Nicolai Due-Gundersen | Geneva School of Diplomacy and International Relations (original) (raw)
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Papers by Nicolai Due-Gundersen
Oil, Gas & Energy Law Journal, Oct 1, 2014
Non-Democratic Legitimacy During the Arab Spring, 2022
Non-Democratic Legitimacy During the Arab Spring, 2022
Non-Democratic Legitimacy During the Arab Spring, 2022
The MENA region has traditionally struggled with political precariousness. In the Gulf, oil wealt... more The MENA region has traditionally struggled with political precariousness. In the Gulf, oil wealth has provided a symbol of socio-economic disparity and a target for political attacks. Since 9/11, activities of ideologically-driven terrorism have increased. In addition, the so-called Arab Spring has further fuelled contention between the state and aggressive political actors. However, while most attacks by such groups have been physical, the ubiquity of internet dependence in both social and professional settings has given political cells a decentralized and far less tangible weapon that can have systemic socio-economic consequences for hydrocarbon nations. Consequences can range from disruption of refinery output to widespread infrastructural damage and even loss of life. With increasing cyber-attacks on oil infrastructure in the Gulf, many National Oil Companies are seeking to strengthen online security while retaining resource management independence. The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan provides a proximate and fast growing ICT hub for the outsourcing of cyber security for hydrocarbon sectors. Jordan’s nascent ICT development provides flexible opportunities for cyber security advances in the hydrocarbon industry, which must be balanced with the risk of politicizing Jordan and inviting increased terrorist attacks amid the Kingdom’s need to formalize comprehensive responses to online threats.
Overview of Libya's European oil firm Tamoil and how Gaddafi used it to penetrate Europea... more Overview of Libya's European oil firm Tamoil and how Gaddafi used it to penetrate European downstream markets and increase Europe's dependence on Libyan crude.
This opinion piece explores how Libya can merge its nascent renewable energy sector with the reco... more This opinion piece explores how Libya can merge its nascent renewable energy sector with the recovery of its hydrocarbon industry through a framework that treats both sectors as complementary rather than as separate entities. With the return of certain oil firms that already have a well-established knowledge of Concentrated Solar Power (CSP), it may be possible for the Libyan state to create energy arrangements that see oil companies gain access to coveted oil and gas fields in exchange for assistance in not only modernizing Libya's hydrocarbon infrastructure but starting a CSP program that could see Libya reduce domestic hydrocarbon consumption. In the long run, the sale of excess electricity to Europe may also be possible.
It has been a decade since the United States (US) led the invasion of Iraq. Subsequent years of w... more It has been a decade since the United States (US) led the invasion of Iraq. Subsequent years of war and conflict have left Baghdad one of the most dangerous places on Earth. Nonetheless, Iraqi oil is still a very profitable business. Iraq has the world's fifth largest proven reserves of oil combined with some of the world's lowest production costs. This doesn't even take into consideration that some experts believe that Iraq's unexplored regions could contain even more oil wealth than imagined (perhaps up to as much as 100 billion barrels’ worth). The lure of such potential oil wealth helps explain why oil companies and private military companies wish to remain in Iraq. It also explains why Iraq is taking whatever steps it can toward providing its own hydrocarbon security forces.
Oil, Gas & Energy Law Journal, 2013
These are the words of UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, whose consideration reflects a contempor... more These are the words of UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, whose consideration reflects a contemporary reality. While the ‘privatisation of peace’ may not be a worldwide phenomenon, it is undeniable that the private military and security sectors have seen a growth in conflict involvement.[ii] Such increasing involvement fosters various questions of legality. Most ostensibly, do Private Military and Security Companies[iii] have the right to engage in direct conflict? Do they respect International Humanitarian Law [iv] when doing so? Of equal importance is determining the legal status of a PMC/PSC employee. The status of such employees is of significance in conflict areas, as it may determine their privileges upon capture by a party to a conflict. However, for PMC employees, the line between civilian and combatant may not be clear cut.
Since the 2003 U.S. led invasion of Iraq, the private military sector has seen the largest growth... more Since the 2003 U.S. led invasion of Iraq, the private military sector has seen the largest growth of profit for decades. As Iraq continues to be the focal point of private military clients, staff and related actors, the recurring issue of legitimacy must be addressed. While many texts focus only on existing or proposed legislation, this book analyses the public perception of private military companies (PMCs) and, of wider significance, how their use by states affects how the general public perceives state legitimacy of monopolizing force. Furthermore, this book provides a timely overview of how the energy sector and PMCs are challenging the established sovereignty of politically fragmented oil states, illustrating how energy firms may become as culpable as states in their partnerships with the private military sector and subsequent political ramifications
Non-Democratic Legitimacy During the Arab Spring
Amid continuing pressure to reform Libya's hydrocarbon sector, one external downstream busine... more Amid continuing pressure to reform Libya's hydrocarbon sector, one external downstream business remains overlooked. Up until the revolution, the Tamoil brand represented a potential complement to Libya's oil and gas sector on two continents. Purchased by Gaddafi in the mid-eighties, the Tamoil brand was firmly cemented within Europe, thus providing the regime with a growing business arm across the water. Providing access to the European downstream (refining and distribution) sector, Tamoil rapidly developed its infrastructure, expanding its presence across Europe through the purchasing of gas stations in France and Italy and the establishment of its own refineries in Hamburg, Italy and Switzerland. In addition, the early nineties saw Tamoil relocate its Spanish offices to the port town of Barcelona. This strategic business decision gave Tamoil an additional oil route that could act as an alternative to the traditional shipping routes via Italy and allow the shipping of great...
Al Bawaba News, 2020
Sultan Qaboos created a paternal nationalism as the founder of modern Oman , the only GCC state w... more Sultan Qaboos created a paternal nationalism as the founder of modern Oman , the only GCC state with an open policy toward Tehran and a stable state with limited oil reserves. After Qaboos' death, can new Sultan Haitham bin Tareq maintain Qaboos' legacy and stability while creating his own and will he address domestic challenges that under Qaboos saw Oman's brush with the Arab Spring?
Oil, Gas & Energy Law Journal, Oct 1, 2014
Non-Democratic Legitimacy During the Arab Spring, 2022
Non-Democratic Legitimacy During the Arab Spring, 2022
Non-Democratic Legitimacy During the Arab Spring, 2022
The MENA region has traditionally struggled with political precariousness. In the Gulf, oil wealt... more The MENA region has traditionally struggled with political precariousness. In the Gulf, oil wealth has provided a symbol of socio-economic disparity and a target for political attacks. Since 9/11, activities of ideologically-driven terrorism have increased. In addition, the so-called Arab Spring has further fuelled contention between the state and aggressive political actors. However, while most attacks by such groups have been physical, the ubiquity of internet dependence in both social and professional settings has given political cells a decentralized and far less tangible weapon that can have systemic socio-economic consequences for hydrocarbon nations. Consequences can range from disruption of refinery output to widespread infrastructural damage and even loss of life. With increasing cyber-attacks on oil infrastructure in the Gulf, many National Oil Companies are seeking to strengthen online security while retaining resource management independence. The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan provides a proximate and fast growing ICT hub for the outsourcing of cyber security for hydrocarbon sectors. Jordan’s nascent ICT development provides flexible opportunities for cyber security advances in the hydrocarbon industry, which must be balanced with the risk of politicizing Jordan and inviting increased terrorist attacks amid the Kingdom’s need to formalize comprehensive responses to online threats.
Overview of Libya's European oil firm Tamoil and how Gaddafi used it to penetrate Europea... more Overview of Libya's European oil firm Tamoil and how Gaddafi used it to penetrate European downstream markets and increase Europe's dependence on Libyan crude.
This opinion piece explores how Libya can merge its nascent renewable energy sector with the reco... more This opinion piece explores how Libya can merge its nascent renewable energy sector with the recovery of its hydrocarbon industry through a framework that treats both sectors as complementary rather than as separate entities. With the return of certain oil firms that already have a well-established knowledge of Concentrated Solar Power (CSP), it may be possible for the Libyan state to create energy arrangements that see oil companies gain access to coveted oil and gas fields in exchange for assistance in not only modernizing Libya's hydrocarbon infrastructure but starting a CSP program that could see Libya reduce domestic hydrocarbon consumption. In the long run, the sale of excess electricity to Europe may also be possible.
It has been a decade since the United States (US) led the invasion of Iraq. Subsequent years of w... more It has been a decade since the United States (US) led the invasion of Iraq. Subsequent years of war and conflict have left Baghdad one of the most dangerous places on Earth. Nonetheless, Iraqi oil is still a very profitable business. Iraq has the world's fifth largest proven reserves of oil combined with some of the world's lowest production costs. This doesn't even take into consideration that some experts believe that Iraq's unexplored regions could contain even more oil wealth than imagined (perhaps up to as much as 100 billion barrels’ worth). The lure of such potential oil wealth helps explain why oil companies and private military companies wish to remain in Iraq. It also explains why Iraq is taking whatever steps it can toward providing its own hydrocarbon security forces.
Oil, Gas & Energy Law Journal, 2013
These are the words of UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, whose consideration reflects a contempor... more These are the words of UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, whose consideration reflects a contemporary reality. While the ‘privatisation of peace’ may not be a worldwide phenomenon, it is undeniable that the private military and security sectors have seen a growth in conflict involvement.[ii] Such increasing involvement fosters various questions of legality. Most ostensibly, do Private Military and Security Companies[iii] have the right to engage in direct conflict? Do they respect International Humanitarian Law [iv] when doing so? Of equal importance is determining the legal status of a PMC/PSC employee. The status of such employees is of significance in conflict areas, as it may determine their privileges upon capture by a party to a conflict. However, for PMC employees, the line between civilian and combatant may not be clear cut.
Since the 2003 U.S. led invasion of Iraq, the private military sector has seen the largest growth... more Since the 2003 U.S. led invasion of Iraq, the private military sector has seen the largest growth of profit for decades. As Iraq continues to be the focal point of private military clients, staff and related actors, the recurring issue of legitimacy must be addressed. While many texts focus only on existing or proposed legislation, this book analyses the public perception of private military companies (PMCs) and, of wider significance, how their use by states affects how the general public perceives state legitimacy of monopolizing force. Furthermore, this book provides a timely overview of how the energy sector and PMCs are challenging the established sovereignty of politically fragmented oil states, illustrating how energy firms may become as culpable as states in their partnerships with the private military sector and subsequent political ramifications
Non-Democratic Legitimacy During the Arab Spring
Amid continuing pressure to reform Libya's hydrocarbon sector, one external downstream busine... more Amid continuing pressure to reform Libya's hydrocarbon sector, one external downstream business remains overlooked. Up until the revolution, the Tamoil brand represented a potential complement to Libya's oil and gas sector on two continents. Purchased by Gaddafi in the mid-eighties, the Tamoil brand was firmly cemented within Europe, thus providing the regime with a growing business arm across the water. Providing access to the European downstream (refining and distribution) sector, Tamoil rapidly developed its infrastructure, expanding its presence across Europe through the purchasing of gas stations in France and Italy and the establishment of its own refineries in Hamburg, Italy and Switzerland. In addition, the early nineties saw Tamoil relocate its Spanish offices to the port town of Barcelona. This strategic business decision gave Tamoil an additional oil route that could act as an alternative to the traditional shipping routes via Italy and allow the shipping of great...
Al Bawaba News, 2020
Sultan Qaboos created a paternal nationalism as the founder of modern Oman , the only GCC state w... more Sultan Qaboos created a paternal nationalism as the founder of modern Oman , the only GCC state with an open policy toward Tehran and a stable state with limited oil reserves. After Qaboos' death, can new Sultan Haitham bin Tareq maintain Qaboos' legacy and stability while creating his own and will he address domestic challenges that under Qaboos saw Oman's brush with the Arab Spring?
Lecture on how Oman's Sultan Qaboos created a paternal nationalism and took credit for being the ... more Lecture on how Oman's Sultan Qaboos created a paternal nationalism and took credit for being the father of modern Oman while also becoming known as a mediator for the Iran Nuclear Deal. The presentation considered questions of succession and was given a month before his death.
Lecture for Jordan Solar Tech 2015 conference. Discusses Oman's role in merging green energy with... more Lecture for Jordan Solar Tech 2015 conference. Discusses Oman's role in merging green energy with hydrocarbon sector by using solar power for oil and gas extraction
Lecture given at Arab Institute for Security Studies (ACSIS) in Amman, Jordan on competing gas in... more Lecture given at Arab Institute for Security Studies (ACSIS) in Amman, Jordan on competing gas interests of Cyprus, Lebanon and Israel.
My PhD project examines how Arab rulers justify non-democratic governance in the face of the Arab... more My PhD project examines how Arab rulers justify non-democratic governance in the face of the Arab Spring, drawing on my years in Jordan and visits to the Gulf and North Africa
Overview of Libya's European oil firm Tamoil and how Gaddafi used it to penetrate European downst... more Overview of Libya's European oil firm Tamoil and how Gaddafi used it to penetrate European downstream markets and increase Europe's dependence on Libyan crude.
The aim of my lecture was to promote the paper to its main case study, the Gulf by presenting in ... more The aim of my lecture was to promote the paper to its main case study, the Gulf by presenting in a renowned and globalised oil state. Having already been publishe by OGEL, the paper was republished by the Digital Information and Wireless Communication Society, available here: http://paper.researchbib.com/?action=viewPaperDetails&paperid=15301&uid=r1835d.
Lecture on my published monograph explaining how to qualitatively measure state-PMC relations and... more Lecture on my published monograph explaining how to qualitatively measure state-PMC relations and to what extent such relations are accepted as legitimate by Arab and Western citizens
Defending Dictatorship, 2022
This book analyzes non-democratic legitimacy during the Arab Spring. During this historic event, ... more This book analyzes non-democratic legitimacy during the Arab Spring. During this historic event, monarchs and presidents were forced to defend their rule, whether through Islam, the cultural image of paternalism or the cash flow of welfare. Can Arab leaders still justify apolitical reigns? Are monarchies more respected than republicans or are they too under threat? The author traces the history of apolitical rule in the Arab world, from Islamic roots to the role of Arab leaders in merging religion with socio-economic benefits and cosmetic liberalization. Finally, analysis of speeches given by leaders of Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan and Bahrain in response to the Arab Spring are considered. When protesters took to the streets with their slogans, the regimes talked back. This work discusses the weight of their words and why some leaders survived unrest while others were overthrown.