Jason Kandybowicz | Graduate Center of the City University of New York (original) (raw)
Papers by Jason Kandybowicz
Revista LinguíStica, Apr 23, 2022
Oxford University Press eBooks, Mar 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Mar 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Mar 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Mar 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Mar 16, 2023
This chapter examines Ikpana interrogative intonation. It provides a description of the intonatio... more This chapter examines Ikpana interrogative intonation. It provides a description of the intonation of declarative sentences as a frame of reference for the intonation of polar and wh- questions. A typologically rare pattern typifies Ikpana declarative intonation—at the right edges of Intonational Phrases, Low tones are depressed and a High/Mid tone reversal takes place. In polar questions, final High and Mid tones maintain their lexical tones, edge-final Low tones rise to sub-Mid levels, and final vowels are lengthened. The intonation of wh- questions and polar interrogatives is comparable, with two exceptions: 1) wh- questions lack final lengthening and 2) final Low tones remain Low. Typologically, the combination of final lengthening and final High maintenance/rising intonation is rare and areally distinctive. Furthermore, Ikpana bucks the cross-linguistic trend for wh- questions and declaratives to have similar intonational profiles, as the intonation of wh- questions is more similar to that of polar questions.
Natural Language & Linguistic Theory
This is the published version, also available here: http://www.dx.doi.org/10.1086/20231
The goal of this paper is to challenge the industry-standard conception that Comp-trace (C-t) eff... more The goal of this paper is to challenge the industry-standard conception that Comp-trace (C-t) effects are narrow syntactic phenomena and counter by motivating a purely prosodic (i.e. PF-centric) characterization of the effect. We’ll approach this task by investigating C-t effects in two unrelated languages, namely, English and Nupe, the latter a Niger-Congo language spoken in central Nigeria.
number of post-syntactic structure-altering operations that characterize the Morphological compon... more number of post-syntactic structure-altering operations that characterize the Morphological component of grammar. Since the inception of DM, this ave-nue of the theory has been well explored. However, most of this work has focused on the mechanics or effects of these operations rather than on their causes or global properties. This paper explores one such operation, namely Fusion, from the latter perspective. To this end, our research is guided by the following questions: (1) a. What triggers Fusion? b. Along the PF branch of a derivation, where exactly does Fusion occur? In what follows, we take steps toward answering these questions. We propose that Fusion applies as a repair strategy, mending ill-formed/illegible outputs late in the PF derivation, that is, after Vocabulary Insertion (VI). In this respect, we argue that Morphology is more highly distributed than pre-viously believed. A few introductory words on Fusion are in order. In DM, Fusion is taken to be a post-syntactic oper...
A puzzle perennially observed in the Nupe (Niger-Congo: Nigeria) literature is that extraction fr... more A puzzle perennially observed in the Nupe (Niger-Congo: Nigeria) literature is that extraction from tensed clauses is possible, but extraction from perfect clauses is not (Smith 1967, Kandybowicz and Baker 2003). This is illustrated below. (1) a. Ke Musa pa __ _ o? [Past TP1] what Musa pound o ‘What did Musa pound?’ b. Ke Musa è pa __ _ o? [Present TP] what Musa PRS pound o ‘What is Musa pounding?’ c. Ke Musa à pa __ _ o? [Future TP] what Musa FUT pound o ‘What will Musa pound?’ d. *Ke Musa á pa __ _ o? [Perfect TP] what Musa PRF pound o ‘What has Musa pounded?’ This article investigates this extraction restriction and explores its theoretical consequences for the notion of EDGE FEATURE in the current Minimalist framework. To this end, we confront two types of goals. Our empirical goal is simply to derive the extraction facts laid out in (1), while our theoretical goal is to determine the extent to which Minimalist technology facilitates an adequate explanation of the Nupe perfect e...
It is widely assumed that the Minimalist Program imposes a boundary condition on theories of lang... more It is widely assumed that the Minimalist Program imposes a boundary condition on theories of language, namely, that the human language faculty (FL) has a Principles and Parameters (P&P)-like architecture (Chomsky 1981, 1993). Hornstein (et. al) (2005:5), for example, maintains that this perspective represents the “consensus view of the overall structure of the language faculty”. Accompanying this core tenet is the Strong Minimalist Thesis (SMT), which holds that FL is perfectly/optimally designed to meet the interactive needs of the language-external (but organism-internal) cognitive subsystems with which it interfaces, namely, the Conceptual-Intentional (C-I) and Sensorimotor (SM) systems. Taken together, these two hypotheses raise a fundamental tension that is rarely considered. One goal of this squib is to bring this issue to light in hopes of stimulating sustained productive discussion and thus begin chipping away at admittedly broad and challenging related inquiries. The basic ...
Traditionally represented as “T3-->T2/__T3”, a categorical tone change from a low–dipping tone... more Traditionally represented as “T3-->T2/__T3”, a categorical tone change from a low–dipping tone (T3) to a high–rising tone (T2), the well-studied phenomenon of Mandarin third tone sandhi has been somewhat of a theoretical thorn. Most analyses of third tone sandhi are derivational in nature and non–derivational accounts, often based on ad–hoc constraints and dubious assumptions regarding sandhi domains, quickly run into problems. This paper proposes a non–derivational OT account rooted in a toneme deletion analysis which appeals to well–established principles of tonal markedness and their interaction with the OCP. In addition, a new observation is presented. Mandarin third tones do not undergo sandhi in prosodically prominent environments. This working paper is available in University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/ vol15/iss1/15 U. Penn Working Papers in Linguistics, Volume 15.1, 2009 Sandhi Sans Derivation: Third Tone Patterns in M...
Whin-situ is a pervasive feature of Tano interrogative syntax (Torrence and Kandybowicz 2012, Kan... more Whin-situ is a pervasive feature of Tano interrogative syntax (Torrence and Kandybowicz 2012, Kandybowicz and Torrence 2013, Torrence and Kandybowicz to appear), yet the Tano languages differ from one another in subtle ways with respect to the distribution of in-situ interrogative expressions. For instance, Krachi, a North Guang Tano language (Williamson and Blench 2000), allows all whexpressions apart from ‘why’ to appear in main clauses. Wasa, a Central Tano language of the Akan group (Williamson and Blench op. cit.), similarly tolerates whin-situ in main clauses, but draws the line at subject interrogatives and ‘why’ expressions. In embedded domains, Krachi and Wasa differ significantly. Krachi permits whin-situ in embedded complement clauses. Wasa disallows embedded in-situ interrogatives. What accounts for this variation? In this article, we argue that prosodic licensing is a crucial dimension regulating the distribution of whin-situ in the Tano languages. While considerations ...
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's... more Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries.
Distributed Morphology (DM-Halle and Marantz 1993, 1994) postulates a number of post-syntactic st... more Distributed Morphology (DM-Halle and Marantz 1993, 1994) postulates a number of post-syntactic structure-altering operations that characterize the Morphological component of grammar. Since the inception of DM, this avenue of the theory has been well explored. However, most of this work has focused on the mechanics or effects of these operations rather than on their causes or global properties. This paper explores one such operation, namely Fusion, from the latter perspective. To this end, our research is guided by the following questions:
This chapter furnishes additional support for the Anti-contiguity theory of wh- prosody by demons... more This chapter furnishes additional support for the Anti-contiguity theory of wh- prosody by demonstrating that it derives two surprising and mysterious asymmetries of Nupe wh- syntax. The first asymmetry concerns the fact that in embedded clauses the structurally lowest wh- item in a multiple wh- question may not appear in-situ. The second asymmetry concerns the availability of embedded non-interrogative focus and the impossibility of embedded interrogative focus. Both of these asymmetries are argued to be explainable in terms of the Anti-contiguity ban on contiguous wh- phrasing with overt C at the Intonational Phrase level, given that overt embedded C does not introduce an Intonational Phrase boundary in Nupe, as in Wasa and Asante Twi. As a consequence, no Intonational Phrase boundary insulates focused embedded wh- items from overt embedding complementizers, therefore running afoul of the Anti-contiguity prohibition.
This chapter concludes the book by considering Anti-contiguity in a cross-linguistic context. It ... more This chapter concludes the book by considering Anti-contiguity in a cross-linguistic context. It is shown that the proposal can be successfully applied to derive asymmetries in wh- in-situ distribution beyond the West African languages considered in Chapters 2–4. The chapter focuses on thirteen languages from diverse language families (Romance, Bantu, and Indo-Aryan, among others) and considers the implications of data from these languages for the final formulation of the Anti-contiguity condition. On the basis of these considerations, the Anti-contiguity constraint is parameterized. Among the languages considered against the backdrop of the Anti-contiguity proposal in this chapter are French; Spanish; Catalan; Zulu; Bàsàá; Duala; Shona; Lubukusu; Kiitharaka; Hindi-Urdu; Bangla; Iraqi Arabic; and Malayalam.
Focusing on the case of verbal repetition in Nupe, a Benue-Congo language spoken in central Niger... more Focusing on the case of verbal repetition in Nupe, a Benue-Congo language spoken in central Nigeria, this chapter shows that verbal repetition constructions are mono-clausal syntactic objects in which the participating verbs are neither independently base-merged, as in the case of verb serialization for instance, nor are they related through reduplicative copying in the morphology/phonology. Rather, it is argued that these constructions involve chain formation and postsyntactic morphological reanalysis, which allows phonetic realization of multiple links/copies at PF. The chapter also adds some refinements to Nunes's (1999, 2004) proposal on the interaction of the syntactic component with the PF wing of grammar as far as phonetic realization of multiple copies is concerned.
Revista LinguíStica, Apr 23, 2022
Oxford University Press eBooks, Mar 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Mar 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Mar 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Mar 16, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Mar 16, 2023
This chapter examines Ikpana interrogative intonation. It provides a description of the intonatio... more This chapter examines Ikpana interrogative intonation. It provides a description of the intonation of declarative sentences as a frame of reference for the intonation of polar and wh- questions. A typologically rare pattern typifies Ikpana declarative intonation—at the right edges of Intonational Phrases, Low tones are depressed and a High/Mid tone reversal takes place. In polar questions, final High and Mid tones maintain their lexical tones, edge-final Low tones rise to sub-Mid levels, and final vowels are lengthened. The intonation of wh- questions and polar interrogatives is comparable, with two exceptions: 1) wh- questions lack final lengthening and 2) final Low tones remain Low. Typologically, the combination of final lengthening and final High maintenance/rising intonation is rare and areally distinctive. Furthermore, Ikpana bucks the cross-linguistic trend for wh- questions and declaratives to have similar intonational profiles, as the intonation of wh- questions is more similar to that of polar questions.
Natural Language & Linguistic Theory
This is the published version, also available here: http://www.dx.doi.org/10.1086/20231
The goal of this paper is to challenge the industry-standard conception that Comp-trace (C-t) eff... more The goal of this paper is to challenge the industry-standard conception that Comp-trace (C-t) effects are narrow syntactic phenomena and counter by motivating a purely prosodic (i.e. PF-centric) characterization of the effect. We’ll approach this task by investigating C-t effects in two unrelated languages, namely, English and Nupe, the latter a Niger-Congo language spoken in central Nigeria.
number of post-syntactic structure-altering operations that characterize the Morphological compon... more number of post-syntactic structure-altering operations that characterize the Morphological component of grammar. Since the inception of DM, this ave-nue of the theory has been well explored. However, most of this work has focused on the mechanics or effects of these operations rather than on their causes or global properties. This paper explores one such operation, namely Fusion, from the latter perspective. To this end, our research is guided by the following questions: (1) a. What triggers Fusion? b. Along the PF branch of a derivation, where exactly does Fusion occur? In what follows, we take steps toward answering these questions. We propose that Fusion applies as a repair strategy, mending ill-formed/illegible outputs late in the PF derivation, that is, after Vocabulary Insertion (VI). In this respect, we argue that Morphology is more highly distributed than pre-viously believed. A few introductory words on Fusion are in order. In DM, Fusion is taken to be a post-syntactic oper...
A puzzle perennially observed in the Nupe (Niger-Congo: Nigeria) literature is that extraction fr... more A puzzle perennially observed in the Nupe (Niger-Congo: Nigeria) literature is that extraction from tensed clauses is possible, but extraction from perfect clauses is not (Smith 1967, Kandybowicz and Baker 2003). This is illustrated below. (1) a. Ke Musa pa __ _ o? [Past TP1] what Musa pound o ‘What did Musa pound?’ b. Ke Musa è pa __ _ o? [Present TP] what Musa PRS pound o ‘What is Musa pounding?’ c. Ke Musa à pa __ _ o? [Future TP] what Musa FUT pound o ‘What will Musa pound?’ d. *Ke Musa á pa __ _ o? [Perfect TP] what Musa PRF pound o ‘What has Musa pounded?’ This article investigates this extraction restriction and explores its theoretical consequences for the notion of EDGE FEATURE in the current Minimalist framework. To this end, we confront two types of goals. Our empirical goal is simply to derive the extraction facts laid out in (1), while our theoretical goal is to determine the extent to which Minimalist technology facilitates an adequate explanation of the Nupe perfect e...
It is widely assumed that the Minimalist Program imposes a boundary condition on theories of lang... more It is widely assumed that the Minimalist Program imposes a boundary condition on theories of language, namely, that the human language faculty (FL) has a Principles and Parameters (P&P)-like architecture (Chomsky 1981, 1993). Hornstein (et. al) (2005:5), for example, maintains that this perspective represents the “consensus view of the overall structure of the language faculty”. Accompanying this core tenet is the Strong Minimalist Thesis (SMT), which holds that FL is perfectly/optimally designed to meet the interactive needs of the language-external (but organism-internal) cognitive subsystems with which it interfaces, namely, the Conceptual-Intentional (C-I) and Sensorimotor (SM) systems. Taken together, these two hypotheses raise a fundamental tension that is rarely considered. One goal of this squib is to bring this issue to light in hopes of stimulating sustained productive discussion and thus begin chipping away at admittedly broad and challenging related inquiries. The basic ...
Traditionally represented as “T3-->T2/__T3”, a categorical tone change from a low–dipping tone... more Traditionally represented as “T3-->T2/__T3”, a categorical tone change from a low–dipping tone (T3) to a high–rising tone (T2), the well-studied phenomenon of Mandarin third tone sandhi has been somewhat of a theoretical thorn. Most analyses of third tone sandhi are derivational in nature and non–derivational accounts, often based on ad–hoc constraints and dubious assumptions regarding sandhi domains, quickly run into problems. This paper proposes a non–derivational OT account rooted in a toneme deletion analysis which appeals to well–established principles of tonal markedness and their interaction with the OCP. In addition, a new observation is presented. Mandarin third tones do not undergo sandhi in prosodically prominent environments. This working paper is available in University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/ vol15/iss1/15 U. Penn Working Papers in Linguistics, Volume 15.1, 2009 Sandhi Sans Derivation: Third Tone Patterns in M...
Whin-situ is a pervasive feature of Tano interrogative syntax (Torrence and Kandybowicz 2012, Kan... more Whin-situ is a pervasive feature of Tano interrogative syntax (Torrence and Kandybowicz 2012, Kandybowicz and Torrence 2013, Torrence and Kandybowicz to appear), yet the Tano languages differ from one another in subtle ways with respect to the distribution of in-situ interrogative expressions. For instance, Krachi, a North Guang Tano language (Williamson and Blench 2000), allows all whexpressions apart from ‘why’ to appear in main clauses. Wasa, a Central Tano language of the Akan group (Williamson and Blench op. cit.), similarly tolerates whin-situ in main clauses, but draws the line at subject interrogatives and ‘why’ expressions. In embedded domains, Krachi and Wasa differ significantly. Krachi permits whin-situ in embedded complement clauses. Wasa disallows embedded in-situ interrogatives. What accounts for this variation? In this article, we argue that prosodic licensing is a crucial dimension regulating the distribution of whin-situ in the Tano languages. While considerations ...
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's... more Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries.
Distributed Morphology (DM-Halle and Marantz 1993, 1994) postulates a number of post-syntactic st... more Distributed Morphology (DM-Halle and Marantz 1993, 1994) postulates a number of post-syntactic structure-altering operations that characterize the Morphological component of grammar. Since the inception of DM, this avenue of the theory has been well explored. However, most of this work has focused on the mechanics or effects of these operations rather than on their causes or global properties. This paper explores one such operation, namely Fusion, from the latter perspective. To this end, our research is guided by the following questions:
This chapter furnishes additional support for the Anti-contiguity theory of wh- prosody by demons... more This chapter furnishes additional support for the Anti-contiguity theory of wh- prosody by demonstrating that it derives two surprising and mysterious asymmetries of Nupe wh- syntax. The first asymmetry concerns the fact that in embedded clauses the structurally lowest wh- item in a multiple wh- question may not appear in-situ. The second asymmetry concerns the availability of embedded non-interrogative focus and the impossibility of embedded interrogative focus. Both of these asymmetries are argued to be explainable in terms of the Anti-contiguity ban on contiguous wh- phrasing with overt C at the Intonational Phrase level, given that overt embedded C does not introduce an Intonational Phrase boundary in Nupe, as in Wasa and Asante Twi. As a consequence, no Intonational Phrase boundary insulates focused embedded wh- items from overt embedding complementizers, therefore running afoul of the Anti-contiguity prohibition.
This chapter concludes the book by considering Anti-contiguity in a cross-linguistic context. It ... more This chapter concludes the book by considering Anti-contiguity in a cross-linguistic context. It is shown that the proposal can be successfully applied to derive asymmetries in wh- in-situ distribution beyond the West African languages considered in Chapters 2–4. The chapter focuses on thirteen languages from diverse language families (Romance, Bantu, and Indo-Aryan, among others) and considers the implications of data from these languages for the final formulation of the Anti-contiguity condition. On the basis of these considerations, the Anti-contiguity constraint is parameterized. Among the languages considered against the backdrop of the Anti-contiguity proposal in this chapter are French; Spanish; Catalan; Zulu; Bàsàá; Duala; Shona; Lubukusu; Kiitharaka; Hindi-Urdu; Bangla; Iraqi Arabic; and Malayalam.
Focusing on the case of verbal repetition in Nupe, a Benue-Congo language spoken in central Niger... more Focusing on the case of verbal repetition in Nupe, a Benue-Congo language spoken in central Nigeria, this chapter shows that verbal repetition constructions are mono-clausal syntactic objects in which the participating verbs are neither independently base-merged, as in the case of verb serialization for instance, nor are they related through reduplicative copying in the morphology/phonology. Rather, it is argued that these constructions involve chain formation and postsyntactic morphological reanalysis, which allows phonetic realization of multiple links/copies at PF. The chapter also adds some refinements to Nunes's (1999, 2004) proposal on the interaction of the syntactic component with the PF wing of grammar as far as phonetic realization of multiple copies is concerned.