Daniel Tope | Florida State University (original) (raw)
Papers by Daniel Tope
Gender & Society, 2011
Gender representations reproduce and legitimate gender systems. To examine this aspect of the gen... more Gender representations reproduce and legitimate gender systems. To examine this aspect of the gendered social order, we analyze the representation of males and females in the titles and central characters of 5,618 children's books published throughout the twentieth century in the United States. Compared to females, males are represented nearly twice as often in titles and 1.6 times as often as central characters. By no measure in any book series (i.e., Caldecott award winners, Little Golden Books, and books listed in the Children's Catalog) are females represented more frequently than males. We argue that these disparities are evidence of symbolic annihilation and have implications for children's understandings of gender. Nevertheless, important differences in the extent of the disparity are evident by type of character (i.e., child or adult, human or animal), book series, and time period. Specifically, representations of child central characters are the most equitable and animals the most inequitable; Little Golden Books contain the most unequal representations; and the 1930s-1960s-the period between waves of feminist activism-exhibits greater disparities than earlier and later periods. Examining multiple types of books across a long time period shows that change toward gender equality is uneven, nonlinear, and tied to patterns of feminist activism and backlash throughout the century.
Sociological Perspectives, 2011
The project of merging qualitative and quantitative approaches in sociology is advancing on many ... more The project of merging qualitative and quantitative approaches in sociology is advancing on many fronts—most typically through appending in-depth interviews to surveys. This research note describes an alternative approach of amassing in-depth qualitative accounts and content coding them for statistical analysis. Funding requirements for such projects are minimal and students can easily be involved—providing important training opportunities that broaden their appreciation of and expertise in diverse methodologies. Such endeavors ...
Social Science Research, 2014
In 2009, shortly after the election of the United States' first black President, a new protest mo... more In 2009, shortly after the election of the United States' first black President, a new protest movement emerged. When some supporters of this new Tea Party Movement (TPM) expressed their ire with race-laden messages various commentators suggested that racism may be a major motive for TPM activism. Accordingly, this study draws on national survey data to examine the extent to which racial attitudes and conservative ideology are associated with self-declared membership in the TPM while controlling for contextual factors that have proven influential in other rightist movement research. Key findings reveal that aside from conservative political ideology, racial resentment is indeed among the strongest predictors of TPM membership. Supplemental analyses explore the extent to which conservatives differ from TPM members. The results show that very conservative individuals and TPM members evince similar attitudes. The findings are discussed in terms of contemporary race relations and the implications for future social movement research.
Sociological Perspectives, 2014
The literature on descriptive representation indicates that the election of black political leade... more The literature on descriptive representation indicates that the election of black political leaders may prompt white enmity. We assess this claim by examining the relationship between whites' racial attitudes and their likelihood of othering Barack Obama by labeling him as a Muslim and/or a noncitizen interloper. The findings reveal that both symbolic racial resentment and traditional racial attitudes are associated with othering Obama. In addition, the results reveal that the relationship between racial resentment and othering is substantially mediated by the use of seemingly nonracist frames based on emotional reactions and negative expectations about an Obama presidency. Conversely, much of the effect of belief in traditional antiblack stereotypes was transmitted directly to othering Obama without the use of justificatory frames. Despite claims of racial progress, our findings suggest that racial sentiments-both overt and symboliccontinue to play a major role in politics.
Sociological Perspectives, 2012
What is the relationship between state-level politics and the resources devoted to children's hea... more What is the relationship between state-level politics and the resources devoted to children's health insurance programs (CHIP)? Questions about the forces that shape policy are central to political sociology and of broad concern. In this study, we aim to shed light on factors that influence CHIP policy across U.S. states. Specifically, we investigate the extent to which prevailing social policy theoriesindependent of other factors-explain state per capita CHIP expenditures. In doing so, we speak to welfare state research and the associated burgeoning literature on the politics of inequality.
Work and Occupations, 2014
The Sociological Quarterly, 2013
In this study, we draw on longitudinal, state-level data to analyze the impact of four distinct f... more In this study, we draw on longitudinal, state-level data to analyze the impact of four distinct forms of school racial segregation on black/white achievement gaps in math and reading. Pooled time-series analyses with two-way fixed effects suggest that increases in black-white dissimilarity and black student isolation contribute to black/white achievement gaps, increases in black-white exposure reduce achievement gaps, and increases in exposure of black students to other minority students have no impact. We conclude by discussing the implications of school racial segregation as a source of academic achievement disparities between black and white students in the contemporary United States. The Sociological Quarterly ISSN 0038-0253 bs_bs_banner The Sociological Quarterly 54 (2013) 130-157
Sociological Inquiry, 2014
Labor Studies Journal, 2011
Abstract Prior conceptual work on union renewal places activism in a central role. Understanding ... more Abstract Prior conceptual work on union renewal places activism in a central role. Understanding of activism's antecedents, however, remains limited. This study uses a sample of faculty union members at a large public university, thus providing considerable ...
Labor History, 2009
The progressive era was a period of fear and longing: fear of mass instability, and longing for a... more The progressive era was a period of fear and longing: fear of mass instability, and longing for a better future when reformers pressured states for laws to shield children, women, and others from harsh market realities. States ultimately established a variety of workplace ...
Gender & Society, 2011
Gender representations reproduce and legitimate gender systems. To examine this aspect of the gen... more Gender representations reproduce and legitimate gender systems. To examine this aspect of the gendered social order, we analyze the representation of males and females in the titles and central characters of 5,618 children's books published throughout the twentieth century in the United States. Compared to females, males are represented nearly twice as often in titles and 1.6 times as often as central characters. By no measure in any book series (i.e., Caldecott award winners, Little Golden Books, and books listed in the Children's Catalog) are females represented more frequently than males. We argue that these disparities are evidence of symbolic annihilation and have implications for children's understandings of gender. Nevertheless, important differences in the extent of the disparity are evident by type of character (i.e., child or adult, human or animal), book series, and time period. Specifically, representations of child central characters are the most equitable and animals the most inequitable; Little Golden Books contain the most unequal representations; and the 1930s-1960s-the period between waves of feminist activism-exhibits greater disparities than earlier and later periods. Examining multiple types of books across a long time period shows that change toward gender equality is uneven, nonlinear, and tied to patterns of feminist activism and backlash throughout the century.
... organization. Some of these arrangements deal with issues that would be under the purview of ... more ... organization. Some of these arrangements deal with issues that would be under the purview of unions if the company were unionized. Hence, many argue that they are legally questionable (Rundle 1998). Page 23. 11 concessionary ...
Research in Social Stratification and Mobility, 2013
This study assesses whether the growth in economic inequality since the late 1960s produced enhan... more This study assesses whether the growth in economic inequality since the late 1960s produced enhanced support for conservative policies in the U.S. House of Representatives. Tests of the effects of inequality and tests of hypotheses derived from minority threat theory are conducted using a pooled time-series, fixed-effects design. The political influence of the most menacing street crime the public blames on underclass minorities is captured as well. Analyses based on 1.488 state-years show that income inequality, minority presence, and the murder rates reduce liberal roll-call votes. Interactions that assess period contrasts in the strength of relationships show that increases in inequality led to greater congressional support for conservative measures particularly in the later years of the post civil rights era. Such tests also support racial threat theory because they show that a strong negative relationship between African American presence and liberal roll-call votes persisted throughout this period. Such results corroborate claims ) that the expansion in economic inequality since the late 1960s helped increase support for conservative legislation.
This study assesses whether racial and ethnic resentments still influence U.S. politics. Tests of... more This study assesses whether racial and ethnic resentments still influence U.S. politics. Tests of hypotheses derived from minority threat theory and minority voting power stipulating quadratic relationships between minority presence and roll call votes for liberal legislation in the House of Representatives are conducted. In addition to these nonlinear associations, the political influence of the most menacing crime the public blames on underclass minorities is assessed as well. Fixed-effects estimates based on analyses of 1,152 state-years in the post-civil rights era indicate that the expected Ushaped relationships are present between minority population size and roll call votes for liberal legislation. Additional findings suggest that expansions in the murder rates produced decreased support for liberal policies. Statements by Republican campaign officials on how they deliberately used mass resentments against minorities to gain normally Democratic votes provide evidence about the intervening connections between the threat to white dominance posed by larger minority populations and reduced support for liberal legislation.
American Journal of Sociology, 2007
This study assesses whether racial and ethnic resentments still influence U.S. politics. Tests of... more This study assesses whether racial and ethnic resentments still influence U.S. politics. Tests of hypotheses derived from minority threat theory and minority voting power stipulating quadratic relationships between minority presence and roll call votes for liberal legislation in the House of Representatives are conducted. In addition to these nonlinear associations, the political influence of the most menacing crime the public blames on underclass minorities is assessed as well. Fixed-effects estimates based on analyses of 1,152 state-years in the post-civil rights era indicate that the expected Ushaped relationships are present between minority population size and roll call votes for liberal legislation. Additional findings suggest that expansions in the murder rates produced decreased support for liberal policies. Statements by Republican campaign officials on how they deliberately used mass resentments against minorities to gain normally Democratic votes provide evidence about the intervening connections between the threat to white dominance posed by larger minority populations and reduced support for liberal legislation.
Social Science Research, 2008
This investigation assesses the relationships between racial threat and partisan dominance in sta... more This investigation assesses the relationships between racial threat and partisan dominance in state legislatures with tests of interactive hypotheses. The findings show that historically contingent expectations derived from racial threat theory, Republican law and order campaign appeals, and fundamentalist strength account for Republican strength in the legislatures. Two-way fixed-effects estimates based on pooled time-series analyses of 799 state-years in the post-civil rights era show that the percentage of Republicans in the state legislatures grew after increases in African American presence and the violent crime rates. The combined effects of a growth in African American and fundamentalist populations also account for increased Republican seats in these bodies. Statements by Republican campaign officials on how they deliberately used mass resentments against minorities to gain votes provide evidence about the intervening links between minority threat, the menace posed by high violent crime rates, and increased Republican strength in the state legislatures.
Gender & Society, 2011
Gender representations reproduce and legitimate gender systems. To examine this aspect of the gen... more Gender representations reproduce and legitimate gender systems. To examine this aspect of the gendered social order, we analyze the representation of males and females in the titles and central characters of 5,618 children's books published throughout the twentieth century in the United States. Compared to females, males are represented nearly twice as often in titles and 1.6 times as often as central characters. By no measure in any book series (i.e., Caldecott award winners, Little Golden Books, and books listed in the Children's Catalog) are females represented more frequently than males. We argue that these disparities are evidence of symbolic annihilation and have implications for children's understandings of gender. Nevertheless, important differences in the extent of the disparity are evident by type of character (i.e., child or adult, human or animal), book series, and time period. Specifically, representations of child central characters are the most equitable and animals the most inequitable; Little Golden Books contain the most unequal representations; and the 1930s-1960s-the period between waves of feminist activism-exhibits greater disparities than earlier and later periods. Examining multiple types of books across a long time period shows that change toward gender equality is uneven, nonlinear, and tied to patterns of feminist activism and backlash throughout the century.
Sociological Perspectives, 2011
The project of merging qualitative and quantitative approaches in sociology is advancing on many ... more The project of merging qualitative and quantitative approaches in sociology is advancing on many fronts—most typically through appending in-depth interviews to surveys. This research note describes an alternative approach of amassing in-depth qualitative accounts and content coding them for statistical analysis. Funding requirements for such projects are minimal and students can easily be involved—providing important training opportunities that broaden their appreciation of and expertise in diverse methodologies. Such endeavors ...
Social Science Research, 2014
In 2009, shortly after the election of the United States' first black President, a new protest mo... more In 2009, shortly after the election of the United States' first black President, a new protest movement emerged. When some supporters of this new Tea Party Movement (TPM) expressed their ire with race-laden messages various commentators suggested that racism may be a major motive for TPM activism. Accordingly, this study draws on national survey data to examine the extent to which racial attitudes and conservative ideology are associated with self-declared membership in the TPM while controlling for contextual factors that have proven influential in other rightist movement research. Key findings reveal that aside from conservative political ideology, racial resentment is indeed among the strongest predictors of TPM membership. Supplemental analyses explore the extent to which conservatives differ from TPM members. The results show that very conservative individuals and TPM members evince similar attitudes. The findings are discussed in terms of contemporary race relations and the implications for future social movement research.
Sociological Perspectives, 2014
The literature on descriptive representation indicates that the election of black political leade... more The literature on descriptive representation indicates that the election of black political leaders may prompt white enmity. We assess this claim by examining the relationship between whites' racial attitudes and their likelihood of othering Barack Obama by labeling him as a Muslim and/or a noncitizen interloper. The findings reveal that both symbolic racial resentment and traditional racial attitudes are associated with othering Obama. In addition, the results reveal that the relationship between racial resentment and othering is substantially mediated by the use of seemingly nonracist frames based on emotional reactions and negative expectations about an Obama presidency. Conversely, much of the effect of belief in traditional antiblack stereotypes was transmitted directly to othering Obama without the use of justificatory frames. Despite claims of racial progress, our findings suggest that racial sentiments-both overt and symboliccontinue to play a major role in politics.
Sociological Perspectives, 2012
What is the relationship between state-level politics and the resources devoted to children's hea... more What is the relationship between state-level politics and the resources devoted to children's health insurance programs (CHIP)? Questions about the forces that shape policy are central to political sociology and of broad concern. In this study, we aim to shed light on factors that influence CHIP policy across U.S. states. Specifically, we investigate the extent to which prevailing social policy theoriesindependent of other factors-explain state per capita CHIP expenditures. In doing so, we speak to welfare state research and the associated burgeoning literature on the politics of inequality.
Work and Occupations, 2014
The Sociological Quarterly, 2013
In this study, we draw on longitudinal, state-level data to analyze the impact of four distinct f... more In this study, we draw on longitudinal, state-level data to analyze the impact of four distinct forms of school racial segregation on black/white achievement gaps in math and reading. Pooled time-series analyses with two-way fixed effects suggest that increases in black-white dissimilarity and black student isolation contribute to black/white achievement gaps, increases in black-white exposure reduce achievement gaps, and increases in exposure of black students to other minority students have no impact. We conclude by discussing the implications of school racial segregation as a source of academic achievement disparities between black and white students in the contemporary United States. The Sociological Quarterly ISSN 0038-0253 bs_bs_banner The Sociological Quarterly 54 (2013) 130-157
Sociological Inquiry, 2014
Labor Studies Journal, 2011
Abstract Prior conceptual work on union renewal places activism in a central role. Understanding ... more Abstract Prior conceptual work on union renewal places activism in a central role. Understanding of activism's antecedents, however, remains limited. This study uses a sample of faculty union members at a large public university, thus providing considerable ...
Labor History, 2009
The progressive era was a period of fear and longing: fear of mass instability, and longing for a... more The progressive era was a period of fear and longing: fear of mass instability, and longing for a better future when reformers pressured states for laws to shield children, women, and others from harsh market realities. States ultimately established a variety of workplace ...
Gender & Society, 2011
Gender representations reproduce and legitimate gender systems. To examine this aspect of the gen... more Gender representations reproduce and legitimate gender systems. To examine this aspect of the gendered social order, we analyze the representation of males and females in the titles and central characters of 5,618 children's books published throughout the twentieth century in the United States. Compared to females, males are represented nearly twice as often in titles and 1.6 times as often as central characters. By no measure in any book series (i.e., Caldecott award winners, Little Golden Books, and books listed in the Children's Catalog) are females represented more frequently than males. We argue that these disparities are evidence of symbolic annihilation and have implications for children's understandings of gender. Nevertheless, important differences in the extent of the disparity are evident by type of character (i.e., child or adult, human or animal), book series, and time period. Specifically, representations of child central characters are the most equitable and animals the most inequitable; Little Golden Books contain the most unequal representations; and the 1930s-1960s-the period between waves of feminist activism-exhibits greater disparities than earlier and later periods. Examining multiple types of books across a long time period shows that change toward gender equality is uneven, nonlinear, and tied to patterns of feminist activism and backlash throughout the century.
... organization. Some of these arrangements deal with issues that would be under the purview of ... more ... organization. Some of these arrangements deal with issues that would be under the purview of unions if the company were unionized. Hence, many argue that they are legally questionable (Rundle 1998). Page 23. 11 concessionary ...
Research in Social Stratification and Mobility, 2013
This study assesses whether the growth in economic inequality since the late 1960s produced enhan... more This study assesses whether the growth in economic inequality since the late 1960s produced enhanced support for conservative policies in the U.S. House of Representatives. Tests of the effects of inequality and tests of hypotheses derived from minority threat theory are conducted using a pooled time-series, fixed-effects design. The political influence of the most menacing street crime the public blames on underclass minorities is captured as well. Analyses based on 1.488 state-years show that income inequality, minority presence, and the murder rates reduce liberal roll-call votes. Interactions that assess period contrasts in the strength of relationships show that increases in inequality led to greater congressional support for conservative measures particularly in the later years of the post civil rights era. Such tests also support racial threat theory because they show that a strong negative relationship between African American presence and liberal roll-call votes persisted throughout this period. Such results corroborate claims ) that the expansion in economic inequality since the late 1960s helped increase support for conservative legislation.
This study assesses whether racial and ethnic resentments still influence U.S. politics. Tests of... more This study assesses whether racial and ethnic resentments still influence U.S. politics. Tests of hypotheses derived from minority threat theory and minority voting power stipulating quadratic relationships between minority presence and roll call votes for liberal legislation in the House of Representatives are conducted. In addition to these nonlinear associations, the political influence of the most menacing crime the public blames on underclass minorities is assessed as well. Fixed-effects estimates based on analyses of 1,152 state-years in the post-civil rights era indicate that the expected Ushaped relationships are present between minority population size and roll call votes for liberal legislation. Additional findings suggest that expansions in the murder rates produced decreased support for liberal policies. Statements by Republican campaign officials on how they deliberately used mass resentments against minorities to gain normally Democratic votes provide evidence about the intervening connections between the threat to white dominance posed by larger minority populations and reduced support for liberal legislation.
American Journal of Sociology, 2007
This study assesses whether racial and ethnic resentments still influence U.S. politics. Tests of... more This study assesses whether racial and ethnic resentments still influence U.S. politics. Tests of hypotheses derived from minority threat theory and minority voting power stipulating quadratic relationships between minority presence and roll call votes for liberal legislation in the House of Representatives are conducted. In addition to these nonlinear associations, the political influence of the most menacing crime the public blames on underclass minorities is assessed as well. Fixed-effects estimates based on analyses of 1,152 state-years in the post-civil rights era indicate that the expected Ushaped relationships are present between minority population size and roll call votes for liberal legislation. Additional findings suggest that expansions in the murder rates produced decreased support for liberal policies. Statements by Republican campaign officials on how they deliberately used mass resentments against minorities to gain normally Democratic votes provide evidence about the intervening connections between the threat to white dominance posed by larger minority populations and reduced support for liberal legislation.
Social Science Research, 2008
This investigation assesses the relationships between racial threat and partisan dominance in sta... more This investigation assesses the relationships between racial threat and partisan dominance in state legislatures with tests of interactive hypotheses. The findings show that historically contingent expectations derived from racial threat theory, Republican law and order campaign appeals, and fundamentalist strength account for Republican strength in the legislatures. Two-way fixed-effects estimates based on pooled time-series analyses of 799 state-years in the post-civil rights era show that the percentage of Republicans in the state legislatures grew after increases in African American presence and the violent crime rates. The combined effects of a growth in African American and fundamentalist populations also account for increased Republican seats in these bodies. Statements by Republican campaign officials on how they deliberately used mass resentments against minorities to gain votes provide evidence about the intervening links between minority threat, the menace posed by high violent crime rates, and increased Republican strength in the state legislatures.
The last quarter of the twentieth century saw an erosion of job security in both manual and profe... more The last quarter of the twentieth century saw an erosion of job security in both manual and professional occupations. In this article, we investigate how the proliferation of employee involvement schemes in manual production and the growth of layoffs, temporary outsourcing, and project-based teams in the professions have influenced working conditions in both manual and professional settings. We argue that these practices represent not a departure from scientific management as is often presumed, but rather adoption of Taylorist principles not fully manifested in Fordist-era mass production. Flexible practices have thus expanded the influence of scientific management in manual work, and extended the scope of its application into the professions in an era perhaps more aptly termed neo-Taylorist than post-Fordist. Using data derived from the population of workplace eth-nographies, we evaluate historical shifts in the organization of manual and professional work and outcomes for employees. Our findings support accounts critical of the nature and degree of change in manual jobs and suggest that post-Fordist shifts in the professions have successfully ushered in intensification analogous to what Fordist strategies accomplished in manual work—with unintended negative consequences for workers. Our conclusions point to a general deterioration of conditions in both manual and professional occupations due at least in part to an increasingly rigorous application of the principles of scientific management to both types of work.