Maria Eriksson Baaz | Swedish Defence University (original) (raw)

Papers by Maria Eriksson Baaz

Bloomsbury Academic eBooks, 2023

Introduction, Christine Sylvester Part I: Conceptualizing the Masquerades of War 1. The Deception... more Introduction, Christine Sylvester Part I: Conceptualizing the Masquerades of War 1. The Deceptions of the Statesman, Anthony Burke 2. Drawing the Line Between Violence and Non-Violence: Deceits and Conceits, Kimberly Hutchings and Elizabeth Frazer 3. The Armour of Hector: From the Mediation of Violence to its Masquerade, Stephen Chan 4. The Density of Life in Wartime': Embodiment, Experience and Everyday Violence, Kevin McSorley 5. The 'Mad Men' Approach to Warfare: Contemporary War Masquerading as a Communication Enterprise, Caroline Holmqvist 6. Security Show, Jill Gibbon Part II: Examples of Masquerades in War 7. "'Seems He A Dove?' The Scripted and Unscripted Masquerades of Conscientious Objection, Cami Rowe 8. Terror/War: Boston/Iraq, Christine Sylvester 9. Masquerading Maoists: War's Double Agents in India, Swati Parashar 10. Narrating Rapes and Masquerades: Soldiers in the DRC Tell and Hide, Maria Eriksson Baaz and Maria Stern 11. Pain as Masquerades / Masquerades as Pain, Sungju Park-Kang 12. 'Transforming Suffering into Art', Cathy Schlund-Vials 13. Conclusion: Seeing War Anew With and Through Masquerades of War, Christine Sylvester

International Journal of Social Research Methodology

This PDF is made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 I... more This PDF is made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) Licence. Further details regarding permitted usage can be found at http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Print and ebook editions of this work are available to purchase from Zed Books (www.zedbooks.co.uk). A frica Now Africa Now is an exciting new series, published by Zed Books in association with the internationally respected Nordic Africa Institute. Featuring high-quality, cutting-edge research from leading academics, the series addresses the big issues confronting Africa today. Accessible but in-depth, and wide-ranging in its scope, Africa Now engages with the critical political, economic, socio logical and development debates affecting the continent, shedding new light on pressing concerns. Nordic Africa Institute The Nordic Africa Institute (Nordiska Afrikainstitutet) is a centre for research, documentation and information on modern Africa. Based in Uppsala, Sweden, the Institute is dedicated to providing timely, crit ical and alternative research and analysis of Africa and to cooperating with African researchers. As a hub and a meeting place for a growing field of research and analysis, the Institute strives to put knowledge of African issues within reach for scholars, policy-makers, politicians, the media, students and the general public. The Institute is financed jointly by the Nordic countries

The Democratic Republic of Congo's (DRC) warscape has become infamous globally from the reports o... more The Democratic Republic of Congo's (DRC) warscape has become infamous globally from the reports on the massive scale of sexual violence. While vast amounts of other forms of violence and abuse have also been committed, it is sexual violence that has attracted the lion's share of attention, especially among "outside" observers. Countless reports, newspaper articles, news-clips, appeals and documentaries have been devoted to the issue. Numerous journalists, activists and representatives of diverse international organisations and governments have made pilgrimages to the DRC to meet and listen to survivors first-hand.

Journal of Development Economics, Sep 1, 2020

Abstract In many post-conflict states with a weak fiscal capacity, illicit domestic levies on tra... more Abstract In many post-conflict states with a weak fiscal capacity, illicit domestic levies on trade remain a serious obstacle to economic development. In this paper, we explore the interplay between traders and authorities on Congo River - a key transport corridor in one of the world’s poorest and most conflict-ridden countries; DR Congo. We outline a general theoretical framework featuring transport operators who need to pass multiple taxing stations and negotiate over taxes with several authorities on their way to a central market place. We then examine empirically the organization, extent, and factors explaining the level of taxes charged by various authorities across stations, by collecting primary data from boat operators. Most of the de facto taxes charged on Congo River have no explicit support in laws or government regulations and have been characterized as a “fend for yourself”-system of funding. Our study shows that traders have to pass more than 10 stations downstream where about 20 different authorities charge taxes. In line with hold-up theory, we find that the average level of taxation tends to increase downstream closer to Kinshasa, but authorities that were explicitly prohibited from taxing in a recent decree instead extract more payments upstream. Our results illustrate a highly dysfunctional taxing regime that nonetheless is strikingly similar to anecdotal evidence of the situation on the Rhine before 1800. In the long run, a removal of domestic river taxation on Congo River should have the potential to raise trade substantially.

Journal of Modern African Studies, Jan 31, 2008

Ngongi, who speaks of 'incredible barbarity: in Congo people run around wearing amulets made of h... more Ngongi, who speaks of 'incredible barbarity: in Congo people run around wearing amulets made of human bones '. (Der Spiegel, 26.05.2003) Silvano Ruaro, an Italian priest who has served in Congo for 33 years, once thought things could not get worse, but now they have, with the ' unbelievable things ' he's seen. He says, ' It's like a very dark painting, and then you look closely there are bits which are even darker. ' Cannibalism, butchery, executions, systematic rape, torture and kidnapping are used as weapons of war against civilian Congolese men, women and children. UN spokeswoman Patricia Tome says, ' These armed groups are composed of freaks, and these freaks are out of control. ' (John Mark Ministries, 5.02.2003, htt://jmm.aaa.net.au/articles/10649.htm)

International Studies Quarterly, Jun 1, 2009

This article explores the ways soldiers in the Congo speak about the massive amount of rape commi... more This article explores the ways soldiers in the Congo speak about the massive amount of rape committed by the armed forces in the recent war in the DRC. It focuses on the reasons that the soldiers give to why rape occurs. It discusses how the soldiers distinguish between ''lust rapes'' and ''evil rapes'' and argues that their explanations of rape must be understood in relation to notions of different (impossible) masculinities. Ultimately, through reading the soldiers' words, we can glimpse the logics-arguably informed by the increasingly globalized context of soldiering-through which rape becomes possible, and even ''normalized'' in particular warscapes. Rape (…) there are different types of rape. They are all forbidden. There is the rape when a soldier is away, when he has not seen his women for a while and has needs and no money. This is the lust ⁄ need rape [viol ya posa]. But there are also the bad rapes, as a result of the spirit of war (…) to humiliate the dignity of people. This is an evil rape (Male, Lt.). The pressing problem of rape in wartime has, at long last, evoked worldwide concern (United Nations Security Council 2007). 1 Accounts of the cruelty and massive amount of sexual violence committed by both government forces and members of the rebel groups in the Congo (DRC) have certainly alerted both global policymakers and advocate groups to the scope 2 and lasting terror of sexual violence in the context of armed conflict and peace-building. Although a peace treaty was signed already in 2003, officially ending the (c. six year long) intense armed conflict, and general elections were held in 2006, general insecurity increased in the East during 2007. Furthermore, sexual violence at the hands Authors' note: This article was made possible through the support of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida-Sarec). We extend our gratitude to the members of the FARDC, who gave generously of their time and their experiences, as to all those who facilitated our research in the DRC. We would also like to thank Kate Burns, Terrell Carver, Claes Wrangel, Marysia Zalewski, and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on drafts of this article (and Claes for his help in preparing it for publication). 1 In 1993 and 1994 sexual violence was specifically recognized for the first time as an independent crime within the statutes of the International Criminal Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and for Rwanda (ICTR). 2 Between 1996 and 2004 more than 36,000 rapes were reported in the DRC (Horwood 2007; Schroeder 2005).

Oxford University Press eBooks, Dec 6, 2017

Drawing on interviews and ethnographic fieldwork with members of the Congolese military, this cha... more Drawing on interviews and ethnographic fieldwork with members of the Congolese military, this chapter explores conceptions of militarized masculinity, particularly in the context of sexual violence perpetrated by Congolese government forces during the protracted conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The chapter opens with a review of the feminist research regarding the interconnectedness of gender, militarization, and war, comparing these theories with the conceptions of masculinity articulated by Congolese soldiers. While portions of the interviews were consistent with prevailing research framings, the chapter documents various points of dissonance. These include differences in the articulation of what characteristics make one a “good soldier”; the recurring articulations of vulnerability and failure; and a perception of rape as the action of an emasculated man. The chapter concludes with the authors’ reflection on their experience carrying out their research and the ethics of research in a post-colonial context.

Routledge eBooks, May 12, 2016

International Feminist Journal of Politics, May 4, 2018

Wartime sexual violence is especially egregious precisely because it is a sexual form of violence... more Wartime sexual violence is especially egregious precisely because it is a sexual form of violence that causes particular harms. Yet, curiously, and in contrast to feminist theory on sexual violence more generally, the sexual has been erased from frames of understanding in dominant accounts of wartime rape. This article places the seeming certainty that "wartime rape is not about sex (it's about power/violence)" under critical scrutiny and poses questions about the stakes of the erasure of the sexual in explanations of conflict-related sexual violence. It argues that the particular urgency that accompanies this erasure reflects the workings of familiar distinctions between war and peace, as well as efforts to clearly recognize violence and separate it from sex. Erasing the sexual from accounts of wartime rape thus ultimately reinscribes the normal and the exceptional as separate, and reproduces a reductive notion of heterosexual masculine sex (in peacetime) that is ontologically different from the violence of war.

How to teach about rape in war and genocide? This edited volume draws on the expertise of scholar... more How to teach about rape in war and genocide? This edited volume draws on the expertise of scholars and human rights practitioners to explore that crucial question. Across the chapters its authors address five questions: Why teach about rape in war and genocide? Who should teach and learn? What needs to be taught? How should one teach? Where and when should teaching take place? Offering guidance for teaching and discussion, this study combines research and pedagogical experience to make the volume useful not only as a pedagogical guide but also as a source that advances understanding about, and resistance against, a major atrocity that besieges human flourishing.

She has undertaken extensive research on state and non-state armed forces in North and South Kivu... more She has undertaken extensive research on state and non-state armed forces in North and South Kivu, focusing on their internal workings and civilian-military interaction.

African Security, Oct 1, 2011

ABSTRACT Based on original interview material, this article addresses the organization of unoffic... more ABSTRACT Based on original interview material, this article addresses the organization of unofficial economic activities within the Congolese (Democratic Republic of the Congo) police force. In contrast to dominant assumptions in security sector reform discourses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in which property violations tend to be portrayed as disorganized, ad-hoc activities, following from irregular and insufficient salaries, the article shows how property violations are highly organized with large portions flowing upward in the chain of command. However, the article also argues for the need to go beyond one-dimensional notions of “unrestrained predation” and simplistic dichotomies between civilians (victims) and police/military (predators). Furthermore, it argues for a more contextual analysis in which the core security sector institutions are situated more firmly in the political and economic context in which they operate.

Social Science Research Network, 2016

It is by now generally agreed that government corruption is a serious impediment to economic grow... more It is by now generally agreed that government corruption is a serious impediment to economic growth. An intensive use of informal tolls and bribes on roads and waterways still prevail in several developing countries, hampering trade and economic development. On the basis of a general model of a trader travelling downstream past multiple stations and taxing authorities, we study the extent and magnitude of informal taxation on traders in Democratic Republic of Congo. River Congo is arguably one of the most important transportation routes in Africa in one of the world's poorest countries. We show that informal tax payments per individual journey still make up about 14 percent of the variable costs and 9 times the monthly salary of a public official. Price discrimination in taxing is present in the sense that the value of the cargo is the main determinant of informal taxes paid whereas personal or other characteristics do not seem to have a strong impact. In line with holdup theory, the average level of informal taxation tends to increase downstream closer to Kinshasa, but authorities that were explicitly banned from taxing instead extract more payments upstream.

We hAve tRAvelleD a lot on these frontlines. A lot. Many have died. the soldiers have finished he... more We hAve tRAvelleD a lot on these frontlines. A lot. Many have died. the soldiers have finished here. Some in combat, but many simply out of hardship and hunger [pasi na nzala]. And many of us women have died too, and our children … We are really suffering here-far from home in a foreign land [mboka ya batu]. how can we survive here? Should we start to go naked or start stealing? We are here, but the government says it does not know us. It says it does not know us [bayebi biso te], the wives of soldiers. 1 these are the words of Chantal, 2 the 60-year-old wife of a Congolese army lieutenant stationed in Uvira territory, South Kivu. Both she and her husband originate from equateur, in the western part of the country. For the past 40 years Chantal has been on the move with her husband, following him on his various deployments. During this period she has not been able to visit her family back home and has no contact with them. She explains that in the time of Mobutu, when her husband's service began, there were no cell phones and as a result she lost contact. Going back to visit is impossible since the journey is very long and the family has no money. her husband should have been retired a long time ago but, since there are no guaranteed retirement funds and they cannot live Summary the wives of soldiers of the Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC, Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo) may not be very visible, but they are an integral part of the military. they live with soldiers, and often their children, in and around military camps and deployment sites-including in the most insecure zones. the military, however, defines them as civilians and does not provide them with any benefits packages, nor does it invest much in facilities like health care centres. together with soldiers' low and irregular pay, this causes army wives to struggle to make a living.

Bloomsbury Academic eBooks, 2023

International Journal of Social Research Methodology

Journal of Development Economics, Sep 1, 2020

Journal of Modern African Studies, Jan 31, 2008

International Studies Quarterly, Jun 1, 2009

Oxford University Press eBooks, Dec 6, 2017

Routledge eBooks, May 12, 2016

International Feminist Journal of Politics, May 4, 2018

African Security, Oct 1, 2011

Social Science Research Network, 2016

Based on comprehensive research among boat operators and navy personnel working on the Congo Rive... more Based on comprehensive research among boat operators and navy personnel working on the Congo River (DRC), this article explores how assessments of 'taxation' are shaped by the interplay of legitimation and 'officialisation'. As such, it draws upon and contributes to scholarly debates on taxpayers' attitudes towards taxation. While boat operators resent having to pay a plethora of authorities, including the navy, along the Congo River, the article demonstrates how they locate these 'taxes' on a spectrum from more to less legitimate. These assessments are shaped by various factors: authorities' legitimacy as 'measured' by their official mandate and importance; public and non-official service provision; and the deployment of symbols of 'stateness'. In interaction, these factors legitimise and 'officialise' 'taxes' by the navy that are prohibited in legislation. These findings caution against the a priori use of the labels 'official' and 'non-official', emphasising the need to better grasp these notions' emic understandings.

The inherently unstable boundaries between military and civilian worlds have emerged as a main ob... more The inherently unstable boundaries between military and civilian worlds have emerged as a main object of study within the field of critical military studies. This article sheds light on the (re)production of these boundaries by attending to a group that rarely features in the debates on the military/civilian divide: army wives in a ‘non-Northern’ context, more specifically the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Drawing upon the ‘analytical toolbox’ of governmentality, we explore how civilian and military positionalities are called upon, articulated, and subverted in the governing and self-governing of Congolese army wives. We show the decisive importance of these wives’ civilian–military ‘in-betweenness’ both in efforts to govern them and in their exercise of agency, in particular the ways in which they ‘tactically reverse’ militarization. The article also demonstrates the dispersed nature of the governing arrangements surrounding army wives, highlighting the vital role of ‘the civilian’ as well as the ‘agency of those being militarized’ within processes of militarization. By foregrounding the relevance of studying Congolese army wives and their militarization with an analytical toolbox often reserved for so called ‘advanced militaries/societies’, and by revealing numerous similarities between the Congolese and ‘Northern’ contexts, the article also sets out to counter the Euro/US-centrism and ‘theoretical discrimination’ that mark present-day (critical) military studies.