Jean-Pascal Bassino | École Normale Supérieure de Lyon (original) (raw)
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Working papers by Jean-Pascal Bassino
Does the shift from subsistence agriculture to a specialization in cash-crop production affect hu... more Does the shift from subsistence agriculture to a specialization in cash-crop production affect human capital? We assess the influence of the rapid expansion of the cultivation of cash crops for export in the mid and late 19th century Philippines, with a focus on the increase or decline of basic numeracy. Based on the historiography, we expect the expansion of cash crops (in 19th century Philippines, mostly abacá, sugar, and tobacco) to have a negative effect on human capital of the majority of the population during the first phase. To test this hypothesis, we mobilize a new and large data set based on age statements from parish records, which includes 228,853 underlying observations. This is the first long term quantitative study on numeracy in a Southeast Asian country. We aggregate the individual observations by 41 provinces and the birth decades from the 1800s to the 1930s in order to obtain a large and informative panel (panel observations based on less than 50 underlying age statements are dropped). This allows us to compare regional levels of numeracy before, during, and after the introduction of the three main cash crops.
Papers by Jean-Pascal Bassino
CEPR Discussion Paper Series, 2015
Except for the Philippines between 1896 and 1939, Southeast Asia was never part of the century-lo... more Except for the Philippines between 1896 and 1939, Southeast Asia was never part of the century-long East Asian industrial catching up until after World War II. Before the 1950s, Southeast Asian manufacturing hardly grew at all: while commodity export processing did grow fast, import-competing manufacturing and manufacturing for local consumption did not. Singapore and Thailand started recording catching up growth rates on the western leaders only from the 1950s onwards, and Indonesia and Malaysia joined the club only after 1973. Even then, Southeast Asia did not record catching up growth rates on Japan or Taiwan until after 1973 and 1990, respectively. The only Southeast Asian country that appeared to have joined the fast industrial growth club before World War II – the Philippines -- had its industrial growth collapse after the ISI years. What explains this dismal industrial performance before the 1960s? Why did Southeast Asia become a rapid export-led manufacturing growth success ...
Thispaperproposesa survey ofsources andworks onVietnam′s historical statistics available in ヒhe d... more Thispaperproposesa survey ofsources andworks onVietnam′s historical statistics available in ヒhe differenヒ specialised libraries and archives, zTlainly in Vietnam and France, and invesl=igates methods to be irplemented for estimating Vietnam′s national accounts under French mle (1895-1954).While most of the E;OurCeSOntheperiodarerelatedtoformerFrenchIndochina.our aim is toproducetime series corresponding topresent day Vietnam.This task constituヒes a first step toward a quanヒitative appraisal of vietnam'Seconomicdynamicsfromthemiddleofヒhenineteenヒh cenヒury to th(∋end of the twentieth century. Due to the weakness of the Frenchadministration,especially inAnnam and Tonkin,few datawere collectedbefore1893.Forヒhisreason,wewillnoヒconsiderhere the first colonialperiod,French military occupation and a血止nistration ofCochinchinaandfurtherinvasionofA凪amandTonkln.
Does the shift from subsistence agriculture to a specialization in cash-crop production affect hu... more Does the shift from subsistence agriculture to a specialization in cash-crop production affect human capital? We assess the influence of the rapid expansion of the cultivation of cash crops for export in the mid and late 19th century Philippines, with a focus on the increase or decline of basic numeracy. Based on the historiography, we expect the expansion of cash crops (in 19th century Philippines, mostly abacá, sugar, and tobacco) to have a negative effect on human capital of the majority of the population during the first phase. To test this hypothesis, we mobilize a new and large data set based on age statements from parish records, which includes 228,853 underlying observations. This is the first long term quantitative study on numeracy in a Southeast Asian country. We aggregate the individual observations by 41 provinces and the birth decades from the 1800s to the 1930s in order to obtain a large and informative panel (panel observations based on less than 50 underlying age statements are dropped). This allows us to compare regional levels of numeracy before, during, and after the introduction of the three main cash crops.
CEPR Discussion Paper Series, 2015
Except for the Philippines between 1896 and 1939, Southeast Asia was never part of the century-lo... more Except for the Philippines between 1896 and 1939, Southeast Asia was never part of the century-long East Asian industrial catching up until after World War II. Before the 1950s, Southeast Asian manufacturing hardly grew at all: while commodity export processing did grow fast, import-competing manufacturing and manufacturing for local consumption did not. Singapore and Thailand started recording catching up growth rates on the western leaders only from the 1950s onwards, and Indonesia and Malaysia joined the club only after 1973. Even then, Southeast Asia did not record catching up growth rates on Japan or Taiwan until after 1973 and 1990, respectively. The only Southeast Asian country that appeared to have joined the fast industrial growth club before World War II – the Philippines -- had its industrial growth collapse after the ISI years. What explains this dismal industrial performance before the 1960s? Why did Southeast Asia become a rapid export-led manufacturing growth success ...
Thispaperproposesa survey ofsources andworks onVietnam′s historical statistics available in ヒhe d... more Thispaperproposesa survey ofsources andworks onVietnam′s historical statistics available in ヒhe differenヒ specialised libraries and archives, zTlainly in Vietnam and France, and invesl=igates methods to be irplemented for estimating Vietnam′s national accounts under French mle (1895-1954).While most of the E;OurCeSOntheperiodarerelatedtoformerFrenchIndochina.our aim is toproducetime series corresponding topresent day Vietnam.This task constituヒes a first step toward a quanヒitative appraisal of vietnam'Seconomicdynamicsfromthemiddleofヒhenineteenヒh cenヒury to th(∋end of the twentieth century. Due to the weakness of the Frenchadministration,especially inAnnam and Tonkin,few datawere collectedbefore1893.Forヒhisreason,wewillnoヒconsiderhere the first colonialperiod,French military occupation and a血止nistration ofCochinchinaandfurtherinvasionofA凪amandTonkln.