Elisabeth Kramer | Usyd - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by Elisabeth Kramer

Activists in Transition

This chapter illustrates how the corrupt activities of Suharto, his cronies, and his family fuele... more This chapter illustrates how the corrupt activities of Suharto, his cronies, and his family fueled antigovernment sentiment, even though the movement itself did not take form until after 1998. The new freedoms of Indonesia's reformasi era, combined with the backing of foreign donors, created space for the formation of new nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) with the explicit mandate to oppose corruption. As this chapter explains, these NGOs played a central role in the formation of the Commission for the Eradication of Corruption (Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, KPK) in 2003 and the defense of it against attacks from 2009. The movement also developed a presence at a local level, in response to the proliferation of corruption as a result of decentralization. These local movements have had mixed success, struggling with a lack of resources. Ultimately, however, the most significant obstacle the anticorruption movement faces is the lack of support from the elite level, because witho...

Disability & Society, May 4, 2022

In this paper, we explore the interaction between unconventional and conventional political parti... more In this paper, we explore the interaction between unconventional and conventional political participation of electoral candidates with disability who competed in Indonesia's 2019 general elections. Interviews with electoral candidates highlight that their reasons for entering the electoral race, and strategies adopted over the course of their campaigns, were shaped by their prior involvement in the disability rights movement. This connection between activism and electoral engagement demonstrates how the disability rights movement shaped political candidates' selection and use of political participation tools. The significance of these findings has bearing for others seeking to understand the political behaviour of people with disability. In particular, it illustrates that community building based on unconventional political participation can positively influence the participation of people with disability in conventional politics despite ongoing challenges posed by accessibility, public perceptions of disability, and access to resources.

Kramer E, Palmer W, eds. Building Jakarta. Inside Indonesia. 2018;(134)

International Journal of Drug Policy, 2021

In 2014, newly-elected President Joko Widodo announced that Indonesia was facing a national '... more In 2014, newly-elected President Joko Widodo announced that Indonesia was facing a national 'emergency' due to high levels of drug use that necessitated harsh criminal justice responses, including the ultimate punishment of death. On April 29, 2015 Indonesia executed eight prisoners condemned to death for drug-related offences, including seven foreigners, eliciting widespread international criticism. This commentary explores the strategies employed and obstacles faced by national anti-death penalty advocates that opposed the 2015 executions, primarily focusing on their efforts between 2015 and 2017. We begin by highlighting existing political narratives that make the death penalty an attractive option for the Indonesian government, before discussing key approaches employed as part of anti-death penalty efforts. It is hoped that a better understanding of existing efforts to promote abolition and the challenges associated with these approaches will help inform a more systematic and evidence-based approach to policy, practice, and discourse on the death penalty for drug-related offences in Indonesia.

Contemporary Southeast Asia, 2020

Critical Asian Studies, 2017

Introduction The set of short papers that follows this essay reflect on the ways in which field-b... more Introduction The set of short papers that follows this essay reflect on the ways in which field-based research on contemporary social, economic, and environmental issues is conducted at the interface of academic and activist spheres of practice in Southeast Asia. While many academics, including several featured in this collection, see their research as activist in itself, it is also the case that institutional frameworks in different contexts in Southeast Asia construct the two categories as separate sets of practices. Our goal, then, is to explore the ways in which these practices come together. We take activist research to mean critical social science that challenges existing power relations. Of course, this still leaves open a wide range of possible normative goals. For example, research that seeks to advance a model of producer cooperatives for farmers might leave unquestioned fundamentally inequitable patterns of access to land. Or, research that prioritizes any singular cause, such as ecological integrity, poverty reduction, gender equity, or indigenous rights might implicitly neglect others. Notwithstanding these tensions, our focus is on research that speaks to the experiences, needs, and demands of marginalized people and their environments. Necessarily, such research draws upon critical social science and often questions the power of the state, elites, and/or corporate interests. In many Southeast Asian contexts, where universities may be underfunded or overly subservient to the state, it is at the academic/activist interface that much critical social science gets done. The origin of these papers is significant as it has determined the voices that are included.

Critical Asian Studies, 2017

This research is based on ten semi-structured interviews with academics who were involved in the ... more This research is based on ten semi-structured interviews with academics who were involved in the anti-death penalty movement, either as signatories to the Lancet letter or otherwise, six interviews with NGO activists, and two interviews with BNN officials. Initial interviews were conducted between June and August 2015, with five follow-up interviews in 2016.

It was March 2013. A notice had been posted on Facebook stating that the political party Gerindra... more It was March 2013. A notice had been posted on Facebook stating that the political party Gerindra would hold a public forum to discuss the implication of laws criminalising the use of santet (black magic aimed at hurting others) at their national parliamentary offices in Senayan. It not at all related to my own research, but it was an opportunity to network, talk to parliamentarians and possibly even get contacts details so I could request interviews later. I decided to attend. One of the people I met that day ended up becoming pivotal to my research.

Globalization and Health, 2022

Background Indonesia’s stagnated progress towards tobacco control could be addressed through the ... more Background Indonesia’s stagnated progress towards tobacco control could be addressed through the implementation of a comprehensive national framework, such as the World Health Organization’s (WHO) Framework Convention of Tobacco Control (FCTC). However, national tobacco industry supporters argue that accepting the FCTC will have negative economic implications for the country. These arguments have, thus far, discouraged the Indonesian government from ratifying the FCTC. Drawing from an analysis of the impact of the FCTC on other countries’ smoking rates and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita, this study offers empirical evidence against industry arguments concerning the potential negative economic impacts of FCTC adoption. This study applies a two stage least square estimation strategy to unbalanced panel data at country level. In the first stage we estimate the impact of FCTC ratification on smoking rates, and in the second step, we estimate the influence of smoking activity on...

Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies, 2021

Tobacco Control, 2021

IntroductionIndonesia has a high smoking prevalence that has not diminished significantly since 1... more IntroductionIndonesia has a high smoking prevalence that has not diminished significantly since 1990. Considering this, we aim to summarise the existing national tobacco-related policy mix and explore markers of policy incoherence in tobacco control between 2014 and 2020.MethodsWe conducted (1) a review and synthesis of Indonesian tobacco-related legislation and regulations; (2) a systematic search and synthesis of related literature and news reporting; and (3) interviews with tobacco control activists and academics to understand political will towards tobacco control regulations and the tobacco industry.ResultsIndonesia’s existing tobacco-related policy mix lies across the president’s office, six national ministries and one independent agency. However, current responsibility lies primarily with four government ministries: Ministries of Health, Finance, Communication and Information, and Trade and Industry, with the Ministry of Finance most active. Evidence demonstrates that officia...

A note on currency Monetary amounts throughout this thesis have been given in Rupiah (Rp.), Indon... more A note on currency Monetary amounts throughout this thesis have been given in Rupiah (Rp.), Indonesia's national currency. There are some exceptions when source material provides the amount in US dollars (USD) only, especially for sources written during the Old Order period (1949-1965). In the historical sections of this thesis, this amount is given in Rupiah and US dollars (where possible), in order to reflect the real-time value of the currency. For sections discussing Indonesia in the Reformasi period (1998-), amounts are given in Rupiah only. However, this thesis acknowledges that there was currency fluctuation during this time. Between 1998 and the time of writing, the Rupiah peaked at Rp.6,758.42 to USD1 in July 1999 and dipped to a low of Rp.12,023.3 to USD1 in January 2014. Historical conversions can be made using foreign exchange information found at OANDA (www.oanda.com). All monetary conversions in this thesis are approximations. A note on Indonesian terms Where appropriate, key Indonesian terms for specific phenomena discussed in this thesis are given both in English and Indonesian language. Where relevant, the short names for individuals used throughout the thesis are based on the names commonly used by Indonesians themselves. This can be the person's first name, family name or a portmanteau (for example Joko Widodo is commonly known as 'Jokowi'). Any study of Indonesia politics or history is sure to be full of acronyms and portmanteau, which are commonly used in Indonesia, especially (but not exclusively) in spoken language. This thesis has given the full name of any organization or term followed by any common acronym or portmanteau in brackets. A full list of Indonesian acronyms used throughout can be found at the beginning of the thesis.

Activists in Transition

This chapter illustrates how the corrupt activities of Suharto, his cronies, and his family fuele... more This chapter illustrates how the corrupt activities of Suharto, his cronies, and his family fueled antigovernment sentiment, even though the movement itself did not take form until after 1998. The new freedoms of Indonesia's reformasi era, combined with the backing of foreign donors, created space for the formation of new nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) with the explicit mandate to oppose corruption. As this chapter explains, these NGOs played a central role in the formation of the Commission for the Eradication of Corruption (Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, KPK) in 2003 and the defense of it against attacks from 2009. The movement also developed a presence at a local level, in response to the proliferation of corruption as a result of decentralization. These local movements have had mixed success, struggling with a lack of resources. Ultimately, however, the most significant obstacle the anticorruption movement faces is the lack of support from the elite level, because witho...

Disability & Society, May 4, 2022

In this paper, we explore the interaction between unconventional and conventional political parti... more In this paper, we explore the interaction between unconventional and conventional political participation of electoral candidates with disability who competed in Indonesia's 2019 general elections. Interviews with electoral candidates highlight that their reasons for entering the electoral race, and strategies adopted over the course of their campaigns, were shaped by their prior involvement in the disability rights movement. This connection between activism and electoral engagement demonstrates how the disability rights movement shaped political candidates' selection and use of political participation tools. The significance of these findings has bearing for others seeking to understand the political behaviour of people with disability. In particular, it illustrates that community building based on unconventional political participation can positively influence the participation of people with disability in conventional politics despite ongoing challenges posed by accessibility, public perceptions of disability, and access to resources.

Kramer E, Palmer W, eds. Building Jakarta. Inside Indonesia. 2018;(134)

International Journal of Drug Policy, 2021

In 2014, newly-elected President Joko Widodo announced that Indonesia was facing a national '... more In 2014, newly-elected President Joko Widodo announced that Indonesia was facing a national 'emergency' due to high levels of drug use that necessitated harsh criminal justice responses, including the ultimate punishment of death. On April 29, 2015 Indonesia executed eight prisoners condemned to death for drug-related offences, including seven foreigners, eliciting widespread international criticism. This commentary explores the strategies employed and obstacles faced by national anti-death penalty advocates that opposed the 2015 executions, primarily focusing on their efforts between 2015 and 2017. We begin by highlighting existing political narratives that make the death penalty an attractive option for the Indonesian government, before discussing key approaches employed as part of anti-death penalty efforts. It is hoped that a better understanding of existing efforts to promote abolition and the challenges associated with these approaches will help inform a more systematic and evidence-based approach to policy, practice, and discourse on the death penalty for drug-related offences in Indonesia.

Contemporary Southeast Asia, 2020

Critical Asian Studies, 2017

Introduction The set of short papers that follows this essay reflect on the ways in which field-b... more Introduction The set of short papers that follows this essay reflect on the ways in which field-based research on contemporary social, economic, and environmental issues is conducted at the interface of academic and activist spheres of practice in Southeast Asia. While many academics, including several featured in this collection, see their research as activist in itself, it is also the case that institutional frameworks in different contexts in Southeast Asia construct the two categories as separate sets of practices. Our goal, then, is to explore the ways in which these practices come together. We take activist research to mean critical social science that challenges existing power relations. Of course, this still leaves open a wide range of possible normative goals. For example, research that seeks to advance a model of producer cooperatives for farmers might leave unquestioned fundamentally inequitable patterns of access to land. Or, research that prioritizes any singular cause, such as ecological integrity, poverty reduction, gender equity, or indigenous rights might implicitly neglect others. Notwithstanding these tensions, our focus is on research that speaks to the experiences, needs, and demands of marginalized people and their environments. Necessarily, such research draws upon critical social science and often questions the power of the state, elites, and/or corporate interests. In many Southeast Asian contexts, where universities may be underfunded or overly subservient to the state, it is at the academic/activist interface that much critical social science gets done. The origin of these papers is significant as it has determined the voices that are included.

Critical Asian Studies, 2017

This research is based on ten semi-structured interviews with academics who were involved in the ... more This research is based on ten semi-structured interviews with academics who were involved in the anti-death penalty movement, either as signatories to the Lancet letter or otherwise, six interviews with NGO activists, and two interviews with BNN officials. Initial interviews were conducted between June and August 2015, with five follow-up interviews in 2016.

It was March 2013. A notice had been posted on Facebook stating that the political party Gerindra... more It was March 2013. A notice had been posted on Facebook stating that the political party Gerindra would hold a public forum to discuss the implication of laws criminalising the use of santet (black magic aimed at hurting others) at their national parliamentary offices in Senayan. It not at all related to my own research, but it was an opportunity to network, talk to parliamentarians and possibly even get contacts details so I could request interviews later. I decided to attend. One of the people I met that day ended up becoming pivotal to my research.

Globalization and Health, 2022

Background Indonesia’s stagnated progress towards tobacco control could be addressed through the ... more Background Indonesia’s stagnated progress towards tobacco control could be addressed through the implementation of a comprehensive national framework, such as the World Health Organization’s (WHO) Framework Convention of Tobacco Control (FCTC). However, national tobacco industry supporters argue that accepting the FCTC will have negative economic implications for the country. These arguments have, thus far, discouraged the Indonesian government from ratifying the FCTC. Drawing from an analysis of the impact of the FCTC on other countries’ smoking rates and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita, this study offers empirical evidence against industry arguments concerning the potential negative economic impacts of FCTC adoption. This study applies a two stage least square estimation strategy to unbalanced panel data at country level. In the first stage we estimate the impact of FCTC ratification on smoking rates, and in the second step, we estimate the influence of smoking activity on...

Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies, 2021

Tobacco Control, 2021

IntroductionIndonesia has a high smoking prevalence that has not diminished significantly since 1... more IntroductionIndonesia has a high smoking prevalence that has not diminished significantly since 1990. Considering this, we aim to summarise the existing national tobacco-related policy mix and explore markers of policy incoherence in tobacco control between 2014 and 2020.MethodsWe conducted (1) a review and synthesis of Indonesian tobacco-related legislation and regulations; (2) a systematic search and synthesis of related literature and news reporting; and (3) interviews with tobacco control activists and academics to understand political will towards tobacco control regulations and the tobacco industry.ResultsIndonesia’s existing tobacco-related policy mix lies across the president’s office, six national ministries and one independent agency. However, current responsibility lies primarily with four government ministries: Ministries of Health, Finance, Communication and Information, and Trade and Industry, with the Ministry of Finance most active. Evidence demonstrates that officia...

A note on currency Monetary amounts throughout this thesis have been given in Rupiah (Rp.), Indon... more A note on currency Monetary amounts throughout this thesis have been given in Rupiah (Rp.), Indonesia's national currency. There are some exceptions when source material provides the amount in US dollars (USD) only, especially for sources written during the Old Order period (1949-1965). In the historical sections of this thesis, this amount is given in Rupiah and US dollars (where possible), in order to reflect the real-time value of the currency. For sections discussing Indonesia in the Reformasi period (1998-), amounts are given in Rupiah only. However, this thesis acknowledges that there was currency fluctuation during this time. Between 1998 and the time of writing, the Rupiah peaked at Rp.6,758.42 to USD1 in July 1999 and dipped to a low of Rp.12,023.3 to USD1 in January 2014. Historical conversions can be made using foreign exchange information found at OANDA (www.oanda.com). All monetary conversions in this thesis are approximations. A note on Indonesian terms Where appropriate, key Indonesian terms for specific phenomena discussed in this thesis are given both in English and Indonesian language. Where relevant, the short names for individuals used throughout the thesis are based on the names commonly used by Indonesians themselves. This can be the person's first name, family name or a portmanteau (for example Joko Widodo is commonly known as 'Jokowi'). Any study of Indonesia politics or history is sure to be full of acronyms and portmanteau, which are commonly used in Indonesia, especially (but not exclusively) in spoken language. This thesis has given the full name of any organization or term followed by any common acronym or portmanteau in brackets. A full list of Indonesian acronyms used throughout can be found at the beginning of the thesis.