricative | f | s3 | ɬ | sh [ʃ]3 | | h | | Approximant | | | l | y [j] | w | |

  1. ^ The only voiced stop is /b/. The voiceless stops /p/, /t/, and /k/ may become partially voiced between vowels, especially /k/ and for male speakers. Also, the voiceless stops are slightly aspirated at the onset of words[4] and before stressed syllables, behaving like English voiceless plosives.
  2. ^ Controversially, some analyses suggest that all nouns end in an underlying consonant phoneme.[5] Nouns apparently ending in a vowel actually have a glottal stop /ʔ/ or a glottal fricative /h/ as the final consonant. Such consonants become realized when suffixes are attached.
  3. ^ The distinction between phonemes /s/ and /ʃ/ is neutralized at the end of words.
  1. /ɬ/, the voiceless lateral fricative, is pronounced as a voiceless dental fricative [θ]:[6] /ɬ/→[θ].
  2. The voiceless labiodental fricative /f/ is pronounced as a voiceless bilabial fricative [ɸ]:[6] /f/→[ɸ].

Phonological processes of consonants

[edit]

/k/→[ɣ]/V_V

im-ofi-aki̱lih → [ɪmofijəɣẽːlih]

III-dog-indeed

'his own dog'

/h/→[ç]/_tʃ

katihchish → [katɪçtʃɪʃ]

'how'

| | Short1 | Long | Nasal2 | | | | --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | --------------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------------------------ | -- | ------ | | tense | lax | | | | | Close front | i | ɪ | iː | ĩː~ẽː | | Close-mid back | o | ʊ | oː | õː | | Open central | a | ə | aː | ãː |

  1. ^ Lax vowels occur more often in closed syllables.[8] In traditional orthography, ʋ usually indicates [ə] and u usually indicates [ʊ]. Exceptions include pokoli (traditional) for /pʊk.koli/, imalakusi for /imaːlakosi/. The traditional orthography does not distinguish lax and tense front vowels; instead it indicates /iː/ with e.
  2. ^ Nasal vowels are intrinsically long.
  3. In Choctaw, very few words are distinguished only by pitch accent.[8] Nouns in Choctaw have pitch realization at the penultimate syllable or the ultimate syllable.[8] Verbs in Choctaw will have pitch realization at morphemes indicating tense, but sometimes, pitch directly precedes the tense morpheme.[8]

Syllables of Choctaw[9]

Light example meaning
V a.bih 'to kill'
CV no.sih 'to sleep'
Heavy example meaning
VV ii.chih 'to drive'
CVV pii.ni' 'boat, train'
.chi' 'quilt'
CV̱ ta̱.chi' 'corn'
VC ish.ki' 'mother'
CVC ha.bish.ko' 'nose'
Superheavy example meaning
VVC óok.cha-cha 'she/he woke up and ...'
CVVC náaf.ka 'dress'
V̱C a̱t 'come and'
CV̱C ok.hi̱sh 'medicine'
  1. As is in the chart above, there are three syllable structure types in Choctaw: light, heavy, and super heavy. Possible syllables in Choctaw must contain at least one vowel of any quality.[9]
  2. Syllables cannot end with a consonant clusters CC. However, there is an exception with the structure *(C)VCC if a word in Choctaw ends with the suffix /-t/.[9]
  3. Syllables do not begin with consonant clusters CC, but there is an exception in an initial /i-/ deletion, which results in a syllable *CCV .[9]

Rhythmic lengthening

[edit]

CV-CV-CVC→CV-CV-CVC

salahatok→sala꞉hatok

Smallest possible word

[edit]

*bih → a-bih

Phonological processes

[edit]

  1. Where V꞉ is oo
  2. boo-a-h→bóowah
  1. Where V꞉ can be either ii or aa
  2. talaa-a-h→talaayah

/i/→∅ / #____

Part 1: /i + C/→∅ + /C/ / #____

Part 2: /∅ + C/→∅ / #____

ippókni'→ppókni'→pókni'

/-l-/ infix assimilation

[edit]

l → {h, tʃ, ɬ} /_C[-voice]

ho-l-tinah → ho-ɬ-tinah

Phonological processes of the suffix /-li/

[edit]

/l/→/f, ɫ, h, m, n, w/ / /f, ɫ, h, m, n, w/____

/kobaf-li-h/→ kobaaffih

/l/→/b/ / /b/____

/atob-li-h/→ atobbih

/p/→/b/ / ____/l/

/tap-li-h/→ tablih

/t/→/l/ / ____/l/

/palhat-li-h/→ pallalih

/li/→∅ / ____/tʃi/

balii-li-chi-h→balii-chi-h

/li/→∅ / ____/t/

balii-li--h→balii-t

∅→/ə/ / /h/____[+voiced] consonant

∅→/ə/ / /k/____[+voiced] consonant

'ahnih'→/ahənih/

  1. For most vowel deletion cases, the preceding short vowel is deleted at the morpheme boundary.[19]

V→∅ / ____V

/baliili-aatʃĩ-h/→baliilaatʃĩh

  1. If a class II suffix attaches to a word that results with two short vowels occurring together, the short vowel that follows the class II suffix is deleted.[19]

V→∅ / V____

/sa-ibaa-waʃoohah/→sabaa-waʃoohah

The Choctaw "Speller" alphabet as found in the chata Holisso Ai Isht Ia Ʋmmona – The Choctaw Spelling Book, 1800s.

The Choctaw linguistic alphabet as found in the Choctaw Language Dictionary by Cyrus Byington and edited by John Swanton, 1909.

IPA Linguistic CBTC[1] Mississippi Traditional Byington/Swanton
Vowels
a a
i i
o o
Long
aa á á a
ā
ii í í e, i
ī
oo ó ó o
ō
Nasal
ãː ą aⁿ
+C am, an
ĩː į iⁿ
+C im, in
õː ǫ oⁿ
+C om, on, um, un
Lax
ə a ʋ[2]
ɪ i
ʊ o u
Consonants
b b
ch č ch
f f
h h
k k
l l
ɬ lh ł hl, lh [3] ł, lh [4]
m m
n n
p p
s s
ʃ sh š sh
t t
w w
j y
ʔ

The written Choctaw language is based upon the English version of the Roman alphabet and was developed in conjunction with the "civilization program" of the United States, a program to westernize and forcefully assimilate Indigenous Americans, particularly those adhering to what were to become the Five Civilized Tribes (of which the Choctaw are a part) into Anglo-American Culture and Sympathies during the early 19th century. Although there are other variations of the Choctaw alphabet, the three most commonly seen are the Byington (Traditional), Byington/Swanton (Linguistic), and Modern (Mississippi Choctaw).

Many publications by linguists about the Choctaw language use a slight variant of the "modern (Mississippi Choctaw)" orthography listed here, where long vowels are written as doubled. In the "linguistic" version, the acute accent shows the position of the pitch accent, rather than the length of the vowel.

The discussion of Choctaw grammar below uses the linguistic variant of the orthography.

  1. **^**Choctaw Bible Translation Committee
  2. **^**Substituted with 'v' according to typesetting or encoding constraints.
  3. **^**The former is used before a vowel; the latter, before a consonant. The intervocalic use of ⟨hl⟩ conflated the common consonant cluster /hl/ with /ɬ/.
  4. **^**Dictionary editors John Swanton and Henry Halbert systematically replaced all instances of ⟨hl⟩ with ⟨ł⟩, regardless whether ⟨hl⟩ stood for /ɬ/ or /hl/. Despite the editors' systematic replacement of all ⟨hl⟩ with ⟨ł⟩, the digraph ⟨lh⟩ was allowed to stand.

Choctaw verbs display a wide range of inflectional and derivational morphology. In Choctaw, the category of verb may also include words that would be categorized as adjectives or quantifiers in English. Verbs may be preceded by up to three prefixes and followed by as many as five suffixes. In addition, verb roots may contain infixes that convey aspectual information.

The verbal prefixes convey information about the arguments of the verb: how many there are and their person and number features. The prefixes can be divided into three sorts: agreement markers, applicative markers, and anaphors (reflexives and reciprocals). The prefixes occur in the following order: agreement-anaphor-applicative-verb stem.

The agreement affixes are shown in the following chart. The only suffix among the personal agreement markers is the first-person singular class I agreement marker /-li/. Third-person is completely unmarked for class I and class II agreement arguments and never indicates number.[20]

person markers class I class II class III class N imperative
+s +C +V +C/i +a/o +C +V +C +V +C +V
first-person singular initial -li sa- si- a̱- am- ak- n/a
medial -sa̱- -sam-
paucal ii- il- pi- pi̱- pim- kii- kil-
plural hapi- hapi̱- hapim-
second-person singular is- ish- chi- chi̱- chim- chik-
plural has- hash- hachi- hachi̱- hachim- hachik- ho- oh-
third-person i̱- im- ik-

Some authors (Ulrich 1986, Davies, 1986) refer to class I as actor or nominative, class II as patient or accusative and class III as dative. Broadwell prefers the neutral numbered labels because the actual use of the affixes is more complex. This type of morphology is generally referred to as active–stative and polypersonal agreement.

Class I affixes always indicate the subject of the verb. Class II prefixes usually indicate direct object of active verbs and the subject of stative verbs. Class III prefixes indicate the indirect object of active verbs. A small set of stative psychological verbs have class III subjects; an even smaller set of stative verbs dealing primarily with affect, communication and intimacy have class III direct objects.

As the chart above shows, there is no person-number agreement for third person arguments. Consider the following paradigms:

hablitok ("kicked", past tense)

DIRECT OBJECT SUBJECT first-person second-person third-person
singular paucal plural singular plural
first-person singular ili-habli-li-tok1 'I kicked myself' pi-habli-li-tok 'I kicked us (few)' hapi-habli-li-tok 'I kicked us (all)' chi-habli-li-tok 'I kicked you' hachi-habli-li-tok 'I kicked you (pl.)' habli-li-tok 'I kicked her/him/it/them'
plural ii-sa-habli-tok 'we kicked me' il-ili-habli-tok1 'we kicked ourselves' ii-chi-habli-tok 'we kicked you' ii-hachi-habli-tok 'we kicked you (pl.)' ii-habli-tok 'we kicked her/him/it/them'
second-person singular is-sa-habli-tok 'you kicked me' ish-pi-habli-tok 'you kicked us (few)' ish-hapi-habli-tok 'you kicked us (all)' ish-ili-habli-tok1 'you kicked yourself' ish-hachi-habli-tok 'ýou kicked you (pl.)' ish-habli-tok 'you kicked her/him/it/them'
plural has-sa-habli-tok 'you (pl.) kicked me' hash-pi-habli-tok 'you (pl.) kicked us (few)' hash-hapi-habli-tok 'you (pl.) kicked us (all)' hash-chi-habli-tok 'you (pl.) kicked you' hash-ili-habli-tok1 'you (pl.) kicked yourselves' hash-habli-tok 'you (pl.) kicked her/him/it/them'
third-person sa-habli-tok 'she/he/it/they kicked me' pi-habli-tok 'she/etc. kicked us (few)' hapi-habli-tok 'she/etc. kicked us (all)' chi-habli-tok 'she/etc. kicked you' hachi-habli-tok 'she/etc. kicked you (pl.)' habli-tok "she/etc. kicked her/him/it/them" ili-habli-tok1 'she/etc. kicked herself/etc.'
  1. ^ When the subject and object refer to the same thing or person (coreference), the reflexive ili- prefix is mandatory and used in place of the coreferent object.

Transitive active verbs seemingly with class III direct objects:

When a transitive verb occurs with more than one agreement prefix, I prefixes precede II and III prefixes:

Iichipi̱satok.

Ii- chi- pi̱sa -tok

1P.I- 2S.II- see⟨NGR⟩ -PT

'We saw you.'

Ishpimanoolitok.

Ish- pim- anooli -tok.

2S.I- 1P.III- tell -PT

'You told us.'

For intransitive verbs, the subjects of active verbs typically have class I agreement. Because third-person objects are unmarked, intransitive active verbs are indistinguishable in form from transitive active verbs with a third-person direct object.

Rev. Cyrus Byington worked nearly 50 years translating the Bible into Choctaw. He traveled with the Choctaws from Mississippi to Indian Territory after their forced relocation.

The subjects of stative verbs typically have II agreement. A small set of psychological verbs have subjects with class III agreement.[21]

Baliililitok.

Baliili -li -tok

run -1S.I -PT

'I ran.'

Saniyah.

Sa- niya -h.

1S.II- fat -TNS

'I am fat.'

A̱ponnah.

A̱- ponna -h.

1S.III- skilled -TNS

'I am skilled.'

The set of agreement markers labelled N above is used with negatives.[22] Negation is multiply marked, requiring that an agreement marker from the N set replace the ordinary I agreement, the verb appear in the lengthened grade (see discussion below), and that the suffix /-o(k)-/ follow the verb, with deletion of the preceding final vowel. The optional suffix /-kii/ may be added after /-o(k)-/. Consider the following example:

Akiiyokiittook.

Ak- iiya -o -kii -ttook

1S.N- go⟨LGR⟩ -NEG -NEG -DPAST

'I did not go.'

Compare this with the affirmative counterpart:

Iyalittook.

Iya -li -ttook.

go -1S.I -DPAST

'I went'.

To make this example negative, the 1sI suffix /-li/ is replaced by the 1sN prefix /ak-/; the verb root iya is lengthened and accented to yield íiya; the suffix /-o/ is added, the final vowel of iiya is deleted, and the suffix /-kii/ is added.

Reflexives are indicated with the /ili-/ prefix, and reciprocals with /itti-/:[23]

Ilipi̱salitok.

Ili- pi̱sa -li -tok.

REFL- see⟨NGR⟩ -1S.I -PT

'I saw myself'.

While the verbal prefixes indicate relations between the verb and its arguments, the suffixes cover a wider semantic range, including information about valence, modality, tense and evidentiality.

The following examples show modal and tense suffixes like /-aachii̱/ 'irrealis'(approximately equal to future), /-tok/ 'past tense', /-h/ 'default tenses':[24]

Baliilih.

Baliili -h.

run -TNS

'She runs.'

Baliilaachi̱h.

Baliili -aachi̱ -h.

run -IRR -TNS

'She will run.'

There are also suffixes that show evidentiality, or the source of evidence for a statement, as in the following pair:[25]

Nipi awashlihli.

Nipi awashli -hli

meat fry -FIRST:HAND

'She fried the meat.' (I saw/heard/smelled her do it.)

Nipi awashlitoka̱sha.

Nipi awashli -tok -a̱sha

meat fry -PT -GUESS

'She fried the meat.' (I guess)

There are also suffixes of illocutionary force which may indicate that the sentence is a question, an exclamation, or a command:[26]

Awashlitoko̱?

Awashli -tok -o̱

fry -PT -Q

'Did she fry it?'

Chahta siahokii!

Chahta si- a -h -okii

Choctaw 1S.II- be -TNS -EXCL

'I'm Choctaw!' or 'I certainly am a Choctaw!'

Choctaw verb stems have various infixes that indicate their aspect.[27] These stem variants are traditionally referred to as 'grades'. The table below shows the grades of Choctaw, along with their main usage.

Name of Grade How it is formed When it is used
n-grade infix n in the next to last (penultimate) syllable; put accent on this syllable to show that the action is durative (lasts some definite length of time)
l-grade put accent on next to last (penultimate) syllable; lengthen the vowel if the syllable is open before a few common suffixes, such as the negative /-o(k)/ and the switch-reference markers /-cha/ and /-na/
hn-grade insert a new syllable /-hV̱/ after the (original) next to last (penultimate) syllable. V̱ is a nasalized copy of the vowel that precedes it. to show that the action of the verb repeats
y-grade insert -Vyy- before the next to last (penultimate) syllable to show delayed inception
g-grade formed by lengthening the penultimate vowel of the stem, accenting the antepenultimate vowel, and geminating the consonant that follows the antepenult. to show delayed inception
h-grade insert -h- after the penultimate vowel of the stem. to show sudden action

Some examples that show the grades follow:

In this example the l-grade appears because of the suffixes /-na/ 'different subject' and /-o(k)/ 'negative':

... lowat taahana falaamat akiiyokiittook.

lowa -t taaha -na falaama -t ak- iiya- o -kii -ttook

burn -SS complete⟨LGR⟩ -DS return -SS 1S.N- go⟨LGR⟩ -NEG -NEG -DPAST

'... (the school) burned down and I didn't go back.'

The g-grade and y-grade typically get translated into English as "finally VERB-ed":

Taloowah.

Taloowa -h

sing -TNS

'He sang.'

Tálloowah.

Tálloowa -h

sing⟨GGR⟩ -TNS

'He finally sang.'

The hn-grade is usually translated as 'kept on VERBing':

Ohó̱bana nittak pókkooli oshtattook.

Ohó̱ba -na nittak pókkooli oshta -ttook

rain⟨HNGR⟩ -DS day ten four -DPAST

'It kept on raining for forty days.'

The h-grade is usually translated "just VERB-ed" or "VERB-ed for a short time":

Nóhsih.

Nóhsi -h

sleep⟨HGR⟩ -TNS

'He took a quick nap.

Nouns have prefixes that show agreement with a possessor.[28] Agreement markers from class II are used on a lexically specified closed class of nouns, which includes many (but not all) of the kinship terms and body parts. This is the class that is generally labeled inalienable.

sanoshkobo

sa- noshkobo

1S.II- head

'my head'

chinoshkobo

chi- noshkobo

2S.II- head

'your head'

noshkobo

noshkobo

head

'his/her/its/their head'

sashki

sa- ishki

1S.II- mother

'my mother'

chishki

chi- ishki

2S.II- mother

'your mother'

Nouns that are not lexically specified for II agreement use the III agreement markers:

a̱ki

a̱- ki'

1S.III- father

'my father'

amofi

am- ofi

1S.III- dog

'my dog'

Although systems of this type are generally described with the terms alienable and inalienable, this terminology is not particularly appropriate for Choctaw, since alienability implies a semantic distinction between types of nouns. The morphological distinction between nouns taking II agreement and III agreement in Choctaw only partly coincides with the semantic notion of alienability.

Choctaw nouns can be followed by various determiner and case-marking suffixes, as in the following examples, where we see determiners such as /-ma/ 'that', /-pa/ 'this', and /-akoo/ 'contrast' and case-markers /-(y)at/ 'nominative' and /-(y)a̱/ 'accusative':[29]

alla naknimat

alla nakni -m -at

child male -that -NOM

'that boy (nominative)'

Hoshiit itti chaahamako̱ o̱biniilih.

Hoshi -at itti chaaha -m -ako̱ o̱- biniili -h

bird -NOM tree tall -that -CNTR:ACC SUPE- sit -TNS

'The bird is sitting on that tall tree.' (Not on the short one.)

The last example shows that nasalizing the last vowel of the preceding N is a common way to show the accusative case.

Word order and case marking

[edit]

The simplest sentences in Choctaw consist of a verb and a tense marker, as in the following examples:[30]

O̱batok.

O̱ba -tok

rain -PT

'It rained.'

Niyah.

niya -h

fat -TNS

'She/he/it is fat, they are fat.'

Pi̱satok.

Pi̱sa- tok

see⟨NGR⟩ -PT

'She/he/it/they saw her/him/it/them.'

As these examples show, there are no obligatory noun phrases in a Choctaw sentence, nor is there any verbal agreement that indicates a third person subject or object. There is no indication of grammatical gender, and for third person arguments there is no indication of number. (There are, however, some verbs with suppletive forms that indicate the number of a subject or object, e.g. iyah 'to go (sg.)', ittiyaachih 'to go (du.)', and ilhkolih 'to go (pl)'.)

When there is an overt subject, it is obligatorily marked with the nominative case /-at/. Subjects precede the verb

Hoshiyat apatok.

hoshi -at apa -tok

bird -NOM eat -PT

'The birds ate them.'

When there is an overt object, it is optionally marked with the accusative case /-a̱/

Hoshiyat sho̱shi(-ya̱) apatok.

hoshi -at sho̱shi (-a̱) apa -tok.

bird -NOM bug -(ACC) eat -PT

'The birds ate the bugs.'

The Choctaw sentence is normally verb-final, and so the head of the sentence is last.

Some other phrases in Choctaw also have their head at the end. Possessors precede the possessed noun in the Noun Phrase:

ofi hohchifo

dog name

'the dog's name'

Choctaw has postpositional phrases with the postposition after its object:

tamaaha bili̱ka

town near

'near a town'

Some common Choctaw phrases (written in the "Modern" orthography):

Other Choctaw words:

Counting to twenty:

At "Native Nashville" web [5], there is an Online Choctaw Language Tutor, with Pronunciation Guide and four lessons: Small Talk, Animals, Food and Numbers.

  1. ^ a b Choctaw at Ethnologue (21st ed., 2018) Closed access icon
  2. ^ Martin, Jack (2016). New Choctaw Dictionary. Durant, Oklahoma: The Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma. p. 40. ISBN 978-0-9840968-7-9.
  3. ^ Munro 1984
  4. ^ a b Broadwell (2006:15)
  5. ^ Broadwell (2006:19-20)
  6. ^ a b c Broadwell (2006:15-20)
  7. ^ a b Broadwell (2006:16)
  8. ^ a b c d Broadwell (2006:16-18)
  9. ^ a b c d Broadwell (2006:18-19)
  10. ^ Broadwell (2006:21-26)
  11. ^ Broadwell (2006:20)
  12. ^ Broadwell (2006:18-21)
  13. ^ Broadwell (2006:125)
  14. ^ Broadwell (2006:60-62)
  15. ^ Broadwell (2006:124-125)
  16. ^ a b c d Broadwell (2006:26-27)
  17. ^ Broadwell (2006:130)
  18. ^ Broadwell (2006:219)
  19. ^ a b c Broadwell (2006:26)
  20. ^ Broadwell (2006:137-140)
  21. ^ Broadwell (2006:140-142)
  22. ^ Broadwell (2006:148-152)
  23. ^ Broadwell (2006:98-99)
  24. ^ Broadwell (2006:169-183)
  25. ^ Broadwell (2006:184-190)
  26. ^ Broadwell (2006:191-193)
  27. ^ Broadwell (2006:161-168)
  28. ^ Broadwell (2006:52-63)
  29. ^ Broadwell (2006:64-92)
  30. ^ Broadwell (2006:32)

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