Richard Toye | University of Exeter (original) (raw)
Books by Richard Toye
''My aunt, listening to the Prime Minister's speech, remarked of "our greatest orator", "He's no ... more ''My aunt, listening to the Prime Minister's speech, remarked of "our greatest orator", "He's no speaker, is he?"' -diary of teacher M.A. Pratt, 11 Nov. 1942.
The popular story of Churchill's war-time rhetoric is a simple one: the British people were energized and inspired by his speeches, which were almost universally admired and played an important role in the ultimate victory over Nazi Germany. Richard Toye now re-examines this accepted national story - and gives it a radical new spin.
Using survey evidence and the diaries of ordinary people, he shows how reactions to Churchill's speeches at the time were often very different from what we have always been led to expect. His first speeches as Prime Minister in the dark days of 1940 were by no means universally acclaimed - indeed, many people thought that he was drunk during his famous 'finest hour' broadcast - and there is little evidence that they made a decisive difference to the British people's will to fight on.
In actual fact, as Toye shows, mass enthusiasm sat side-by-side with considerable criticism and dissent from ordinary people. Yes, there were speeches that stimulated, invigorated, and excited many. But there were also speeches which caused depression and disappointment in many others, and which sometimes led to workplace or family arguments. Yet this more complex reality has been consistently obscured from the historical record by the overwhelming power of a treasured national myth.
The first systematic, archive based examination of Churchill's World War II rhetoric as a whole, The Roar of the Lion considers his oratory not merely as a series of 'great speeches', but as calculated political interventions which had diplomatic repercussions far beyond the effect on the morale of listeners in Britain. Considering his failures as well as his successes, the book moves beyond the purely celebratory tone of much of the existing literature. It offers new insight into how the speeches were written and delivered - and shows how Churchill's words were received at home, amongst allies and neutrals, and within enemy and occupied countries.
This is the essential book on Churchill's war-time speeches. It presents us with a dramatically new take on the politics of the 1940s - one that will change the way we think about Churchill's oratory forever.
This collection explores the aftermath of the Representation of the People Act (1918), which gave... more This collection explores the aftermath of the Representation of the People Act (1918), which gave some (but not all) British women the vote. Leading experts explore the paths taken by former-suffragists as well as their anti-suffragist adversaries, the practices of suffrage commemoration, and the changing priorities and formations of British feminism in this crucial era. In considering how generational conflict informed the contested legacy of suffragism, these essays examine the impact of universal suffrage on the main political parties. Were the hopes and ambitions invested in women's and universal enfranchisement realized or dashed? How did those concerned evaluate the outcome as the years wore on? And why did the attainment of full adult male suffrage in 1918 became overshadowed by the seemingly more momentous achievement of women's suffrage?
Rhetoric is often seen as a synonym for shallow, deceptive language, and therefore as something n... more Rhetoric is often seen as a synonym for shallow, deceptive language, and therefore as something negative. But if we view rhetoric in more neutral terms, as the 'art of persuasion', it is clear that we are all forced to engage with it at some level, if only because we are constantly exposed to the rhetoric of others.
In this Very Short Introduction, Richard Toye explores the purpose of rhetoric. Rather than presenting a defence of it, he considers it as the foundation-stone of civil society, and an essential part of any democratic process. Using wide-ranging examples from Ancient Greece, medieval Islamic preaching, and modern cinema, Toye considers why we should all have an appreciation of the art of rhetoric.
‘I have not become the King’s First Minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the Brit... more ‘I have not become the King’s First Minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire.’ These notorious words, spoken by Churchill in 1942, encapsulate his image as an imperial die-hard, implacably opposed to colonial freedom – a reputation that has prevailed, and which Churchill willingly embraced to further his policies. Yet, as a youthful minister at the Colonial Office before World War I, his political opponents had seen him as a Little Englander and a danger to the Empire. Placing Churchill in the context of his times and his contemporaries, this book evaluates his position on key Imperial questions and examines what was conventional about Churchill’s opinions and what was unique. Combining a lightness of touch and entertaining storytelling with expert and insightful analysis, the result is a vivid and dynamic account of a remarkable man and an extraordinary era.
The two most significant British political figures of the twentieth-century, Churchill and Lloyd ... more The two most significant British political figures of the twentieth-century, Churchill and Lloyd George were political rivals but personal friends. Between them their ministerial careers spanned seventy years and two world wars. Althought they could not have been more different temperamentally, and often disagreed violently about politics, theirs was 'the longest political friendship in the life of Great Britain' and Churchill was the only person outside his family to call Lloyd George 'David'. This book is a dynamic account of their relationship. Drawing on diaries and letters, some never before published (there are more than 1,000 pieces of correspondence between the two men), it explores their long-standing friendship and rivalry, the impact they had on each other's careers, and the fate of their respective reputations, arguing that Lloyd George's major achievements have been undeservedly overshadowed, in part as a consequence of Churchill's later mythmaking.
In the general election of 1931, the Labour Party campaigned on the slogan `Plan or Perish'. The ... more In the general election of 1931, the Labour Party campaigned on the slogan `Plan or Perish'. The party's pledge to create a planned socialist economy was a novelty, and marked the rejection of the gradualist, evolutionary socialism to which Labour had adhered under the leadership of Ramsay MacDonald. Although heavily defeated in that election, Labour stuck to its commitment. The Attlee government came to power in 1945 determined to plan comprehensively. Yet, the aspiration to create a fully planned economy was not met. This book explores the origins and evolution of the promise, in order to explain why it was not fulfilled.
Against the backdrop of a 20-year revolt against free trade orthodoxy by economists inside the UN... more Against the backdrop of a 20-year revolt against free trade orthodoxy by economists inside the UN, and their impact on policy discussions since the 1960s, the book shows how the UN both nurtured and inhibited creative and novel intellectual contributions to the trade and development debate. Presenting a stirring account of the main UN actors in this debate, The UN and Global Political Economy focuses on the accomplishments and struggles of UN economists, and the role played by such UN agencies as the Department of Economic (and Social) Affairs, the United Nations Commission on Trade and Development, and the Economic Commission for Latin America (and the Caribbean). It also looks closely at the effects of the Latin American debt crisis of the 1980s, the growing strength of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in the 1990s, and the lessons to be drawn from these and other recent developments.
Making Reputations provides a major new assessment of the role of individuals in British politics... more Making Reputations provides a major new assessment of the role of individuals in British politics. The authors examine the personalities and rhetoric of key figures, such as Gladstone, Churchill, Thatcher and Blair, as well as shedding new light on other neglected but significant individuals. Drawing on a variety of methods from gender to cultural history, the book presents a comprehensive examination of the relationship between the individual and the pursuit, maintenance and execution of power.
Papers by Richard Toye
Britain and the World, 2020
Twentieth Century British History, 2019
This article explores the issue of electoral promises in twentieth-century Britain—how they were ... more This article explores the issue of electoral promises in twentieth-century Britain—how they were made, how they were understood, and how they evolved across time. It does so through a study of general election manifestos (issued by political parties) and election addresses (issued on behalf of individual candidates). The premise of the article is that exploring the act of making promises illuminates the development of political communication and democratic representation, and that considering the print culture and circulation history aspects of addresses and manifestos helps us understand the relationship between the process of pledging and actual policy outcomes. The article further argues that the Labour Party was an innovator that helped push changes in the ways in which policies were promoted to the electorate. It posits that the years 1900–97 saw an important but slow and contested shift towards a more programmatic form of politics. This did not always favour policies of state ...
History of Psychiatry, 2015
during which the doctors convinced themselves of the effectiveness of the therapies. The ‘histoir... more during which the doctors convinced themselves of the effectiveness of the therapies. The ‘histoire croisée’ of somatic therapies in Europe and the USA becomes especially evident in a chapter by Lara Rzesnitzek who reconstructs how the development of electroconvulsive therapy was a journey through three countries and was almost forgotten because of the compulsory migration and persecution of its inventor, Lothar Kalinowsky. This article illustrates the link between the history of migration and the history of psychiatry. Sascha Lang explicates the link between the history of technology and the history of psychiatry, analysing the development and use of the ‘convulsor’, the seizure-inducing machine, in ECT. The transnational dimension of the history of ‘shock therapies’ is also evident in the articles on the history of insulin-coma therapy in Switzerland (Urs Germann) and in Germany (Christoph Beyer). Beyer reveals that in Göttingen, Gottfried Ewald consciously pushed patients to the threshold of death when he treated them with insulin-coma therapy, thus crossing ethical boundaries. Gerrit Hohnendorf points out that the therapeutic departure in German psychiatry during the time of National Socialism must not be regarded as the ‘other side’ of the history of the murder of patients but as an integral part of that programme to kill. He emphasizes that, after these new methods had been introduced, the ‘inability for therapy’ that the doctors attested was a central criterion for selection for Action T4. Thomas Beddies shows that Carl Schneider in Heidelberg considered work therapy to be a promising approach to uncovering the ‘healthy aspects in the patient’ (p. 281). Unlike Hermann Simon, who developed the ‘active therapy’, Schneider did not regard the disciplinary effect and the economic aspect of the work therapy as the only important factors. But even the institution in Heidelberg finally transferred patients unfit for work to the recovery and nursing institution Wiesloch for financial reasons. In this way it could focus on the therapy of patients who supposedly had a chance of recovery. In National Socialist psychiatry, the fitness to work was a crucial criterion for selection for Action T4, since it was essential to maximize the chances of survival in the subsequent ‘hunger deaths’ in the institutions. The implementation of the radicalization of therapeutic concepts in German psychiatry is also the topic of the articles by Philipp Rauh, who discusses types of therapy given to traumatized soldiers during World War I, and Ioanna Mamali who deals with these therapies under the conditions of National Socialist psychiatry during World War II. This anthology stands out because it places the history of ‘heroic therapies’ in German psychiatry within the international context and creates close conceptual links between the articles from Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Denmark and France. Moreover, the book also illuminates the ‘prelude’ to the developments during the 1930s, revealing not only earlier somatic treatment methods in psychiatry but also a new perspective on marginal therapeutic approaches within German psychiatry, i.e. psychoanalysis (Rainer Herrn). It is rare that anthologies are devised in such a way that you want to read the entire book, but the present volume invites you to do so, with its well-written and thorough articles, ranging from the valuable introduction to the last contribution. The book must be regarded as an important work of reference on the subject.
The Aftermath of Suffrage, 2013
What role did the House of Commons play in the political life of the nation in the aftermath of s... more What role did the House of Commons play in the political life of the nation in the aftermath of suffrage?2 There is surprisingly little historiography to help answer the question. We have accounts by Brian Harrison of the role of women MPs and by P.J. Waller of the role of political humour.3 S.A. Walkland’s edited volume on the Commons in the twentieth century contains useful information, although it focuses on procedure and organization, not on the part that that the House played in public life as a whole.4 Of course, we have plenty of knowledge of events that took place in the Commons. No biography of an MP would be complete without an account of his or her maiden speech and any celebrated parliamentary episodes they may have been involved in; and, in addition to Hansard, numerous published diaries and autobiographies provide the raw materials from which such accounts can be fashioned. Yet we have little understanding of how to interpret such events, not merely as building blocks in accounts of the success or failure of policies and individuals, but as part of what Alan Finlayson and James Martin have called the ‘symbolic ritual dimension of politics’.5 Thus we have excellent accounts by H.C.G. Matthew and Jon Lawrence respectively of the culture of public speech outside parliament, and these include the aftermath of suffrage period, but no one has attempted anything similar for the Commons.6
Rethinking Right-Wing Women
This chapter investigates how Churchill related to women at the political level, and how women vo... more This chapter investigates how Churchill related to women at the political level, and how women voters in turn related to him. Churchill had a blurred Conservative-Liberal identity, and this affected his approach to ‘the woman question’. Hostile to female enfranchisement at the start of his career, he became a reluctant convert during his Edwardian Liberal phase, provided that it could be done in such a way as to benefit his own party electorally. As a renegade Tory during the 1930s he drew on the services of a range of female anti-appeasers such as Shiela Grant Duff. During World War II, however, he controversially opposed equal pay for women teachers. It is well-established that, in the post-war years, the Conservative Party benefitted from its gendered approach to rationing and austerity, Churchill himself did little to appeal explicitly to women voters. Although he did accept a role for a limited number of ‘exceptional’ women in the public sphere, he was never an enthusiast for s...
Embers of Empire in Brexit Britain
Age of Promises, 2021
Election addresses emerged in the nineteenth century from a vibrant tradition of broadsides, ball... more Election addresses emerged in the nineteenth century from a vibrant tradition of broadsides, ballads, and hustings speeches. Following the ending of formal hustings meetings in 1868, the issue of election addresses acted as the formal start of the campaign, and became the key means for candidates to set out their cause. The high regard in which this form of election literature was held owed much to the actions of party leaders. From the 1860s onwards the election addresses of Gladstone and Disraeli were widely circulated by newspapers and in pamphlet form, and came to be commonly referred to as ‘manifestos’. While candidates commonly took inspiration from party leaders’ manifestos, these addresses were often brief statements of principle, which did not outline a formal programme for government. The nascent Labour Party offered novel ways of ‘doing politics’, centring each of their election campaigns around a manifesto programme.
The American Historical Review, 2015
the benefit of strategic logic, but it ignores the politics of the Edwardian Liberal party, which... more the benefit of strategic logic, but it ignores the politics of the Edwardian Liberal party, which was prone to woolly thinking about international matters. Above all, it would have required a defense posture-a still larger navy and a conscript army capable of fighting a continental campaign-to amplify this policy, something that no Liberal would have countenanced, and only a few on the lunatic fringe of the Tory party advocated. Having to make bricks without straw has long been the fate of British foreign secretaries, and Grey was no exception. There is one further aspect which strikes this reviewer as problematic. Running like a red thread through the book is the assertion that Grey ignored the cabinet and that collective cabinet deliberations make for better decisions. The latter is no doubt true-and here Owen's reflections on his own experiences as a senior minister are instructive and pertinent-but it seems rather a case of applying later twentieth-century conventions and insights to the problems before 1914. Rightly or wrongly, foreign affairs were held to be part of the royal prerogative then, and few ministers bothered about "abroad" at any rate. The former view is no longer held, fortunately so; the latter, unfortunately, is unlikely to change. But Grey should be judged by the standards of his day, not those of today. The Hidden Perspective trains big-calibre artillery on British foreign policy before 1914. Yet, for all its formidable political intelligence and strategic grasp, it somehow does not hit the target. But it is to be hoped that Lord Owen's reflections on the tactical management of diplomacy and the role of the cabinet in foreign policy decision making will find a receptive audience among today's decision makers. He is certainly spot on there.
''My aunt, listening to the Prime Minister's speech, remarked of "our greatest orator", "He's no ... more ''My aunt, listening to the Prime Minister's speech, remarked of "our greatest orator", "He's no speaker, is he?"' -diary of teacher M.A. Pratt, 11 Nov. 1942.
The popular story of Churchill's war-time rhetoric is a simple one: the British people were energized and inspired by his speeches, which were almost universally admired and played an important role in the ultimate victory over Nazi Germany. Richard Toye now re-examines this accepted national story - and gives it a radical new spin.
Using survey evidence and the diaries of ordinary people, he shows how reactions to Churchill's speeches at the time were often very different from what we have always been led to expect. His first speeches as Prime Minister in the dark days of 1940 were by no means universally acclaimed - indeed, many people thought that he was drunk during his famous 'finest hour' broadcast - and there is little evidence that they made a decisive difference to the British people's will to fight on.
In actual fact, as Toye shows, mass enthusiasm sat side-by-side with considerable criticism and dissent from ordinary people. Yes, there were speeches that stimulated, invigorated, and excited many. But there were also speeches which caused depression and disappointment in many others, and which sometimes led to workplace or family arguments. Yet this more complex reality has been consistently obscured from the historical record by the overwhelming power of a treasured national myth.
The first systematic, archive based examination of Churchill's World War II rhetoric as a whole, The Roar of the Lion considers his oratory not merely as a series of 'great speeches', but as calculated political interventions which had diplomatic repercussions far beyond the effect on the morale of listeners in Britain. Considering his failures as well as his successes, the book moves beyond the purely celebratory tone of much of the existing literature. It offers new insight into how the speeches were written and delivered - and shows how Churchill's words were received at home, amongst allies and neutrals, and within enemy and occupied countries.
This is the essential book on Churchill's war-time speeches. It presents us with a dramatically new take on the politics of the 1940s - one that will change the way we think about Churchill's oratory forever.
This collection explores the aftermath of the Representation of the People Act (1918), which gave... more This collection explores the aftermath of the Representation of the People Act (1918), which gave some (but not all) British women the vote. Leading experts explore the paths taken by former-suffragists as well as their anti-suffragist adversaries, the practices of suffrage commemoration, and the changing priorities and formations of British feminism in this crucial era. In considering how generational conflict informed the contested legacy of suffragism, these essays examine the impact of universal suffrage on the main political parties. Were the hopes and ambitions invested in women's and universal enfranchisement realized or dashed? How did those concerned evaluate the outcome as the years wore on? And why did the attainment of full adult male suffrage in 1918 became overshadowed by the seemingly more momentous achievement of women's suffrage?
Rhetoric is often seen as a synonym for shallow, deceptive language, and therefore as something n... more Rhetoric is often seen as a synonym for shallow, deceptive language, and therefore as something negative. But if we view rhetoric in more neutral terms, as the 'art of persuasion', it is clear that we are all forced to engage with it at some level, if only because we are constantly exposed to the rhetoric of others.
In this Very Short Introduction, Richard Toye explores the purpose of rhetoric. Rather than presenting a defence of it, he considers it as the foundation-stone of civil society, and an essential part of any democratic process. Using wide-ranging examples from Ancient Greece, medieval Islamic preaching, and modern cinema, Toye considers why we should all have an appreciation of the art of rhetoric.
‘I have not become the King’s First Minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the Brit... more ‘I have not become the King’s First Minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire.’ These notorious words, spoken by Churchill in 1942, encapsulate his image as an imperial die-hard, implacably opposed to colonial freedom – a reputation that has prevailed, and which Churchill willingly embraced to further his policies. Yet, as a youthful minister at the Colonial Office before World War I, his political opponents had seen him as a Little Englander and a danger to the Empire. Placing Churchill in the context of his times and his contemporaries, this book evaluates his position on key Imperial questions and examines what was conventional about Churchill’s opinions and what was unique. Combining a lightness of touch and entertaining storytelling with expert and insightful analysis, the result is a vivid and dynamic account of a remarkable man and an extraordinary era.
The two most significant British political figures of the twentieth-century, Churchill and Lloyd ... more The two most significant British political figures of the twentieth-century, Churchill and Lloyd George were political rivals but personal friends. Between them their ministerial careers spanned seventy years and two world wars. Althought they could not have been more different temperamentally, and often disagreed violently about politics, theirs was 'the longest political friendship in the life of Great Britain' and Churchill was the only person outside his family to call Lloyd George 'David'. This book is a dynamic account of their relationship. Drawing on diaries and letters, some never before published (there are more than 1,000 pieces of correspondence between the two men), it explores their long-standing friendship and rivalry, the impact they had on each other's careers, and the fate of their respective reputations, arguing that Lloyd George's major achievements have been undeservedly overshadowed, in part as a consequence of Churchill's later mythmaking.
In the general election of 1931, the Labour Party campaigned on the slogan `Plan or Perish'. The ... more In the general election of 1931, the Labour Party campaigned on the slogan `Plan or Perish'. The party's pledge to create a planned socialist economy was a novelty, and marked the rejection of the gradualist, evolutionary socialism to which Labour had adhered under the leadership of Ramsay MacDonald. Although heavily defeated in that election, Labour stuck to its commitment. The Attlee government came to power in 1945 determined to plan comprehensively. Yet, the aspiration to create a fully planned economy was not met. This book explores the origins and evolution of the promise, in order to explain why it was not fulfilled.
Against the backdrop of a 20-year revolt against free trade orthodoxy by economists inside the UN... more Against the backdrop of a 20-year revolt against free trade orthodoxy by economists inside the UN, and their impact on policy discussions since the 1960s, the book shows how the UN both nurtured and inhibited creative and novel intellectual contributions to the trade and development debate. Presenting a stirring account of the main UN actors in this debate, The UN and Global Political Economy focuses on the accomplishments and struggles of UN economists, and the role played by such UN agencies as the Department of Economic (and Social) Affairs, the United Nations Commission on Trade and Development, and the Economic Commission for Latin America (and the Caribbean). It also looks closely at the effects of the Latin American debt crisis of the 1980s, the growing strength of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in the 1990s, and the lessons to be drawn from these and other recent developments.
Making Reputations provides a major new assessment of the role of individuals in British politics... more Making Reputations provides a major new assessment of the role of individuals in British politics. The authors examine the personalities and rhetoric of key figures, such as Gladstone, Churchill, Thatcher and Blair, as well as shedding new light on other neglected but significant individuals. Drawing on a variety of methods from gender to cultural history, the book presents a comprehensive examination of the relationship between the individual and the pursuit, maintenance and execution of power.
Britain and the World, 2020
Twentieth Century British History, 2019
This article explores the issue of electoral promises in twentieth-century Britain—how they were ... more This article explores the issue of electoral promises in twentieth-century Britain—how they were made, how they were understood, and how they evolved across time. It does so through a study of general election manifestos (issued by political parties) and election addresses (issued on behalf of individual candidates). The premise of the article is that exploring the act of making promises illuminates the development of political communication and democratic representation, and that considering the print culture and circulation history aspects of addresses and manifestos helps us understand the relationship between the process of pledging and actual policy outcomes. The article further argues that the Labour Party was an innovator that helped push changes in the ways in which policies were promoted to the electorate. It posits that the years 1900–97 saw an important but slow and contested shift towards a more programmatic form of politics. This did not always favour policies of state ...
History of Psychiatry, 2015
during which the doctors convinced themselves of the effectiveness of the therapies. The ‘histoir... more during which the doctors convinced themselves of the effectiveness of the therapies. The ‘histoire croisée’ of somatic therapies in Europe and the USA becomes especially evident in a chapter by Lara Rzesnitzek who reconstructs how the development of electroconvulsive therapy was a journey through three countries and was almost forgotten because of the compulsory migration and persecution of its inventor, Lothar Kalinowsky. This article illustrates the link between the history of migration and the history of psychiatry. Sascha Lang explicates the link between the history of technology and the history of psychiatry, analysing the development and use of the ‘convulsor’, the seizure-inducing machine, in ECT. The transnational dimension of the history of ‘shock therapies’ is also evident in the articles on the history of insulin-coma therapy in Switzerland (Urs Germann) and in Germany (Christoph Beyer). Beyer reveals that in Göttingen, Gottfried Ewald consciously pushed patients to the threshold of death when he treated them with insulin-coma therapy, thus crossing ethical boundaries. Gerrit Hohnendorf points out that the therapeutic departure in German psychiatry during the time of National Socialism must not be regarded as the ‘other side’ of the history of the murder of patients but as an integral part of that programme to kill. He emphasizes that, after these new methods had been introduced, the ‘inability for therapy’ that the doctors attested was a central criterion for selection for Action T4. Thomas Beddies shows that Carl Schneider in Heidelberg considered work therapy to be a promising approach to uncovering the ‘healthy aspects in the patient’ (p. 281). Unlike Hermann Simon, who developed the ‘active therapy’, Schneider did not regard the disciplinary effect and the economic aspect of the work therapy as the only important factors. But even the institution in Heidelberg finally transferred patients unfit for work to the recovery and nursing institution Wiesloch for financial reasons. In this way it could focus on the therapy of patients who supposedly had a chance of recovery. In National Socialist psychiatry, the fitness to work was a crucial criterion for selection for Action T4, since it was essential to maximize the chances of survival in the subsequent ‘hunger deaths’ in the institutions. The implementation of the radicalization of therapeutic concepts in German psychiatry is also the topic of the articles by Philipp Rauh, who discusses types of therapy given to traumatized soldiers during World War I, and Ioanna Mamali who deals with these therapies under the conditions of National Socialist psychiatry during World War II. This anthology stands out because it places the history of ‘heroic therapies’ in German psychiatry within the international context and creates close conceptual links between the articles from Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Denmark and France. Moreover, the book also illuminates the ‘prelude’ to the developments during the 1930s, revealing not only earlier somatic treatment methods in psychiatry but also a new perspective on marginal therapeutic approaches within German psychiatry, i.e. psychoanalysis (Rainer Herrn). It is rare that anthologies are devised in such a way that you want to read the entire book, but the present volume invites you to do so, with its well-written and thorough articles, ranging from the valuable introduction to the last contribution. The book must be regarded as an important work of reference on the subject.
The Aftermath of Suffrage, 2013
What role did the House of Commons play in the political life of the nation in the aftermath of s... more What role did the House of Commons play in the political life of the nation in the aftermath of suffrage?2 There is surprisingly little historiography to help answer the question. We have accounts by Brian Harrison of the role of women MPs and by P.J. Waller of the role of political humour.3 S.A. Walkland’s edited volume on the Commons in the twentieth century contains useful information, although it focuses on procedure and organization, not on the part that that the House played in public life as a whole.4 Of course, we have plenty of knowledge of events that took place in the Commons. No biography of an MP would be complete without an account of his or her maiden speech and any celebrated parliamentary episodes they may have been involved in; and, in addition to Hansard, numerous published diaries and autobiographies provide the raw materials from which such accounts can be fashioned. Yet we have little understanding of how to interpret such events, not merely as building blocks in accounts of the success or failure of policies and individuals, but as part of what Alan Finlayson and James Martin have called the ‘symbolic ritual dimension of politics’.5 Thus we have excellent accounts by H.C.G. Matthew and Jon Lawrence respectively of the culture of public speech outside parliament, and these include the aftermath of suffrage period, but no one has attempted anything similar for the Commons.6
Rethinking Right-Wing Women
This chapter investigates how Churchill related to women at the political level, and how women vo... more This chapter investigates how Churchill related to women at the political level, and how women voters in turn related to him. Churchill had a blurred Conservative-Liberal identity, and this affected his approach to ‘the woman question’. Hostile to female enfranchisement at the start of his career, he became a reluctant convert during his Edwardian Liberal phase, provided that it could be done in such a way as to benefit his own party electorally. As a renegade Tory during the 1930s he drew on the services of a range of female anti-appeasers such as Shiela Grant Duff. During World War II, however, he controversially opposed equal pay for women teachers. It is well-established that, in the post-war years, the Conservative Party benefitted from its gendered approach to rationing and austerity, Churchill himself did little to appeal explicitly to women voters. Although he did accept a role for a limited number of ‘exceptional’ women in the public sphere, he was never an enthusiast for s...
Embers of Empire in Brexit Britain
Age of Promises, 2021
Election addresses emerged in the nineteenth century from a vibrant tradition of broadsides, ball... more Election addresses emerged in the nineteenth century from a vibrant tradition of broadsides, ballads, and hustings speeches. Following the ending of formal hustings meetings in 1868, the issue of election addresses acted as the formal start of the campaign, and became the key means for candidates to set out their cause. The high regard in which this form of election literature was held owed much to the actions of party leaders. From the 1860s onwards the election addresses of Gladstone and Disraeli were widely circulated by newspapers and in pamphlet form, and came to be commonly referred to as ‘manifestos’. While candidates commonly took inspiration from party leaders’ manifestos, these addresses were often brief statements of principle, which did not outline a formal programme for government. The nascent Labour Party offered novel ways of ‘doing politics’, centring each of their election campaigns around a manifesto programme.
The American Historical Review, 2015
the benefit of strategic logic, but it ignores the politics of the Edwardian Liberal party, which... more the benefit of strategic logic, but it ignores the politics of the Edwardian Liberal party, which was prone to woolly thinking about international matters. Above all, it would have required a defense posture-a still larger navy and a conscript army capable of fighting a continental campaign-to amplify this policy, something that no Liberal would have countenanced, and only a few on the lunatic fringe of the Tory party advocated. Having to make bricks without straw has long been the fate of British foreign secretaries, and Grey was no exception. There is one further aspect which strikes this reviewer as problematic. Running like a red thread through the book is the assertion that Grey ignored the cabinet and that collective cabinet deliberations make for better decisions. The latter is no doubt true-and here Owen's reflections on his own experiences as a senior minister are instructive and pertinent-but it seems rather a case of applying later twentieth-century conventions and insights to the problems before 1914. Rightly or wrongly, foreign affairs were held to be part of the royal prerogative then, and few ministers bothered about "abroad" at any rate. The former view is no longer held, fortunately so; the latter, unfortunately, is unlikely to change. But Grey should be judged by the standards of his day, not those of today. The Hidden Perspective trains big-calibre artillery on British foreign policy before 1914. Yet, for all its formidable political intelligence and strategic grasp, it somehow does not hit the target. But it is to be hoped that Lord Owen's reflections on the tactical management of diplomacy and the role of the cabinet in foreign policy decision making will find a receptive audience among today's decision makers. He is certainly spot on there.
Labour’s internal crisis, which had led to clashes over the content of election manifestos in 197... more Labour’s internal crisis, which had led to clashes over the content of election manifestos in 1974 and 1979, worsened in the early 1980s with both the Left and the Right of the party claiming to act as ‘custodians of the manifesto’. Some of those unhappy with the growing authority of the Labour Left broke away to create the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in 1981. While the SDP sought to ‘break the mould’ of British politics, the Alliance struggled to define a coherent progressive programme and identity. Labour’s disastrous ‘suicide note’ manifesto in 1983 led to a change of approach, from 1987 it stressed the moderate nature of its programme. Tony Blair drew inspiration from Thatcher’s approach, centring the New Labour programme in 1997 around a small series of pledges, which were presented as a ‘contract’ with the British people.
Journal of Contemporary History, 2018
This article is based on the discovery of a tape in which the late John Colville, one of Winston ... more This article is based on the discovery of a tape in which the late John Colville, one of Winston Churchill’s most trusted private secretaries, claimed that Churchill had had an affair with Doris, Lady Castlerosse, a society beauty who died of a drug overdose in 1942. It shows that Colville’s claim was a credible one, although it cannot be proven beyond doubt. The article uses Colville’s revelation as the starting point of an investigation into how a network of Churchill’s friends and former colleagues influenced the shaping of his reputation in the years after his retirement and death. Colville himself was one of the key figures in the process, although his actions – not least his revelation of the story of Lady Castlerosse – were sometimes paradoxical. By examining these developments, the article casts new light on the history of the Churchill Archives Centre, Cambridge, of which Colville was the founding father.
Age of Promises explores the issue of electoral promises in twentieth century Britain—how they we... more Age of Promises explores the issue of electoral promises in twentieth century Britain—how they were made, how they were understood, and how they evolved across time. It does so through a study of general election manifestos and election addresses. The premise of the book is that a history of the act of making promises—which is central to the political process, but which has not been sufficiently analysed—illuminates the development of political communication and democratic representation. The twentieth century saw a broad shift away from politics viewed as a discursive process whereby, at elections, it was enough to set out broad principles, with detailed policymaking to follow once in office, following reflection and discussion. Over the first part of the century, parties increasingly felt required to compile lists of specific policies to offer to voters and detailed, costed pledges. We live in an age of growing uncertainty over the authority and status of political promises. In th...
The British Labour Party and the Wider World, 2008
The Churchill Myths, 2020
This chapter focuses on the way in which political actors of different stripes have used the idea... more This chapter focuses on the way in which political actors of different stripes have used the idea of Churchill as a means of self-validation. It explores how, in the decades after his death, Churchill became a key point of reference in Anglo-American relations, a theme which intensified after the terrorist attacks of 9/11. The chapter also examines how Churchill has been used by those on both sides of the long-running debate about British membership of the European Union. Although Remainers invoked the memory of the 1946 ‘United States of Europe’ speech, they struggled to sell Churchill as a complex figure who was prepared to make concessions on British sovereignty in the interests of future peace. The ingrained, bulldog image remained hegemonic—even though Churchill’s popular reputation had shifted in subtle but significant ways since the end of the Second World War.
Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) interviews Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambrid... more Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) interviews Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) about his recently published book on Churchill and the Islamic World.
Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Katherine Barnett (National Trust) discuss Winsto... more Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Katherine Barnett (National Trust) discuss Winston Churchill's legacy the history of his country estate, Chartwell, and the recent museum exhibition at Chartwell 'The Death of a Hero'.
Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) di... more Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) discuss the reasons for Churchill's electoral defeat in the General Election of 1945 and the various historical interpretations of Churchill's failure to get re-elected.
Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) dis... more Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) discuss the speech which Winston Churchill gave in the aftermath of the sinking of the French Fleet on 3 July 1940.
Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) dis... more Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) discuss Winston Churchill's career as a journalist for the Daily Telegraph.
Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) di... more Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) discuss Winston Churchill's relationship with the classics. They explore the effects of learning Latin in school and reading Gibbon on Churchill's world view and his political legacy.
Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) dis... more Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) discuss Winston Churchill's book The River War.
Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (university of Exeter) dis... more Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (university of Exeter) discuss Winston Churchill's biography of his father, Lord Randolph Churchill.
Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) dis... more Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) discuss Churchill's collection of essays, Great Contemporaries.
Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) dis... more Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) discuss Winston Churchill's notorious 'Gestapo Speech' in the context of the 1945 General Election.
Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) dis... more Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) discuss Winston Churchill's war memoirs.
Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) deb... more Dr Warren Dockter (University of Cambridge) and Professor Richard Toye (University of Exeter) debute their new podcast- 'Talking Churchill' by discussing Winston Churchill's autobiographical book My Early Life.