Chris Rasmussen | Fairleigh Dickinson University (original) (raw)
Papers by Chris Rasmussen
American Studies, Mar 1, 1995
Journal of American Studies, 2024
Historians have treated the counterculture largely as a white phenomenon and drawn sharp boundari... more Historians have treated the counterculture largely as a white phenomenon and drawn sharp boundaries between its escapism and the political engagement of the Black freedom struggle. A look at the counterculture's origins and growth in the late s and the s reveals that the counterculture intersected with Black culture in many ways. White beats, hipsters, and hippies generally admired the civil rights movement's support for equality and nonviolence, but sometimes scoffed at its effort to gain integration into American society. Hippies considered themselves outsiders from society and imagined that they shared affinity with Black Americans. Blacks' responses to the counterculture ranged from contempt to curiosity to embrace. Some Blacks despised the hippies' lifestyle and political apathy, but others considered the counterculture an important challenge to "the System." American culture, style, literature, and music were all affected by the counterculture's experimentalism. The counterculture changed white culture, Black culture, and American culture. Drawing boundaries between cultural forms proves less instructive than focussing on the connections between them.
The Annals of Iowa, 2004
The progress of Iowa might almost be recorded by a history of state fairs. The altering exiiibits... more The progress of Iowa might almost be recorded by a history of state fairs. The altering exiiibits from year to year, the slow but steady introduction of new features, the growth of the experimental novelty of one year into a staple of a few years later, are a record of the development of the state and its people.'
History of Education Quarterly, 2017
New Brunswick High School, which had been racially integrated for decades, became majority-minori... more New Brunswick High School, which had been racially integrated for decades, became majority-minority (and soon, all minority) in the 1970s, after years of legal wrangling led hundreds of its students to depart for a new, nearly all-white high school in the adjacent suburb of North Brunswick. White suburbanites invoked “local control” to justify building their own high school and battled against both New Brunswick and the New Jersey Department of Education, which ostensibly supported integration and the creation of larger, consolidated school districts. Black and Latino city residents initially advocated integration but soon renounced integration and demanded “community control” over New Brunswick High. Ultimately, the New Jersey Department of Education permitted the schools in the city and the suburb to become separate, allowing segregation to prevail in the so-called “era of integration.”
Choice Reviews Online, 2016
Book Reviews and Notices 81 evidence that has been neglected or perhaps not even recognized. Disc... more Book Reviews and Notices 81 evidence that has been neglected or perhaps not even recognized. Discovering whether they do could productively amplify the "viewer's history" Finnegan has begun.
The Annals of Iowa, 1999
IN 1866 agriculturist Eber Stone, delivering the customary annual address at the Humboldt County ... more IN 1866 agriculturist Eber Stone, delivering the customary annual address at the Humboldt County Eair, extolled the virtues of agriculture, labor, and education, but also reminded his listeners that diversions had always been an essential part of fairs. Horse races, games, and other amusements, he contended, were not necessarily harmful, but could be "either noble, instructive and beneficial, or low, cruel and dangerous.... Individuals and conununities choose between these, which not only indicate, but do much to establish the character, the progress and tendency of the times." Because the entertainments that a people enjoyed attested to their level of civilization. Stone urged his audience to permit only "decent" and "healthful" diversions on the fairgrounds.' Stone's remarks attest to the utter seriousness with which Iowans pondered the proper relationship between agriculture and amusements at their county and state fairs. The issue was important because fairs were seen as sensitive barometers of "the character, the progress and tendency of the times," a means for agriculturists to gauge the development of civilization in their locale and their state and to discuss what direction it ought to take in the future.
“The Lonely Frontier of Reason:” liberalism and its critics at the International Association for Cultural Freedom’s 1968 “confrontation”, 2023
Amid controversy over race relations and the Vietnam War, American liberalism faced enormous cri... more Amid controversy over race relations and the Vietnam War, American liberalism faced enormous criticism in the 1960s. In 1968, ninety of the world’s leading social scientists attended a conference sponsored by the International Association for Cultural Freedom (IACF) to discuss the Cold War, Vietnam War, Black Power, the New Left, postindustrial society, and America’s relations with the world. The conference, which the IACF billed as a “confrontation,” offered a microcosm of the views of an embattled liberal establishment and its critics. Although the conference was ostensibly held to address America’s political problems, participants focused principally on the role of intellectuals in American society, the emergent counterculture, and growing opposition to technocratic management and rationality. Because liberal intellectuals equated their political views with rationality and discounted dissenting views to the left and right as irrational, they feared not only for the survival of liberalism, but of reason itself.
New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 2020
In 1966, the New Jersey legislature passed An Act Concerning Firearms and Other Dangerous Weapons... more In 1966, the New Jersey legislature passed An Act Concerning Firearms and Other Dangerous Weapons, which imposed significant regulations on gun buyers and dealers. Two years later, members of Congress frequently cited the Garden State’s tough gun control law as a model for the Gun Control Act of 1968. Although New Jersey’s 1966 firearms law has received little attention from scholars, the battle over gun control in New Jersey marked a significant turning point in the nationwide debate between supporters and opponents of gun control and exposed political fissures that endure today. The National Rifle Association (NRA) mobilized its membership to pressure New Jersey legislators to reject gun control. In its effort to oppose gun control in New Jersey, the NRA honed its arguments that gun control infringed upon citizens’ Second Amendment right “to keep and bear arms,” contended that gun laws would not reduce crime, and charged that keeping records of gun sales would ultimately lead to c...
Journal of American History, 2016
“This Thing Has Ceased to be a Joke:” The Veterans of Future Wars, Political Satire, and Student ... more “This Thing Has Ceased to be a Joke:”
The Veterans of Future Wars, Political Satire, and Student Activism in the 1930s
Chris Rasmussen
School of History and Political Science
Fairleigh Dickinson University
chrisr@fdu.edu
In 1936, the Veterans of Future Wars, a satirical political organization, enrolled 50,000 members on American college campuses, gained nationwide publicity, and disbanded. The meteoric rise and fall of this satire attests to both the power and the instability of satire as a means to lodge political protest. After launching a satire of militarism, nationalism, political opportunism, and the welfare state, the Veterans of Future Wars’ leaders found themselves overwhelmed in their effort to maintain control over the organization’s message and political stance.
In January 1936, Congress voted to pay some $2 billion in “bonuses” to World War I veterans a decade ahead of schedule. In February students at Princeton University founded the Veterans of Future Wars. These “veterans” contended that, since the U.S. government would inevitably send them to war in the near future, they deserved to be paid their bonuses immediately, while they were young enough—and alive—to enjoy them. Within months, the organization spread to campuses and cities across the nation, boasting nearly 500 chapters and 50,000 members. Its president, Lewis Gorin, Jr., published a popular book, Patriotism Prepaid, to publicize the organization’s aims. Women’s colleges founded chapters of the Future Gold Star Mothers, who facetiously sought money from the Federal government to travel to Europe to select suitable cemetery sites for their future dead sons.
Newspapers and magazines variously saluted the Veterans of Future Wars as a brilliant political satire, dismissed it as a college prank, or savaged it as an unpatriotic cabal. The organization’s proponents claimed that satire could accomplish far more than dreary political meetings and manifestoes. By mocking the sanctimony of veterans’ organizations and the bravado of the military, the Veterans of Future Wars might undercut their undue influence in American politics.
The founders of the Veterans of Future Wars directed most of their mockery at the New Deal’s welfare state and the jingoistic opportunism of World War I veterans. Anti-war sentiment also fueled their satire, but was secondary. The overwhelming majority of students who joined the Veterans of Future Wars, however, were attracted by the organization’s anti-war ethos. Ultimately, tensions between the conservative, anti-New Deal ethos of its leadership and the more progressive politics of most of its members divided the Veterans of Future Wars. Political satire proved an effective vehicle for mobilizing support, but failed to furnish the basis for a sustained movement.
PROCESS, a b l o g f o r A m e r i c a n h i s t o r y A blog post about how I came to write... more PROCESS, a b l o g f o r A m e r i c a n h i s t o r y
A blog post about how I came to write my article on the Veterans of Future Wars, published in the Journal of American History (June 2016).
Historians have recently examined the Civil Rights movement in the North and the links between it... more Historians have recently examined the Civil Rights movement in the North and the links between its nonviolent tactics and the violent protest that erupted in many Northern cities in the 1960s. In 1967, unrest arose in Newark, Detroit, and many other cities. New Brunswick, only twenty-five miles from Newark, experienced protests on two successive nights in July 1967, but averted loss of life and massive destruction of property. The report of the Kerner Commission credited New Brunswick Mayor Patricia Sheehan's conciliatory approach with averting violence. An examination of the Kerner Commission's papers suggests a more complex dynamic, one that confirms the mayor's key role, but also reveals that antipoverty workers, black leaders, and the protestors themselves played significant roles in averting violence. The protestors strategically put pressure on the mayor, and then relented when she promised to improve conditions for the city's poor and black residents.
History of Education Quarterly, 2017
New Brunswick High School, which had been racially integrated for decades, became majority-minori... more New Brunswick High School, which had been racially integrated for decades, became majority-minority (and soon, all minority) in the 1970s, after years of legal wrangling led hundreds of its students to depart for a new, nearly all-white high school in the adjacent suburb of North Brunswick. White suburbanites invoked "local control" to justify building their own high school and battled against both New Brunswick and the New Jersey Department of Education, which ostensibly supported integration and the creation of larger, consolidated school districts. Black and Latino city residents initially advocated integration but soon renounced integration and demanded "community control" over New Brunswick High. Ultimately, the New Jersey Department of Education permitted the schools in the city and the suburb to become separate, allowing segregation to prevail in the so-called "era of integration." Americans battled fiercely over public schools during the "era of inte-gration" that ensued after the US Supreme Court's 1954 ruling in Brown v. Board of Education.
New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 2020
In 1966, the New Jersey legislature passed An Act Concerning Firearms and Other Dangerous Weapons... more In 1966, the New Jersey legislature passed An Act Concerning Firearms and Other
Dangerous Weapons, which imposed significant regulations on gun buyers and dealers. Two years later, members of Congress frequently cited the Garden State’s tough gun control law as a model for the Gun Control Act of 1968. Although New Jersey’s 1966 firearms law has received little attention from scholars, the battle over gun control in New Jersey marked a significant turning point in the nationwide debate between supporters and opponents of gun control and exposed political fissures that endure today. The National Rifle Association (NRA) mobilized its membership to pressure New Jersey legislators to reject gun control. In its effort to oppose gun control in New Jersey, the NRA honed its arguments that gun control infringed upon citizens’ Second Amendment right “to keep and bear arms,” contended that gun laws would not reduce crime, and charged that keeping records of gun sales would ultimately lead to confiscation of firearms. The NRA’s fight against gun control in Trenton revealed the organization’s enormous influence and signaled its emergence as one of the most effective political interest groups in the United States.
Sound in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction, 2011
Chapter in Sound in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction, edited by David Suisman and Susan Strasser
The Baffler, 2014
Essay on the NJ "Bridgegate" scandal. https://thebaffler.com/latest/traffic-and-weather
Agricultural History, 1999
American Studies, 1995
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40643728 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps sc... more Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40643728 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Book Reviews by Chris Rasmussen
The Washington Post, 2001
Journal of Urban History, 2019
Economic inequality has increased in the United States in recent decades, while rising housing co... more Economic inequality has increased in the United States in recent decades, while rising housing costs have made many cities unaffordable to working-class and middle-class Americans, or consigned workers and minorities to inferior urban neighborhoods. 1 Several recent works on urban history and policy assert the importance and difficulty of preserving cities' economic and racial diversity, and offer a wide range of proposals for redressing inequality, gentrification, and the dwindling availability of affordable housing. Most of these works, like much recent scholarship on urban history and policy, engage in pointed criticism of gentrification and the market-based "neoliberal" laws and policies typically favored by many city governments, landlords, and developers. Others, however, contend that a tightly regulated real estate and rental market or partnerships between private capital and government can create cities that are both prosperous and diverse. Many of the policy proposals advanced in these volumes focus on bolstering urban neighborhoods, while others encompass the entire city or contend that cities' problems ought to be addressed regionally, nationally, even globally. Collectively, these works of history and policy not only make a persuasive case for the value of economic and racial diversity but also champion the less quantifiable but nonetheless real goal of fostering the ties of community, so that residents feel a genuine sense of belonging in their neighborhood and their city.
American Studies, Mar 1, 1995
Journal of American Studies, 2024
Historians have treated the counterculture largely as a white phenomenon and drawn sharp boundari... more Historians have treated the counterculture largely as a white phenomenon and drawn sharp boundaries between its escapism and the political engagement of the Black freedom struggle. A look at the counterculture's origins and growth in the late s and the s reveals that the counterculture intersected with Black culture in many ways. White beats, hipsters, and hippies generally admired the civil rights movement's support for equality and nonviolence, but sometimes scoffed at its effort to gain integration into American society. Hippies considered themselves outsiders from society and imagined that they shared affinity with Black Americans. Blacks' responses to the counterculture ranged from contempt to curiosity to embrace. Some Blacks despised the hippies' lifestyle and political apathy, but others considered the counterculture an important challenge to "the System." American culture, style, literature, and music were all affected by the counterculture's experimentalism. The counterculture changed white culture, Black culture, and American culture. Drawing boundaries between cultural forms proves less instructive than focussing on the connections between them.
The Annals of Iowa, 2004
The progress of Iowa might almost be recorded by a history of state fairs. The altering exiiibits... more The progress of Iowa might almost be recorded by a history of state fairs. The altering exiiibits from year to year, the slow but steady introduction of new features, the growth of the experimental novelty of one year into a staple of a few years later, are a record of the development of the state and its people.'
History of Education Quarterly, 2017
New Brunswick High School, which had been racially integrated for decades, became majority-minori... more New Brunswick High School, which had been racially integrated for decades, became majority-minority (and soon, all minority) in the 1970s, after years of legal wrangling led hundreds of its students to depart for a new, nearly all-white high school in the adjacent suburb of North Brunswick. White suburbanites invoked “local control” to justify building their own high school and battled against both New Brunswick and the New Jersey Department of Education, which ostensibly supported integration and the creation of larger, consolidated school districts. Black and Latino city residents initially advocated integration but soon renounced integration and demanded “community control” over New Brunswick High. Ultimately, the New Jersey Department of Education permitted the schools in the city and the suburb to become separate, allowing segregation to prevail in the so-called “era of integration.”
Choice Reviews Online, 2016
Book Reviews and Notices 81 evidence that has been neglected or perhaps not even recognized. Disc... more Book Reviews and Notices 81 evidence that has been neglected or perhaps not even recognized. Discovering whether they do could productively amplify the "viewer's history" Finnegan has begun.
The Annals of Iowa, 1999
IN 1866 agriculturist Eber Stone, delivering the customary annual address at the Humboldt County ... more IN 1866 agriculturist Eber Stone, delivering the customary annual address at the Humboldt County Eair, extolled the virtues of agriculture, labor, and education, but also reminded his listeners that diversions had always been an essential part of fairs. Horse races, games, and other amusements, he contended, were not necessarily harmful, but could be "either noble, instructive and beneficial, or low, cruel and dangerous.... Individuals and conununities choose between these, which not only indicate, but do much to establish the character, the progress and tendency of the times." Because the entertainments that a people enjoyed attested to their level of civilization. Stone urged his audience to permit only "decent" and "healthful" diversions on the fairgrounds.' Stone's remarks attest to the utter seriousness with which Iowans pondered the proper relationship between agriculture and amusements at their county and state fairs. The issue was important because fairs were seen as sensitive barometers of "the character, the progress and tendency of the times," a means for agriculturists to gauge the development of civilization in their locale and their state and to discuss what direction it ought to take in the future.
“The Lonely Frontier of Reason:” liberalism and its critics at the International Association for Cultural Freedom’s 1968 “confrontation”, 2023
Amid controversy over race relations and the Vietnam War, American liberalism faced enormous cri... more Amid controversy over race relations and the Vietnam War, American liberalism faced enormous criticism in the 1960s. In 1968, ninety of the world’s leading social scientists attended a conference sponsored by the International Association for Cultural Freedom (IACF) to discuss the Cold War, Vietnam War, Black Power, the New Left, postindustrial society, and America’s relations with the world. The conference, which the IACF billed as a “confrontation,” offered a microcosm of the views of an embattled liberal establishment and its critics. Although the conference was ostensibly held to address America’s political problems, participants focused principally on the role of intellectuals in American society, the emergent counterculture, and growing opposition to technocratic management and rationality. Because liberal intellectuals equated their political views with rationality and discounted dissenting views to the left and right as irrational, they feared not only for the survival of liberalism, but of reason itself.
New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 2020
In 1966, the New Jersey legislature passed An Act Concerning Firearms and Other Dangerous Weapons... more In 1966, the New Jersey legislature passed An Act Concerning Firearms and Other Dangerous Weapons, which imposed significant regulations on gun buyers and dealers. Two years later, members of Congress frequently cited the Garden State’s tough gun control law as a model for the Gun Control Act of 1968. Although New Jersey’s 1966 firearms law has received little attention from scholars, the battle over gun control in New Jersey marked a significant turning point in the nationwide debate between supporters and opponents of gun control and exposed political fissures that endure today. The National Rifle Association (NRA) mobilized its membership to pressure New Jersey legislators to reject gun control. In its effort to oppose gun control in New Jersey, the NRA honed its arguments that gun control infringed upon citizens’ Second Amendment right “to keep and bear arms,” contended that gun laws would not reduce crime, and charged that keeping records of gun sales would ultimately lead to c...
Journal of American History, 2016
“This Thing Has Ceased to be a Joke:” The Veterans of Future Wars, Political Satire, and Student ... more “This Thing Has Ceased to be a Joke:”
The Veterans of Future Wars, Political Satire, and Student Activism in the 1930s
Chris Rasmussen
School of History and Political Science
Fairleigh Dickinson University
chrisr@fdu.edu
In 1936, the Veterans of Future Wars, a satirical political organization, enrolled 50,000 members on American college campuses, gained nationwide publicity, and disbanded. The meteoric rise and fall of this satire attests to both the power and the instability of satire as a means to lodge political protest. After launching a satire of militarism, nationalism, political opportunism, and the welfare state, the Veterans of Future Wars’ leaders found themselves overwhelmed in their effort to maintain control over the organization’s message and political stance.
In January 1936, Congress voted to pay some $2 billion in “bonuses” to World War I veterans a decade ahead of schedule. In February students at Princeton University founded the Veterans of Future Wars. These “veterans” contended that, since the U.S. government would inevitably send them to war in the near future, they deserved to be paid their bonuses immediately, while they were young enough—and alive—to enjoy them. Within months, the organization spread to campuses and cities across the nation, boasting nearly 500 chapters and 50,000 members. Its president, Lewis Gorin, Jr., published a popular book, Patriotism Prepaid, to publicize the organization’s aims. Women’s colleges founded chapters of the Future Gold Star Mothers, who facetiously sought money from the Federal government to travel to Europe to select suitable cemetery sites for their future dead sons.
Newspapers and magazines variously saluted the Veterans of Future Wars as a brilliant political satire, dismissed it as a college prank, or savaged it as an unpatriotic cabal. The organization’s proponents claimed that satire could accomplish far more than dreary political meetings and manifestoes. By mocking the sanctimony of veterans’ organizations and the bravado of the military, the Veterans of Future Wars might undercut their undue influence in American politics.
The founders of the Veterans of Future Wars directed most of their mockery at the New Deal’s welfare state and the jingoistic opportunism of World War I veterans. Anti-war sentiment also fueled their satire, but was secondary. The overwhelming majority of students who joined the Veterans of Future Wars, however, were attracted by the organization’s anti-war ethos. Ultimately, tensions between the conservative, anti-New Deal ethos of its leadership and the more progressive politics of most of its members divided the Veterans of Future Wars. Political satire proved an effective vehicle for mobilizing support, but failed to furnish the basis for a sustained movement.
PROCESS, a b l o g f o r A m e r i c a n h i s t o r y A blog post about how I came to write... more PROCESS, a b l o g f o r A m e r i c a n h i s t o r y
A blog post about how I came to write my article on the Veterans of Future Wars, published in the Journal of American History (June 2016).
Historians have recently examined the Civil Rights movement in the North and the links between it... more Historians have recently examined the Civil Rights movement in the North and the links between its nonviolent tactics and the violent protest that erupted in many Northern cities in the 1960s. In 1967, unrest arose in Newark, Detroit, and many other cities. New Brunswick, only twenty-five miles from Newark, experienced protests on two successive nights in July 1967, but averted loss of life and massive destruction of property. The report of the Kerner Commission credited New Brunswick Mayor Patricia Sheehan's conciliatory approach with averting violence. An examination of the Kerner Commission's papers suggests a more complex dynamic, one that confirms the mayor's key role, but also reveals that antipoverty workers, black leaders, and the protestors themselves played significant roles in averting violence. The protestors strategically put pressure on the mayor, and then relented when she promised to improve conditions for the city's poor and black residents.
History of Education Quarterly, 2017
New Brunswick High School, which had been racially integrated for decades, became majority-minori... more New Brunswick High School, which had been racially integrated for decades, became majority-minority (and soon, all minority) in the 1970s, after years of legal wrangling led hundreds of its students to depart for a new, nearly all-white high school in the adjacent suburb of North Brunswick. White suburbanites invoked "local control" to justify building their own high school and battled against both New Brunswick and the New Jersey Department of Education, which ostensibly supported integration and the creation of larger, consolidated school districts. Black and Latino city residents initially advocated integration but soon renounced integration and demanded "community control" over New Brunswick High. Ultimately, the New Jersey Department of Education permitted the schools in the city and the suburb to become separate, allowing segregation to prevail in the so-called "era of integration." Americans battled fiercely over public schools during the "era of inte-gration" that ensued after the US Supreme Court's 1954 ruling in Brown v. Board of Education.
New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 2020
In 1966, the New Jersey legislature passed An Act Concerning Firearms and Other Dangerous Weapons... more In 1966, the New Jersey legislature passed An Act Concerning Firearms and Other
Dangerous Weapons, which imposed significant regulations on gun buyers and dealers. Two years later, members of Congress frequently cited the Garden State’s tough gun control law as a model for the Gun Control Act of 1968. Although New Jersey’s 1966 firearms law has received little attention from scholars, the battle over gun control in New Jersey marked a significant turning point in the nationwide debate between supporters and opponents of gun control and exposed political fissures that endure today. The National Rifle Association (NRA) mobilized its membership to pressure New Jersey legislators to reject gun control. In its effort to oppose gun control in New Jersey, the NRA honed its arguments that gun control infringed upon citizens’ Second Amendment right “to keep and bear arms,” contended that gun laws would not reduce crime, and charged that keeping records of gun sales would ultimately lead to confiscation of firearms. The NRA’s fight against gun control in Trenton revealed the organization’s enormous influence and signaled its emergence as one of the most effective political interest groups in the United States.
Sound in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction, 2011
Chapter in Sound in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction, edited by David Suisman and Susan Strasser
The Baffler, 2014
Essay on the NJ "Bridgegate" scandal. https://thebaffler.com/latest/traffic-and-weather
Agricultural History, 1999
American Studies, 1995
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40643728 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps sc... more Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40643728 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
The Washington Post, 2001
Journal of Urban History, 2019
Economic inequality has increased in the United States in recent decades, while rising housing co... more Economic inequality has increased in the United States in recent decades, while rising housing costs have made many cities unaffordable to working-class and middle-class Americans, or consigned workers and minorities to inferior urban neighborhoods. 1 Several recent works on urban history and policy assert the importance and difficulty of preserving cities' economic and racial diversity, and offer a wide range of proposals for redressing inequality, gentrification, and the dwindling availability of affordable housing. Most of these works, like much recent scholarship on urban history and policy, engage in pointed criticism of gentrification and the market-based "neoliberal" laws and policies typically favored by many city governments, landlords, and developers. Others, however, contend that a tightly regulated real estate and rental market or partnerships between private capital and government can create cities that are both prosperous and diverse. Many of the policy proposals advanced in these volumes focus on bolstering urban neighborhoods, while others encompass the entire city or contend that cities' problems ought to be addressed regionally, nationally, even globally. Collectively, these works of history and policy not only make a persuasive case for the value of economic and racial diversity but also champion the less quantifiable but nonetheless real goal of fostering the ties of community, so that residents feel a genuine sense of belonging in their neighborhood and their city.
Technology and Culture, 2001
https://www.jstor.org/stable/25147827
Reviews in American History, 2000
https://www.jstor.org/stable/30031163
