Jong Kuk NAM | Ewha Womans University (original) (raw)

Books by Jong Kuk NAM

이화여자대학교출판문화원, 2022

서유럽의 기독교 문명, 비잔티움제국의 정교 문명, 그리고 아시아, 아프리카, 유럽 모두에 걸쳐 있던 이슬람 문명이 지중해를 매개로 7세기부터 16세기까지 펼쳤던 교류와 접촉의... more 서유럽의 기독교 문명, 비잔티움제국의 정교 문명, 그리고 아시아, 아프리카, 유럽 모두에 걸쳐 있던 이슬람 문명이 지중해를 매개로 7세기부터 16세기까지 펼쳤던 교류와 접촉의 역사를 기술한다. 한때 지중해를 제패했던 고대 로마제국의 뒤를 이어 등장한 이 세 개의 문명은 지중해에서 상업, 기술, 학문, 문화, 예술 분야에 걸쳐 서로 지대한 영향을 끼치며 다양한 소통을 이어나갔다. 이 과정에서 상호 교류가 항상 평화롭게 진행된 것은 아니어서 종종 경쟁과 갈등을 유발했고 국지적인 전투나 큰 전쟁이 발생하기도 했다. 이 책은 이렇게 지중해를 사이에 두고 펼쳐진 수많은 교류의 내용들을 담고 있다.

이 책에서는 중세 지중해 세계에서 주도권을 잡는 데 자연환경이 미친 영향을 살펴보고, 자연이 만들어낸 어려움을 극복하기 위한 인간의 노력에 대해 살펴본다. 또한 7세기에 이슬람이 지중해로 진출한 후 기독교 및 정교 문명과 벌인 패권 쟁탈의 역사에 대해 개괄한다.

이와 더불어 그 당시 지중해에서 어떠한 교역 활동들이 이루어졌는지 그 전반적인 양상을 살펴보고, 다양한 상품들의 교환과 문화의 전파에 큰 역할을 한 상인들의 활약상에 대해서도 살펴본다. 그리고 각 문명의 교류 과정에서 지식과 학문이 어떻게 수용되거나 또는 거부되었는지, 문화와 예술이 종교의 경계선을 넘어 어떻게 서로 영향을 주고받았는지 등에 대해서도 고찰한다.

프롤로그 I 중세라는 이상한 세계 아리스토텔레스를 금하라/ 잃어버린 고전과 책 사냥꾼/ 전염병보다 무서운 가짜 뉴스/ 흑사병에 맞선 의사와 도망친 교황/ 흑사병을 물리... more 프롤로그

I 중세라는 이상한 세계
아리스토텔레스를 금하라/ 잃어버린 고전과 책 사냥꾼/ 전염병보다 무서운 가짜 뉴스/ 흑사병에 맞선 의사와 도망친 교황/ 흑사병을 물리치는 수호성인/ 중세 유럽인들의 이상한 뼈 사랑/ 잠자리까지 통제한 사회/ 성욕은 죄악이다/ 불임은 악마의 계략/ 불의 심판/ 기적을 행하는 왕/ 종교재판을 받은 <최후의 만찬>

II 그리고 신의 이름으로
기도하는 자, 싸우는 자, 일하는 자/ 바야돌리드 논쟁/ 판도라와 이브/ 멈추지 않는 마녀사냥/ 신의 이름으로, 십자군전쟁/ 낙인찍기/ 다름을 인정한다는 것/ 삼위일체를 부인하다 화형을 당하다/ 기독교와 이슬람은 같은 신을 숭배한다/ 연옥, 중세 최고의 발명/ 지옥을 이용하는 종교/ 이자는 죄악이다/ 상인은 결코 신을 기쁘게 할 수 없다/ 파라다이스가 사라졌다/ 설교자, 중세의 아이돌

III Miscellanea, 역사의 상상
고려 왕에게 편지를 보낸 교황/ 네로, 성군인가 폭군인가/ 사비니 여인 납치 사건/ 중세 최악의 가짜 뉴스/ 역사를 위조하려는 자들/ 브루노, 종교개혁의 또 다른 주인공/ 16세기 베네치아의 위기와 기회/ 베네치아와 날개 달린 사자/ 번역의 힘/ 1438년 피렌체, 2019년 하노이/ 역사의 주인공은 누구인가?

참고문헌

Papers by Jong Kuk NAM

At their peak, the Mongols built a large empire unprecedented in world history. At that time, the... more At their peak, the Mongols built a large empire unprecedented in world history. At that time, the Mongol Empire covered a vast territory stretching from the Far East to Eastern Europe. Thanks to the Mongol conquest and the creation of a world empire encompassing Central Asia, Europe and Asia experienced unprecedented exchange and contact. Not only goods and people, but also ideas and diseases passed through the Mongol Empire to the north, south, east, and west. The Europeans and the Mongols directly experienced each other's worlds, and the active exchanges and contacts between them had a great influence on the development of world history. Various studies are being conducted on several aspects of East-West exchange during the period of the Pax Mongolica. These include many studies on European missionaries and merchants who traveled to Asia. Marco Polo, merchant of Venice, was the most well-known of several European merchants who traveled between East and West during the period of the Pax Mongolica, although he cannot be said to be a merchant by strict standards. Even though there are many studies on Marco Polo's travels to the East, it was in fact Genoese, not Venetian merchants who were more active in trade with the Mongol Empire. There is not much research on the commercial activities of Genoese merchants in Asia. 1 Missionaries including John of Pian di 1 A representative figure was Andaló da Savignone, a Genoese merchant, who served as a merchant and diplomatic envoy to and from Beijing and Europe on several occasions. Giovanni Meriana, Andalò da Savignone: un Genovese alla corte del Gran Khan, Genova, De Fer-52-Mongols in medieval Europe Carpine, William Rubruck, John of Montecorvino, John of Marignolli, and Odoric also left behind accounts, brief reports, and letters of their travels to the East, and many studies have analyzed these sources. 2 On the other hand, there have been relatively few studies dealing with the Mongol people who visited or permanently settled in Europe during the Mongol period. 3 This article will examine in detail the purpose for which the Mongols came to the European world, what types of people came, and whether they came temporarily or settled permanently. This study will fill the gaps in previous research that has been mainly focused on the activities of Europeans who entered Asia and provide a comprehensive understanding of exchanges and contacts between East and West during the Mongol period. This does not mean that there is no research on Mongols who came to Europe. Recently, research on European perceptions of the Mongols has been increasing. These studies specifically analyze how the Mongols were represented in European paintings, literary works, and maps. 4 These studies showed that in the mid-13th century, the Mongols were identified as denizens of hell, but European perceptions of the Mongols also changed as exchanges and contacts with the Mongol realm increased. These studies interpret that European Christians hoped for military cooperation with the Mongols against Islam, and that this hope led to a positive view of the Mongols. However, interpretations based on paintings and literary works show only one aspect of the Europeans' attitudes toward and perceptions of the Mongols. At the end of the Middle Ages, the Mongols generally came to Europe as diplomatic envoys, or were imported as slaves to Europe. Clearly, their existence directly or indirectly influenced Europeans' perceptions of the Mongols. In this context, to accurately understand the perceptions and attitudes of medieval rari.

Yeogsa munhwa yeon'gu, Feb 28, 2023

Jerusalem was the Holy Land where Jesus Christ preached the gospel and was crucified, and for thi... more Jerusalem was the Holy Land where Jesus Christ preached the gospel and was crucified, and for this reason, Christians made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem in search of the footsteps of Christ. However, from the 7th century, when Islam entered the Mediterranean, until the end of the Middle Ages, Jerusalem was always under Islamic rule, except for a brief period when the Crusaders took it back. Therefore, Christians who made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem were forced into contact with Muslims in the area. Christian pilgrims who would make their pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the Later Middle Ages often had previous prejudices and distorted information about Islam. In general, pilgrims to Jerusalem in the Later Middle Ages were able to see and experience the Holy Land with their own eyes, but they reproduced well-established stereotypes by referring to previous literature and travel reports that had prejudices and negative perceptions about Islam. Contact with local Muslims was generally prone to instilling a negative perception of them, especially because the pilgrims experienced discomfort during disembarkation at the port of Jaffa and an overnight stay in a cave, contact with Muslim donkey drivers asking for too much money, unexpected incidents on the way to Jerusalem, etc. Pilgrims’ oral storytelling and the pilgrimage accounts they shared with those around them influenced the perception of Muslims. Although some laymen also wrote pilgrimage accounts, it was mostly priests who wrote them. In this sense, most of the pilgrimage accounts show a strong awareness of the church and the clergy’s attitude toward Islam. Negative perceptions such as hatred and antipathy towards Muhammad and Islam dominate most of the pilgrimage accounts. Even people who made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the same year often spoke differently about their own experiences, and their perceptions of Muslims with whom they came in contact were not always consistent. In this regard, it should be said that the perceptions of Muslims appearing in the pilgrimage accounts in the Later Middle Ages did not have one perspective but varied. However, the Christian clergy’s stance on or perceptions of the Muslims were hostile.

Walking through the streets of Florence in the late 14 th century, Tatar slave female children co... more Walking through the streets of Florence in the late 14 th century, Tatar slave female children could be easily observed. The existence of Tatar slaves is also confirmed in slave trade contracts, transport contracts, official documents of city governments, and contemporary literature. Genoa was the city with the highest proportion of Tatar slaves in the late 14 th century. Between 1351 and 1380, the proportion of Tatar slaves in Genoa was 90.9 percent, and from 1381 to 1408 it was slightly lowered to 80 percent. More than half of the slaves traded in the Venetian market between the 1360s and 1450s were Tatar slaves. In the late 14 th century, Florence was also one of the cities where the proportion of Tatar slaves was considerably high. Who are these unfamiliar strangers of Tatar slaves unlikely to be met in Italian cities such as Florence, Genoa, and Venice in the Later Middle Ages? This article aims to reveal the ethnic identity of Tatar slaves mentioned in European documents of the Later Middle Ages, analyzing a register of slaves created in Florence in 1366. In 1366, the government of Florence ordered citizens that bought slaves to report their purchase of slaves and to pay taxes (35 Florin to 1 Florin tax). The analysis of this register of slaves permits us to

This article aims to critically review de Mussis’s report of the events at Caffa. De Mussi says i... more This article aims to critically review de Mussis’s report of the events at Caffa. De Mussi says in his account that Tartars catapulted their dead compatriots infected by the plague into the besieged city of Caffa in order to contaminate the Genoese defending the city and that some Genoese galleys fleeing from the city transported the disease to Western Europe. Some historians interpret his report of Tartars catapulting plague-infected bodies as an act of biological warfare, and others do not trust his account as a reliable historical record, while some works rely on his account, even though they do not interpret it as evidence of biological warfare. This article tries to determine whether his account is true or not, and explain historical contexts in which it was made.
De Mussi was not an eye-witness of the war between the Tartars and the Genoese in the years of 1343 to 1437 in Caffa, contrary to some historians’ arguments that he was present there during the war. In addition, he understands and explains the disease from a religious perspective as does most of his contemporary Christians, believing that the disease was God"s punishment for the sins of human beings.
His account of the Tartars catapulting their compatriot’s bodies may derive from his fear and hostility against the Tartars, thinking that they were devils from hell and pagans to be annihilated. For de Mussi, the Genoese may have been greedy merchants who were providing Muslims with slaves and enforcing their military forces. Therefore, he thought that the Tartars and the Genoese were sinners that spread the disease, and that God punished their arrogance. His pathological knowledge of the disease was not accurate and very limited. His medical explanation was based on humoral theory and Miasma theory that Christians and Muslims in the Mediterranean World shared. De Mussi"s account that Caffa was a principal starting point for the disease to spread to Western Europe is not sufficiently supported by other contemporary documents. Byzantine chronicles and Villani"s chronicle consider not Caffa but Tana as a starting point.
In conclusion, most of his account of the disease are not true. However, we can not say that he did not intentionally lie, and we may draw a conclusion that his explanation was made under scientific limits and religious prejudice or intolerance of the medieval Christian world.

This article aims to reconstruct Christian-Muslim Relations in the period of Ibn Jubayr’s pilgrim... more This article aims to reconstruct Christian-Muslim Relations in the period of Ibn Jubayr’s pilgrimage. The famous Iberian Muslim Ibn Jubayr composed a travel account after having accomplished his pilgrimage which took more than two years from February 1183 to September 1184. His vivid description of the twelfth-century Mediterranean world permits us to gain not only a great amount of geographical information but also knowledge of ships, sailors, their capabilities, life on board, patterns of commercial sailing, etc. The analysis of his travel account shows that a remarkable continuity of maritime practice has continued from Antiquity to the twelfth century. Additionally, we can see a small amount of progress in maritime technology, which made the time of sea navigation a little longer and permitted a wider exploitation of the sea than in previous centuries. His travel account compels us to review some historical interpretations, particularly the hostile Christian versus Muslim divide. The relationship between Christians and Muslims was not definitely fixed but vacillated between mutual respect and tolerance on one hand, and tensions and conflicts on the other. It is the word “diversity” that accurately characterizes the relation between Christians and Muslims from war and hostility to peaceful convivencia. Ibn Jubayr's pilgrimage account reveals that the mutual economical necessities of Christianity and Islam were so strong as to support commercial exchange even during the wars of the Crusades.

Two Latin tombstones were discovered in Yangzhou in 1951 by the People’s Liberation Army. These t... more Two Latin tombstones were discovered in Yangzhou in 1951 by the People’s Liberation Army. These two gravestones are unusual and very interesting above their historical implications. Their Christian names, iconographies and Latin inscription make us imagine that they were certainly Christians and probably Europeans. The following questions naturally arise: Who were two owners of the tombstones, Caterina and Antonio? Were they local Chinese people or foreign dwellers living temporarily in Yangzhou for the reasons of commerce or religion? It is generally accepted that Caterina and Antonio belonged to an Italian merchant family, even if many historians disagree on their city of origin. Most researchers of the tombstones agree that Franciscan friars were responsible for the process of making them, which is suggested by the Latin inscription in that friars were good at Latin while generally ordinary people like merchants did not know Latin. Several sources including these two tombstones attest to the formation of a non-negligible European community in such a far-away unfamiliar Chinese city during the period of Pax Mongolica , which was composed of Italian merchants and Franciscan friars for the sake of profit and religion.

In 1336, the great Khan Toghon Temür (1333-1368) sent an embassy to Pope Benedict XII in Avignon ... more In 1336, the great Khan Toghon Temür (1333-1368) sent an embassy
to Pope Benedict XII in Avignon to bring horses and other marvelous
things from Europe. At first glance, this mission seems to have been
initiated by the great Khan, but others actually played a leading role
in this diplomatic exchange. This paper aims to reveal who played the
most important role in dispatching the embassy. Toward this end, this
paper examines diplomatic correspondence between the Mongol realm
and the Papacy, travel accounts, commercial documents left by Genoese merchants, Venetian Senate documents, and papal records.
It was the chiefs of the Alans, forming the backbone of the Mongol army for the Great Khan, that asked him to send an envoy to Avignon. An Indo-European tribe who had been living in the Caucasus, they were defeated by the Mongol forces in the mid-thirteenth century, and were transported across Asia from their homeland to serve the Mongol khan. After converting to Roman Catholicism, they sent a letter to the Pope requesting a successor to the Archbishop of Beijing who had died in 1328. Being about seventeen years old in 1336, and lacking a firm hold on power, the great khan had no choice but to accept their demands.
However, the mission was led not by chiefs of the Alans but by Genoese merchants. How could the Mongol embassy sent to Avignon by the Great khan have been led by Genoese merchants, instead of the Mongol people? At that time, Genoese merchants were able to play a leading role in the Mongol embassy because they had a commercial base in Beijing and were actively conducting commerce between Europe and Beijing. This paper also finds that it was not Andalò da Savignone but Andrea de Nassio who led the Mongol embassy.

In 1333, Pope John XXII wrote a letter to the Great Khan of the Yuan Dynasty, appointing a new ar... more In 1333, Pope John XXII wrote a letter to the Great Khan of the Yuan Dynasty, appointing a new archbishop of Beijing. In addition to the letter to the Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, the Pope wrote several more letters. The recipients of those letters were Öz Beg Khan of the Kipchak Khanate, King Leo of Armenia, Archbishop Jacopo, all Mongolian monarchs and their people, and Rex Corum. Unlike all the other recipients, controversies still remain over the identity of this last person. There were people who considered Rex Corum to be the King of Goryeo. But the term referring to Goryeo during the Mongol Empire period was not Corea but Caoli. In addition, the Goryeo King was not a key Khan of the Mongols. In consideration of the historical context and the journey of the new archbishop, the most likely candidate for Rex Corum is the Chagatai Khan.

The news of the fall of the Byzantine Empire by the army of the Turks had given a great shock to ... more The news of the fall of the Byzantine Empire by the army of the
Turks had given a great shock to Europeans. Latin Christians viewed the
fall of Constantinople as a tragic disaster. The conquest of the Byzantine
Empire by the Turks has lead to other economic changes in the
Mediterranean world. French middle school history textbooks explain that the fall of the Byzantine Empire by the Turks was one of the main
reasons for Portugal and Spain discovering an alternative route to the
land of spices in Asia. According to them, after having conquered the
Byzantine Empire, the Ottoman Empire came to obstruct spices, silk, and
gold from Asia from being imported to Europe, and therefore European
countries tried to discover new routes to Asia to get Asian goods. This
interpretation has been still generally accepted. It presents the rise of the price of spices, caused by the decrease of the supplies of spices in
Europe, as evidence.
This article aims to rectify this interpretation by counting on specific
historical sources and data. Firstly, the Byzantine Empire was not located on the main routes of spices coming from Asia to Europe. The two Levantine ports of Alexandria and Beyrouth had been principal places for European merchants to make their purchases of spices for several centuries since Antiquity. Merchants of Venice also, who had a quasi monopoly of spice trades in the Mediterranean in the later Middle Ages, had purchased their spices mostly in Alexandria of Egypt and Beyrouth of Syria. Secondly, several historians’ works proved that spice prices did not rise in the second half of the fifteenth century. Many historical documents also show that spice prices decreased during the second half of the century. Lastly, Mehmed, the conqueror of Constantinople, never wanted to interrupt trade with European merchants. As soon as he had accomplished the conquest of Constantinople, he started conducting commercial negotiations with the Genoese and Latin nations.

The meaning of usury has gradually transformed from any kind of interest to monetary loans charg... more The meaning of usury has gradually transformed from any kind of
interest to monetary loans charging excessive interest rates. This change toward the usury or interest took place, first in Italian cities during the late middle Ages. This article aims to survey the transformation of economic mentalités of usury, making an analysis of the Scrovegni family, who were great usurers of Padua in the 1300s. What did their contemporaries think of them? In his Divin e C o m e d y , Dante placed Reginald Scrovegni in the inner ring of the seventh circle of Hell, where the violent, including usurers were eternally punished. Giovanni da Nono, a Paduan chronicler of the early 14th century, harshly disdained the Scrovegni family. He considered Reginald a notorious usurer, who made a great amount of money through the usury and stated that his son, Enrico, was a hypocrite for deceiving the pope. However, the Scrovegni family have never been punished for the usury, which is the interest loan that was condemned a sin. The usury was prohibited, and anyone using it was punished for many centuries by the church. In fact, the Scrovegni family had a close relationship with the popes and bishops, who were in a position to excommunicate or impose a penalty on them. The General Councils of the 12th and 13th centuries took a relaxed stance of condemning not all kinds of interest loans, but manifest usurers, who charged excessive interest rate publicly. Italian cities permitted some degree of interest. The Scrovegni family did not think that their interest loans
서양중세사연구 제40호(2017.9) 117
were such a deadly sin, that it would prevent them from having eternal salvation. Reginald and Enrico never gave up their interest loan business entirely. They did however, travel to Rome to ask popes to absolve them and built the Arena Chapel to expiate their sin of using usury and to save their souls. In that respect, their attitudes toward the usury were more or less distinct from contemporary people, who scorned them. To Dante and Giovanni da Nono, they were still evident usurers and would be condemned to Hell.

2 -부터 있었지만 이 시기에 접어들어 교회가 이자 대부에 적극적으로 대 응하게 된 것은 다름 아닌 사회경제적 변화 때문이었다. 그것은 10∼ 11세기부터 서서히 진행되고 있... more 2 -부터 있었지만 이 시기에 접어들어 교회가 이자 대부에 적극적으로 대 응하게 된 것은 다름 아닌 사회경제적 변화 때문이었다. 그것은 10∼ 11세기부터 서서히 진행되고 있었던 유럽 경제의 성장과 발전이었다. 좀 더 구체적으로 상업과 도시의 발전 때문이었다. 즉 이전까지는 별 로 중요하지 않았던 상업과 상업에 관련된 여러 경제 문제들이 일상의 중요한 현안으로 부상했다. 유럽 특히 이탈리아 상업도시들은 상업, 상 인, 상거래, 투자, 이자 대부, 정의로운 가격 등과 같은 경제 문제들을 일상적으로 접하게 되었다. 상업과 상인은 좋은 직업인지, 돈을 빌려줄 때 이자를 받아야 하는지, 받는다면 얼마 정도의 이자를 받아야하는지, 물건을 팔 때 어떤 가격에 팔아야 할지 등과 같은 문제들이 이들 상업 도시에서는 중요한 사회적 현안으로 부상했다. 물론 이런 것들이 이전 사회에 전혀 없었던 것은 아니었지만 농업 활동이 주를 이루고 교환 경제가 활발하지 않았던 이전의 장원제도 하에서 이러한 문제들은 크 게 사람들의 관심과 이해관계의 대상이 아니었다. 교회가 상인과 이자 대부에 관한 부정적인 여론을 만들고 경제 문 제에 적극적으로 개입하기 시작한 것은 11세기 그레고리우스 7세 시기 부터였다. 3) 그레고리우스 7세의 후계자들인 12세기 교황들도 교황의 권위를 드높이기 위해 세속적인 삶에 더욱 적극적으로 개입하려고 했 다. 이를 위해 교황들은 교회법과 행정 제도를 일신했다. 새로이 정비 된 교회법은 성직자뿐만 아니라 결혼, 상속, 과부, 고아, 상인과 상업 등 온갖 종류의 사건에 대해 교회 재판권을 주장했다. 4) 결국 교황이 자신의 지배권을 넓히는 과정에서 상업과 경제 문제들까지도 교회의 관심을 받게 된 것이다.

이화여자대학교출판문화원, 2022

참고문헌

Yeogsa munhwa yeon'gu, Feb 28, 2023