Robin Celikates | Freie Universität Berlin (original) (raw)
Papers by Robin Celikates
Jacobin, 2024
https://jacobin.com/2024/05/germany-palestine-protest-authoritarianism-universities (May 21, 2024... more https://jacobin.com/2024/05/germany-palestine-protest-authoritarianism-universities (May 21, 2024)
As Israel destroyed Gaza's universities, German academic leaders condemned students who protested against it. Now, as Israel invades Rafah, they're stepping up their repressive effort-using police to make sure US-style campus occupations never take root.
Verfassungsblog.de, 2024
https://verfassungsblog.de/bitte-keine-storung/
D. Fassin / A. Honneth (eds): Crisis Under Critique, 2022
Focusing on migrant and refugee activism, I argue that political struggles can play an active rol... more Focusing on migrant and refugee activism, I argue that political struggles can play an active role in producing (rather than just responding to) crises as well as knowledge about them. The epistemic and political significance of this knowledge is spelled out with reference to standpoint theory and its relation to critical theory, as well as a radical-democratic understanding of borders and migration, and ultimately of citizenship and democracy.
W. Scheuerman (ed.): Cambridge Companion to Civil Disobedience, 2022
Civil disobedience is a practice of political contestation, of challenging established norms, pra... more Civil disobedience is a practice of political contestation, of challenging established norms, practices, institutions, and selfunderstandings that involves deliberately breaking the law while typically stopping short of full-scale revolt in terms of both its ends and its repertoire of actions. It is usually situated between legal protest, on the one hand, and more radicalfor example, revolutionaryforms of resistance, on the other. Where exactly the lines are drawn, and, as a result, how radical civil disobedience in fact turns out to be, depends on how the meaning, justification, and role of civil disobedience are understood. As this volume documents, different theoretical paradigms propose rival accounts, ranging from the rather restrictive proposals of mainstream liberal accounts to more expansive positions developed by theorists of radical democracy. 1 While the theoretical discussion among and between competing paradigms has followed its own dynamics, the latter also has to be understood in relation, and partly as a reaction, to the practice of civil disobedience and its prospects under changing political circumstances. It is no surprise, then, that radical democrats propose different interpretations of historical and contemporary instances of disobedience, starting with the early paradigmatic cases of Henry David Thoreau and Mahatma Gandhi, followed by the US Civil Rights Movement and the social movements of the 1980s, to, more recently, Occupy and the Black Lives Matter response to police brutality and structural racism, and new forms of digital and transnational disobedience. In line with their overarching aim of reclaiming the radical potential of "civil disobedience" by giving it a decidedly political and radical meaning, radical democratic
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2023
https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/critical-theory/
![Research paper thumbnail of Critical Theory and the Unfinished Project of Mediating Theory and Practice [uncorrected proofs]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/57480510/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Critical theory in the Frankfurt School tradition can be, very roughly, characterized by four fea... more Critical theory in the Frankfurt School tradition can be, very roughly, characterized by four features that are meant to distinguish it from other types of philosophical and social theorizing. (1) it is self-reflexive, in that it questions its own presuppositions and systematically takes into account the social and historical conditions of theory formation, including its own;
Tully et al. (eds.): Democratic Multiplicity, 2022
This paper argues that, far from being a merely defensive act of individual protest, civil disobe... more This paper argues that, far from being a merely defensive act of individual protest, civil disobedience is a much more radical political practice. It is transformative in that it aims at the politicization of questions that are excluded from the political domain and at reconfiguring public space and existing institutions, often in comprehensive ways. Focusing on the reconstitution of the political community also allows us to reconceptualize constituent power. Rather than portraying it as a quasi-mythical force erupting only in extraordinary moments, constituent power can be conceptualized as a dynamic situated within established orders, transgressing their logic and reconfiguring them from within. Civil disobedience as a transformative and potentially comprehensive practice aimed at reconstituting the political order can then be seen as an internal driving force keeping this dialectic in play. A concrete example can be found in protests and border struggles by irregularized migrants. They show how unexpected forms of civil disobedience manage to politicize symbolic and institutional structures that are usually taken for granted or naturalized and thereby removed from politicization, such as borders and citizenship. In this way, they exemplify not only the defensive/reactive but also the constituent/transformative force of disobedience.
The goal of this article is to show that mainstream liberal accounts of civil disobedience fail t... more The goal of this article is to show that mainstream liberal accounts of civil disobedience fail to fully capture the latter's specific characteristics as a genuinely political and democratic practice of contestation that is not reducible to an ethical or legal understanding either in terms of individual conscience or of fidelity to the rule of law. In developing this account in more detail, I first define civil disobedience with an aim of spelling out why the standard liberal model, while providing a useful starting point, ultimately leads to an overly constrained, domesticated and sanitized understanding of this complex political practice. Second, I place the political practice of civil disobedience between two opposing poles: symbolic politics and real confrontation. I argue that the irreducible tension between these poles precisely accounts for its politicizing and democratizing potential. Finally, I briefly examine the role of civil disobedience in representative democracies, addressing a series of recent challenges made in response to this radically democratic understanding of disobedience.
The Philosopher: The New Basics, 2023
Contemporary Political Theory, 2023
of gender-identity and opposes legislation that would ban conversion therapy. We could perhaps an... more of gender-identity and opposes legislation that would ban conversion therapy. We could perhaps analyze this author's political demands, following Medina's discussion of 'white rage' and right-wing outlaw emotions in Chap. 6, as demands that do not seek to open the public sphere to all voices. Thus, the hushing and shaming of trans-activists coming from such LGB and straight audiences are, on Medina's own terms, neither appropriate nor justified. My interest here is not to debate views that exclude trans-women from women's spaces and women's concerns or that consider trans-masculine experiences as a 'phase' or as an attempt to remove lesbians from women's spaces. Rather, my concern is with what Medina describes as the 'banalization of protest' (2023, p. 196). He critiques social media and popular news media for making a spectacle of protest, and presumably for profiting off it. However, when we consider publication ethics and the decision of a major academic press to publish a trans-exclusionary book as part of its feminist philosophy catalog, we must ask ourselves what are our echoing and actional responsibilities-especially, perhaps, because Oxford University Press also published Medina's book. In response to public criticism, David Clark, Managing Director of Academic Publications, described the press as not endorsing any particular political view or ideology (Weinberg, 2022). This call for political neutrality and affirmation of a 'balanced' view evokes what Justin Weinberg describes as a kind of 'bothsidesism' (Weinberg, 2022). The threat of such bothsidesism and the press' profit from public controversy poses a challenge to those of us, including Medina, who also publish with it. What strategies should we, as authors, employ to echo trans-activists in their demands for justice, including their calls for access to housing, stable employment, safety from interpersonal violence and sexual assault, and an end to deportation and the carceral state? Would boycotts and divestmentsfor instance, from presses and publication venues-be good strategies? Would public confrontations and shaming tactics be effective? More generally, how might we, as scholars and writers, echo and imagine with Rivera's radical vision for the future through our 'cognitive,' 'affective,' and 'actional responses' moving forward (2023, p. 87)? Andrea Pitts
Recognition and Ambivalence (eds. Ikäheimo, Lepold & Stahl), CUP 2021
Journal of Classical Sociology, 2023
In the summer of 2002, Axel Honneth was invited by the Center for Social Critique Berlin to give ... more In the summer of 2002, Axel Honneth was invited by the Center for Social Critique Berlin to give the Walter Benjamin Lectures. The lectures have now been published in German under the title Der arbeitende Souverän (The Working Sovereign). In a conversation with the directors of the Center for Social Critique, Rahel Jaeggi and Robin Celikates, Axel Honneth explains why he believes a political theory of labor is necessary, how the world of work has changed, and what opportunities and risks this entails for democratization processes.
Amy Allen & Eduardo Mendieta (eds.), Power, Neoliberalism, and the Reinvention of Politics, 2022
Beginnen wir mit einer kleinen Geschichte, genauer mit einer Geschichte, die Louis Althusser in s... more Beginnen wir mit einer kleinen Geschichte, genauer mit einer Geschichte, die Louis Althusser in seinem berühmten Text Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate als »konkretes Beispiel« präsentiert1: »Nachdem der Arbeitstag beendet ist (also in diesem seit dem frühen Morgen erwarteten Augenblick), wenn die Glocke erklingt, lässt der Proletarier einfach alles fallen, zack, und geht aufs Klo und zu den Umkleideräumen. Er wäscht sich, er zieht sich um, er kämmt sich die Haare: Er wird ein anderer Mensch. Derjenige, der jetzt nachhause zurückkehrt, zu seiner Frau und den Kindern. Einmal zuhause, ist er dann in einer ganz anderen Welt -die gar nichts mehr mit der Hölle der Fabrik und ihren Produktionstakten zu tun hat. Aber gleichzeitig und ohne jeden Übergang wird er, wie man sieht, von einem anderen Ritual erfasst: vom Ritual der Praktiken und Vollzüge (die selbstverständlich frei sind) der familialen Ideologie, dem Verhältnis zur Frau, zu den Gören, den Nachbarn, den Eltern und den Freunden [...]. Da er sich so in andere ›Systeme‹ eingespannt findet, [...] wie ließe sich denn verhindern, dass er unter bestimmten Umständen wiederum ein anderer Mensch wird als in der Fabrik -also beispielsweise ein ganz anderer Mensch als der Gewerkschaftsaktivist und das Mitglied der CGT, das er doch ist? [...] Demnach wird dieser Proletarier, der dann, wenn er mit seinen Arbeitskollegen bei der Gewerkschaft zusammen ist, ›bewusst‹ und ›organisiert‹ ist, ganz zufällig, sobald er heimgekehrt ist, von einem anderen, kleinbürgerlichen, ideologischen System erfasst? Warum auch nicht? Das kommt vor. Und daraus erklärt sich auch vieles.« (Althusser 2012 [1995]: 289 f.) Robin Celikates Epistemische Ungerechtigkeit, Loopingeffekte und Ideologiekritik. Eine sozialphilosophische Perspektive 54 WestEnd -Neue Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung 02-2017
WestEnd. Neue Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung, 2020
Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik, 2023
Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik 2/2023 W enn gegenwärtig den Klimaprotesten der L... more Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik 2/2023 W enn gegenwärtig den Klimaprotesten der Letzten Generation, aber auch den Aktivist:innen in Lützerath der Vorwurf gemacht wird, sie seien zu radikal, sagt dies weit weniger über die Akteure aus als über unsere Gesellschaft, die sich bisher als in nur sehr begrenztem Maße willens oder fähig erwiesen hat, auf die Klimakrise in adäquater Weise zu reagieren. Sich angesichts der global evidenten und auch hierzulande immer schwerer zu verdrängenden katastrophalen Auswirkungen der Klimakrise für seine Überzeugungen auf die Straße zu setzen und festzukleben oder eine Menschenkette auf einem Feld zu bilden und sich von der Polizei umrennen zu lassen, ist vielleicht radikal im Vergleich zu dem, was die meisten Menschen in Deutschland gewöhnt sind oder was sie erwarten. Platziert man die Proteste in einem größeren internationalen und historischen Kontext, so müssen die allermeisten Mittel, zu denen die unterschiedlichen Stränge der Klimabewegung greifen, aber noch als ziemlich gemäßigt gelten-und das umfasst durchaus auch die sogenannten radikaleren Teile, also Ende Gelände und Letzte Generation. Sich auf der Straße festzukleben und den Verkehr zu blockieren, in ein Unternehmensareal einzudringen und Hausfriedensbruch zu begehen, sich an einem Ministerium festzuketten-all das sind Praktiken des Protests, zu denen soziale Bewegungen in allen möglichen Kontexten, auch in Demokratien, immer wieder gegriffen und auf diese Weise demokratischen Fortschritt bewirkt haben. Insofern können Protestbewegungen, die diese Mittel einsetzen, durchaus Legitimität für sich beanspruchen. Das allerdings bedeutet noch lange nicht, dass einzelne Aktionen wie etwa Straßenblockaden im Berufsverkehr in allen Fällen gerechtfertigt oder auch nur das effektivste Mittel sind, um die Ziele der Bewegung zu erreichen. Aber dieser Einwand-eine bestimmte Aktion erscheint in einem konkreten Kontext als nicht gerechtfertigt oder nicht besonders effektiv-hat nichts damit zu tun, dass sie tatsächlich zu radikal wäre. Dass sich ein Protestmittel als ineffektiv erweist, hat häufig mehr mit der Skandalisierungslogik der gegnerischen Seite zu tun, die die öffentliche Diskussion auf eine schiefe Ebene lenkt, als mit übermäßiger Radikalität. Zur Erinnerung: Schon als Fridays for Future 2019 große Massen von Schüler:innen auf die Straße brachte, wurde beklagt, dass zu Schulzeiten zu protestieren zu radikal sei.
Geschichte der Gegenwart (co-authored with Manuela Bojadzijev), 2023
Jacobin, 2024
https://jacobin.com/2024/05/germany-palestine-protest-authoritarianism-universities (May 21, 2024... more https://jacobin.com/2024/05/germany-palestine-protest-authoritarianism-universities (May 21, 2024)
As Israel destroyed Gaza's universities, German academic leaders condemned students who protested against it. Now, as Israel invades Rafah, they're stepping up their repressive effort-using police to make sure US-style campus occupations never take root.
Verfassungsblog.de, 2024
https://verfassungsblog.de/bitte-keine-storung/
D. Fassin / A. Honneth (eds): Crisis Under Critique, 2022
Focusing on migrant and refugee activism, I argue that political struggles can play an active rol... more Focusing on migrant and refugee activism, I argue that political struggles can play an active role in producing (rather than just responding to) crises as well as knowledge about them. The epistemic and political significance of this knowledge is spelled out with reference to standpoint theory and its relation to critical theory, as well as a radical-democratic understanding of borders and migration, and ultimately of citizenship and democracy.
W. Scheuerman (ed.): Cambridge Companion to Civil Disobedience, 2022
Civil disobedience is a practice of political contestation, of challenging established norms, pra... more Civil disobedience is a practice of political contestation, of challenging established norms, practices, institutions, and selfunderstandings that involves deliberately breaking the law while typically stopping short of full-scale revolt in terms of both its ends and its repertoire of actions. It is usually situated between legal protest, on the one hand, and more radicalfor example, revolutionaryforms of resistance, on the other. Where exactly the lines are drawn, and, as a result, how radical civil disobedience in fact turns out to be, depends on how the meaning, justification, and role of civil disobedience are understood. As this volume documents, different theoretical paradigms propose rival accounts, ranging from the rather restrictive proposals of mainstream liberal accounts to more expansive positions developed by theorists of radical democracy. 1 While the theoretical discussion among and between competing paradigms has followed its own dynamics, the latter also has to be understood in relation, and partly as a reaction, to the practice of civil disobedience and its prospects under changing political circumstances. It is no surprise, then, that radical democrats propose different interpretations of historical and contemporary instances of disobedience, starting with the early paradigmatic cases of Henry David Thoreau and Mahatma Gandhi, followed by the US Civil Rights Movement and the social movements of the 1980s, to, more recently, Occupy and the Black Lives Matter response to police brutality and structural racism, and new forms of digital and transnational disobedience. In line with their overarching aim of reclaiming the radical potential of "civil disobedience" by giving it a decidedly political and radical meaning, radical democratic
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2023
https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/critical-theory/
Critical theory in the Frankfurt School tradition can be, very roughly, characterized by four fea... more Critical theory in the Frankfurt School tradition can be, very roughly, characterized by four features that are meant to distinguish it from other types of philosophical and social theorizing. (1) it is self-reflexive, in that it questions its own presuppositions and systematically takes into account the social and historical conditions of theory formation, including its own;
Tully et al. (eds.): Democratic Multiplicity, 2022
This paper argues that, far from being a merely defensive act of individual protest, civil disobe... more This paper argues that, far from being a merely defensive act of individual protest, civil disobedience is a much more radical political practice. It is transformative in that it aims at the politicization of questions that are excluded from the political domain and at reconfiguring public space and existing institutions, often in comprehensive ways. Focusing on the reconstitution of the political community also allows us to reconceptualize constituent power. Rather than portraying it as a quasi-mythical force erupting only in extraordinary moments, constituent power can be conceptualized as a dynamic situated within established orders, transgressing their logic and reconfiguring them from within. Civil disobedience as a transformative and potentially comprehensive practice aimed at reconstituting the political order can then be seen as an internal driving force keeping this dialectic in play. A concrete example can be found in protests and border struggles by irregularized migrants. They show how unexpected forms of civil disobedience manage to politicize symbolic and institutional structures that are usually taken for granted or naturalized and thereby removed from politicization, such as borders and citizenship. In this way, they exemplify not only the defensive/reactive but also the constituent/transformative force of disobedience.
The goal of this article is to show that mainstream liberal accounts of civil disobedience fail t... more The goal of this article is to show that mainstream liberal accounts of civil disobedience fail to fully capture the latter's specific characteristics as a genuinely political and democratic practice of contestation that is not reducible to an ethical or legal understanding either in terms of individual conscience or of fidelity to the rule of law. In developing this account in more detail, I first define civil disobedience with an aim of spelling out why the standard liberal model, while providing a useful starting point, ultimately leads to an overly constrained, domesticated and sanitized understanding of this complex political practice. Second, I place the political practice of civil disobedience between two opposing poles: symbolic politics and real confrontation. I argue that the irreducible tension between these poles precisely accounts for its politicizing and democratizing potential. Finally, I briefly examine the role of civil disobedience in representative democracies, addressing a series of recent challenges made in response to this radically democratic understanding of disobedience.
The Philosopher: The New Basics, 2023
Contemporary Political Theory, 2023
of gender-identity and opposes legislation that would ban conversion therapy. We could perhaps an... more of gender-identity and opposes legislation that would ban conversion therapy. We could perhaps analyze this author's political demands, following Medina's discussion of 'white rage' and right-wing outlaw emotions in Chap. 6, as demands that do not seek to open the public sphere to all voices. Thus, the hushing and shaming of trans-activists coming from such LGB and straight audiences are, on Medina's own terms, neither appropriate nor justified. My interest here is not to debate views that exclude trans-women from women's spaces and women's concerns or that consider trans-masculine experiences as a 'phase' or as an attempt to remove lesbians from women's spaces. Rather, my concern is with what Medina describes as the 'banalization of protest' (2023, p. 196). He critiques social media and popular news media for making a spectacle of protest, and presumably for profiting off it. However, when we consider publication ethics and the decision of a major academic press to publish a trans-exclusionary book as part of its feminist philosophy catalog, we must ask ourselves what are our echoing and actional responsibilities-especially, perhaps, because Oxford University Press also published Medina's book. In response to public criticism, David Clark, Managing Director of Academic Publications, described the press as not endorsing any particular political view or ideology (Weinberg, 2022). This call for political neutrality and affirmation of a 'balanced' view evokes what Justin Weinberg describes as a kind of 'bothsidesism' (Weinberg, 2022). The threat of such bothsidesism and the press' profit from public controversy poses a challenge to those of us, including Medina, who also publish with it. What strategies should we, as authors, employ to echo trans-activists in their demands for justice, including their calls for access to housing, stable employment, safety from interpersonal violence and sexual assault, and an end to deportation and the carceral state? Would boycotts and divestmentsfor instance, from presses and publication venues-be good strategies? Would public confrontations and shaming tactics be effective? More generally, how might we, as scholars and writers, echo and imagine with Rivera's radical vision for the future through our 'cognitive,' 'affective,' and 'actional responses' moving forward (2023, p. 87)? Andrea Pitts
Recognition and Ambivalence (eds. Ikäheimo, Lepold & Stahl), CUP 2021
Journal of Classical Sociology, 2023
In the summer of 2002, Axel Honneth was invited by the Center for Social Critique Berlin to give ... more In the summer of 2002, Axel Honneth was invited by the Center for Social Critique Berlin to give the Walter Benjamin Lectures. The lectures have now been published in German under the title Der arbeitende Souverän (The Working Sovereign). In a conversation with the directors of the Center for Social Critique, Rahel Jaeggi and Robin Celikates, Axel Honneth explains why he believes a political theory of labor is necessary, how the world of work has changed, and what opportunities and risks this entails for democratization processes.
Amy Allen & Eduardo Mendieta (eds.), Power, Neoliberalism, and the Reinvention of Politics, 2022
Beginnen wir mit einer kleinen Geschichte, genauer mit einer Geschichte, die Louis Althusser in s... more Beginnen wir mit einer kleinen Geschichte, genauer mit einer Geschichte, die Louis Althusser in seinem berühmten Text Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate als »konkretes Beispiel« präsentiert1: »Nachdem der Arbeitstag beendet ist (also in diesem seit dem frühen Morgen erwarteten Augenblick), wenn die Glocke erklingt, lässt der Proletarier einfach alles fallen, zack, und geht aufs Klo und zu den Umkleideräumen. Er wäscht sich, er zieht sich um, er kämmt sich die Haare: Er wird ein anderer Mensch. Derjenige, der jetzt nachhause zurückkehrt, zu seiner Frau und den Kindern. Einmal zuhause, ist er dann in einer ganz anderen Welt -die gar nichts mehr mit der Hölle der Fabrik und ihren Produktionstakten zu tun hat. Aber gleichzeitig und ohne jeden Übergang wird er, wie man sieht, von einem anderen Ritual erfasst: vom Ritual der Praktiken und Vollzüge (die selbstverständlich frei sind) der familialen Ideologie, dem Verhältnis zur Frau, zu den Gören, den Nachbarn, den Eltern und den Freunden [...]. Da er sich so in andere ›Systeme‹ eingespannt findet, [...] wie ließe sich denn verhindern, dass er unter bestimmten Umständen wiederum ein anderer Mensch wird als in der Fabrik -also beispielsweise ein ganz anderer Mensch als der Gewerkschaftsaktivist und das Mitglied der CGT, das er doch ist? [...] Demnach wird dieser Proletarier, der dann, wenn er mit seinen Arbeitskollegen bei der Gewerkschaft zusammen ist, ›bewusst‹ und ›organisiert‹ ist, ganz zufällig, sobald er heimgekehrt ist, von einem anderen, kleinbürgerlichen, ideologischen System erfasst? Warum auch nicht? Das kommt vor. Und daraus erklärt sich auch vieles.« (Althusser 2012 [1995]: 289 f.) Robin Celikates Epistemische Ungerechtigkeit, Loopingeffekte und Ideologiekritik. Eine sozialphilosophische Perspektive 54 WestEnd -Neue Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung 02-2017
WestEnd. Neue Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung, 2020
Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik, 2023
Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik 2/2023 W enn gegenwärtig den Klimaprotesten der L... more Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik 2/2023 W enn gegenwärtig den Klimaprotesten der Letzten Generation, aber auch den Aktivist:innen in Lützerath der Vorwurf gemacht wird, sie seien zu radikal, sagt dies weit weniger über die Akteure aus als über unsere Gesellschaft, die sich bisher als in nur sehr begrenztem Maße willens oder fähig erwiesen hat, auf die Klimakrise in adäquater Weise zu reagieren. Sich angesichts der global evidenten und auch hierzulande immer schwerer zu verdrängenden katastrophalen Auswirkungen der Klimakrise für seine Überzeugungen auf die Straße zu setzen und festzukleben oder eine Menschenkette auf einem Feld zu bilden und sich von der Polizei umrennen zu lassen, ist vielleicht radikal im Vergleich zu dem, was die meisten Menschen in Deutschland gewöhnt sind oder was sie erwarten. Platziert man die Proteste in einem größeren internationalen und historischen Kontext, so müssen die allermeisten Mittel, zu denen die unterschiedlichen Stränge der Klimabewegung greifen, aber noch als ziemlich gemäßigt gelten-und das umfasst durchaus auch die sogenannten radikaleren Teile, also Ende Gelände und Letzte Generation. Sich auf der Straße festzukleben und den Verkehr zu blockieren, in ein Unternehmensareal einzudringen und Hausfriedensbruch zu begehen, sich an einem Ministerium festzuketten-all das sind Praktiken des Protests, zu denen soziale Bewegungen in allen möglichen Kontexten, auch in Demokratien, immer wieder gegriffen und auf diese Weise demokratischen Fortschritt bewirkt haben. Insofern können Protestbewegungen, die diese Mittel einsetzen, durchaus Legitimität für sich beanspruchen. Das allerdings bedeutet noch lange nicht, dass einzelne Aktionen wie etwa Straßenblockaden im Berufsverkehr in allen Fällen gerechtfertigt oder auch nur das effektivste Mittel sind, um die Ziele der Bewegung zu erreichen. Aber dieser Einwand-eine bestimmte Aktion erscheint in einem konkreten Kontext als nicht gerechtfertigt oder nicht besonders effektiv-hat nichts damit zu tun, dass sie tatsächlich zu radikal wäre. Dass sich ein Protestmittel als ineffektiv erweist, hat häufig mehr mit der Skandalisierungslogik der gegnerischen Seite zu tun, die die öffentliche Diskussion auf eine schiefe Ebene lenkt, als mit übermäßiger Radikalität. Zur Erinnerung: Schon als Fridays for Future 2019 große Massen von Schüler:innen auf die Straße brachte, wurde beklagt, dass zu Schulzeiten zu protestieren zu radikal sei.
Geschichte der Gegenwart (co-authored with Manuela Bojadzijev), 2023
Filosofía y cambio social. Contribuciones para una teoría crítica de la sociedad y la política, 2022
IIGG - Clacso, 2021
Vivimos la crisis. Hace tiempo que la conciencia del presente ha tomado nota al respecto. Se trat... more Vivimos la crisis. Hace tiempo que la conciencia del presente ha tomado nota al respecto. Se trata de una crisis sin igual que abarca todo el planeta. Ella se expresó dramáticamente con el colapso financiero, de actividad y de deuda que supuso 2008, pero ha sido acompañada por fenómenos que, habiendo aparecido en un comienzo sólo como coletazos, han terminado por operar como nuevos impulsores de facetas que la han profundizado.
Pensar nuestro presente –pensar desde y hacia la crisis, a partir de y para ella– es lo que este libro pretende. Las contribuciones que lo integran indagan en saberes, narraciones, conceptos y nudos problemáticos que atienden a las paradojas que ha representado la contemporaneidad para las teorías críticas de la sociedad. Al hacerlo, quienes participamos de esta tarea nos inscribimos en un anudamiento que, lejos de ser la excepción de una enrarecida coyuntura, ha acompañado al pensamiento crítico desde sus inicios.
![Research paper thumbnail of Philosophie der Moral. Texte von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart [Moral Philosophy. Texts from Antiquity to the Present]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/58397814/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 2011
![Research paper thumbnail of Einführung in die politische Philosophie [Introduction to Political Philosophy]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/58397805/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](
Working from an interdisciplinary perspective that draws on the social sciences, legal studies, a... more Working from an interdisciplinary perspective that draws on the social sciences, legal studies, and the humanities, this book investigates the causes and effects of the extremities experienced by migrants. Firstly, the volume analyses the development and political-cultural conditions of current practices and discourses of “bordering,” “illegality,” and “irregularization.” Secondly, it focuses on the varieties of irregularization and on the diversity of the fields, techniques and effects involved in this variegation. Thirdly, the book examines examples of resistance that migrants and migratory cultures have developed in order to deal with the predicaments they face. The book uses the European Union as its case study, exploring practices and discourses of bordering, border control, and migration regulation. But the significance of this field extends well beyond the European context as the monitoring of Europe’s borders increasingly takes place on a global scale and reflects an internationally increasing trend.
Rosa Luxemburg is well known for her political activism in the revolutionary movements in Poland,... more Rosa Luxemburg is well known for her political activism in the revolutionary movements in Poland, Russia and Germany, and as a leading Marxist member of the Social Democratic Party of Germany. She is also well known for her economic work on capital accumulation. But although she formulated important arguments in political economy, the theory of revolution, and council democracy her contributions to political philosophy are less than fully appreciated in the contemporary academic community. Marking the hundredth anniversary of Luxemburg's murder in January 1919, this conference turns towards her political philosophy and discusses her philosophical arguments at the intersection with more strategic, historical, and sociological considerations. We invite paper proposals for papers on, but not limited to, the following topics:
Theorein. Revista de Ciencias Sociales. es una publicación arbitrada dedicada a temas relacionado... more Theorein. Revista de Ciencias Sociales. es una publicación arbitrada dedicada a temas relacionados con las Ciencias Sociales, abierta a estudiantes de todos los niveles, profesores y profesionales de disciplinas afines. Nuestro objetivo es ofrecer un medio para la publicación de artículos académicos, a fin de promover la reflexión y el debate. Theorein se publica en formato físico y digital de manera semestral (Enero -Julio) y su distribución es gratuita.
En este artículo exploro la relación entre la sociología de la crítica, elaborada por Luc Boltans... more En este artículo exploro la relación entre la sociología de la crítica, elaborada por Luc Boltanski, y la teoría crítica en la tradición de la Escuela de Frankfurt a través de la defensa de tres tesis: 1) que el modelo de ciencia social crítica de Bourdieu se fundamenta en el supuesto (empírica y metodológicamente problemático) de una forma de desconocimiento (méconnaissance) sistemático que asume el rol tradicionalmente atribuido a la ideología; 2) que la sociología de la crítica ofrece una alternativa convincente al modelo de Bourdieu al tomar con seriedad la auto-comprensión de los actores y, por tanto, las categorías empleadas en sus prácticas de justificación y crítica; y 3) que, al distanciarnos de Boltanski, una versión revisada de teoría crítica, cuyos elementos se pueden encontrar en la obra de Axel Honneth, puede desempeñar una función complementaria decisiva, ya que dichas autocomprensiones y prácticas pueden sufrir de lo que se podría denominar como ‘patologías de segundo orden’.
La democracia y la crítica societal al capitalismo contemporáneo Rafael Alvear Moreno 11 ¿Tiene l... more La democracia y la crítica societal al capitalismo contemporáneo Rafael Alvear Moreno 11 ¿Tiene la democracia todavía alguna posibilidad en Europa? Hauke Brunkhorst 28 Conjeturas democráticas desde el marxismo latinoamericano: René Zavaleta Mercado Felipe Lagos Rojas 59 Dislocando a la izquierda: Julieta Kirkwood y el movimiento feminista chileno Luna Follegati Montenegro
Cuadernos de Teoría Social, 2018
Este glosario, formado en base a breves contribuciones de diversos autores, funciona como un mapa... more Este glosario, formado en base a breves contribuciones de diversos autores, funciona como un mapa desde donde situar una batería de diez conceptos clave en los trabajos de Karl Marx. Los autores fueron invitados a participar y experimentar con textos de hasta trescientas palabras. En contextos en que los artículos académicos suelen permanecer dentro de estructuras de escritura
The VIII Conference on Critical Theory, organized by the Research Group on Critical Theory (GITC-... more The VIII Conference on Critical Theory, organized by the Research Group on Critical Theory (GITC-PUCP), will take place from the 1st to the 3rd of December 2021. This year, the conference will be dedicated to reflecting on the role of the various democratic experiences in the world in challenging hegemonic political elites and paradigms, as well as to analyzing the possibility of economic transformations within the framework of a global critique of Capitalism.
Under the title “Democratic Innovations and Economic Transformations: Pluralist approaches”, twelve international specialists will present and discuss their current research, aimed at proposing theoretical and practical alternatives to the epistemic foundations and institutional manifestations of existing political, economic, social and cultural models, models that are condemned as exhausted and in deep crisis throughout the world.
The conference will be held via Zoom and will promote an open, plural and interdisciplinary dialogue from which will spring valuable proposals for the construction of knowledge and the transformation of Politics and Economics.
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