Hannah Dönges | Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies (IHEID), Geneva (original) (raw)
Papers by Hannah Dönges
Im Juli 2016 ist das rund ein Jahr zuvor geschlossene Friedensabkommen zwischen dem südsudanesisc... more Im Juli 2016 ist das rund ein Jahr zuvor geschlossene Friedensabkommen zwischen dem südsudanesischen Präsidenten Salva Kiir und Oppositionsführer Riek Machar gescheitert. Seither verschlechtert sich die Situation im Land zusehends. Vermehrte ethnisch motivierte Gewalt sowie Hassrhetorik von Dinka (der Ethnie des Präsidenten) und Nicht-Dinka sind die Vorboten genozidärer Gewalt. Hauptaufgabe der United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) ist der Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung. Zwar wurde im Juli 2016 beschlossen, UNMISS durch eine regionale Schutztruppe zu verstärken. Doch selbst wenn diese entsandt wird, ist zu bezweifeln, dass UNMISS Ausschreitungen gegen die Zivilbevölkerung außerhalb der Hauptstadt vereiteln kann. Die Streitkraft der Friedensmission reicht nicht aus, ihre Kommandostruktur scheint in entscheidenden Momenten zu versagen, die Regierung hindert sie an der Mandatsausübung, es gibt keinen glaubwürdigen Friedensprozess und eine Resolution über ein Waffenembargo scheiterte im VN-Sicherheitsrat. Auch wenn die Möglichkeiten äußerst begrenzt sind, die Zivilistinnen und Zivilisten zu beschützen, könnte die Mission effizienter gestaltet werden. Das gilt ebenso für internationale Sanktionen.
Despite growing calls for more accurate measurement and comprehensive reporting, the magnitude of... more Despite growing calls for more accurate measurement and comprehensive reporting, the magnitude of attacks on education is under-researched. In addition, understanding attacks on education is further hindered by the exclusion of non-conflict (albeit often extremely violent) settings from analysis. Relying on available evidence and the authors’ own database, Attacks on Education, this chapter seeks to provide a concise exploration of the global magnitude of attacks on education. Drawing on the work of Wood (2012) we propose that understanding attacks on education requires disaggregating the phenomenon along four dimensions: frequency, targeting, repertoire, and purpose. Firstly empirically elaborating on the four dimensions, the chapter goes on to show the utility of the proposed framework by examining attacks on education carried out by the Nigerian militant group Boko Haram.
This chapter focuses on violence related to one specific form of urbanization prevalent in the gl... more This chapter focuses on violence related to one specific form of urbanization prevalent in the global South—frontier urbanization—here defined as the rapid growth of previously marginalized, underdeveloped regions and hinterlands into urban areas that service resource extraction, particularly of oil, gas, and minerals. Little is known about the spatial and institutional dynamics and competing interests among the extractive industries, state and non-state security providers, and populations in such settings. Is there a link between frontier urbanization and specific types of violence? What are the security effects when the extractive boom recedes?
The main findings of this chapter are as follows:
• The extraction of oil, gas, and strategic or precious minerals is typically accompanied by significant urbanization of the adjoining area, with often-dramatic socio-economic repercussions.
• The effort to control and secure resources that are being extracted can attract a variety of armed actors, including security forces and predatory groups, not only to the mining sites themselves, but also to the rapidly expanding urban service areas.
• The sudden urbanization around extraction sites is rarely accompanied by sufficient public service provision, including security. As a result, these services are increasingly outsourced to non-state providers, such as private security companies or protection squads.
Frontier urbanization can lead to conflict over the control of the land and its extractable resources; insecurity and social unrest
related to precarious socio-economic and environmental conditions; and tensions, sometimes expressed violently, around postextraction decline or state-led urban clean-up and rejuvenation plans. While the intersection of extractive industries and frontier urbanization is associated with various types of violence, key information, including rates of violence and small arms proliferation, remains elusive.
Following a brief introduction that conceptualizes frontier urbanization and identifies what is known about the links between urbanization and extraction-related armed violence, the main part of this chapter is divided into three sections that describe interrelated sources of violence and insecurity in such areas.
The first discusses armed actors’ protective and predatory responses to resource extraction. In the face of relatively high global prices for oil, gas, and minerals, the extraction of these resources is potentially lucrative for the business sector, the state, party-political elites seeking to finance their campaigns, and armed actors ranging from rebels to organized criminal groups. The practicalities of extracting, transporting, and selling what comes out of the earth depends to a large extent on the nature of the raw materials themselves, and the type of machinery and equipment required to extract and transport them. Security concerns, however, appear to be a fundamental aspect of all extraction endeavours—fuelled by protective measures on the one hand, and the resort to violent, predatory behaviour on the other.
The second section highlights the political, societal, and ecological challenges posed by unserviced and impoverished (and often
informal) urban areas that can arise in response to extraction activities. State institutions, particularly at the local level, sometimes lack either the capacity or the political will to react to the rapid growth of mining boom towns. As a result, these towns are among the
poorest urban areas on earth, featuring high unemployment, a lack of social fabric, and dire living conditions because of air, water, and soil pollution. This section also touches on urban protest and social unrest in the face of perceived injustice and environmental damage related to resource extraction. Protests tend to revolve around working conditions, disputes over the land and its resources with property owners or indigenous groups, and environmental issues related to pollution and the destruction of natural habitat.
The third section discusses the extent to which frontier areas can cope with demise and decline. In light of significant labour mobility, extractive towns in the global South may experience the mass exodus of residents once the mining boom is over. Even so, some urban areas servicing extractive activities are too large to ever become true ghost towns. In such cities, state authorities tend to apply long-term approaches to persistent, informal, ‘ungovernable’ neighbourhoods. Their methods are at times violent and violence-inducing.
The chapter’s conclusion reflects on the scenarios presented and offers possible directions for further research. Among the challenges to moving from a case study approach to a more comprehensive analysis is the lack of key data points, such as rates of violence and small arms proliferation in urbanized frontiers compared to other urbanized areas. Research on the different facets of frontier urbanization and security provision across actors and communities is needed to better understand violence trends. Only then can promising policies and legal frameworks be developed to mitigate violence and improve security.
In Africa, elephant populations on the whole are in decline and the illicit killing of rhinos has... more In Africa, elephant populations on the whole are in decline and the illicit killing of rhinos has escalated sharply over recent years. The
actors involved in poaching these animals include armed militias, rogue military officers, commercial poachers, and bush meat and
subsistence hunters. Poachers are making widespread use of military-style weapons and high-calibre hunting rifles in their pursuit of elephants and rhinos, complicating the efforts of wildlife rangers to stop them.
This chapter draws on interviews with leading wildlife conservation experts and open-source material to examine the challenges facing and strategies adopted by anti-poaching forces and wildlife management agencies in African range states with elephant and rhino populations. Based on original field research conducted in Kenya, the chapter also offers insight provided by rangers, conservationists, and others affected by poaching in the country.
The main findings are that:
• Poachers use multiple means to kill elephants and rhinos, including firearms and non-firearm methods.
• As demand for ivory and rhino horn remains high, some poachers and anti-poaching forces are becoming increasingly militarized, using military-style weapons and adopting more aggressive tactics.
• Firearms and ammunition found at poaching sites are not systematically identified, recorded, or traced despite the potential use of such techniques in identifying the sources and trafficking routes of poacher weapons.
• Armed groups have been responsible for major cases of large-scale elephant poaching, yet poaching allegations have also been
levelled against some government military forces.
• Small groups of poachers also target elephant herds and rhinos, killing significant numbers of animals over time, particularly in
rangeland where elephant and rhino populations are dense.
• Without a substantial reduction in the demand for ivory and rhino horn, efforts to deter poachers through armed interventions may disrupt poaching, but not stop it.
Poaching of various types takes place across African range states. In Central Africa, where some elephant populations have decreased significantly, poachers include armed militias, rogue law enforcement officers, commercial poachers, and subsistence hunters. At the global level, demand for illegal ivory is a strong predictor of poaching trends. The strongest national-level factor influencing rates of illegally killed elephants is poor governance. Large-scale poaching is the targeting and illegal killing of a concentrated population of elephants in a short period of time. Documented cases have involved the use of firearms, large quantities of ammunition, and even military helicopters. Small-scale poaching is the targeting of an individual elephant or rhino, or small numbers of such animals, for profit. In contrast to large-scale poaching, small-scale poaching tends to be conducted over a significant period of time. The poachers make use of firearms as well as traditional methods to kill elephants and rhinos.
Armed groups involved in poaching encompass a variety of actors and include pro-government militias and armed opposition forces,
as well as economically motivated bands of former or current state military. Most armed groups are active within Central Africa. As these groups can potentially operate in large numbers and possess considerable firepower, they can pose unique challenges to rangers and others charged with protecting wildlife. Among armed groups in Africa, those in Central Africa have had the most significant impact on elephant herds; the UN Security Council and other international bodies have condemned their poaching activity in the region.
Firearms commonly used to hunt elephants and other big game can be classified into three groups: hunting rifles of various calibres; automatic military-style small arms, including assault rifles and light machine guns; and shotguns. Traditional weapons and methods, such as spears and poison, are also used to poach elephants and rhinos. Although information on weapons and ammunition used by poachers can provide insight into the networks that support and conduct poaching, including weapons sources and supply lines, it is not systematically collected.
Across African range states that have elephant and rhino populations, anti-poaching initiatives take many different forms. In some cases, they involve a combination of state and private rangers, government soldiers, and locally based organizations working jointly to combat poaching through the use of force or through grassroots work aimed at influencing local behaviour and attitudes. Anti-poaching rangers and units form the first line of defence against poaching, along with supporting law enforcement structures. While holding poachers accountable for poaching is important, so is the arrest and conviction of the people running the criminal syndicates that sponsor and facilitate the trafficking of ivory and rhino horn. To be effective, initiatives against poaching must be able to rely on cooperative efforts by government agencies (including judiciaries), local conservation organizations, and national and international organizations and conservation groups.
Policy and research dealing with the relationship between women and firearms usually stress the r... more Policy and research dealing with the relationship between women and firearms usually stress the role of women as victims. Of the estimated 66,000 annual homicides of women committed each year, roughly 40 percent involve firearms. Guns are even more commonly used to injure, intimidate, and coerce women.
Although some women own and use guns, policy and research on firearms tend to focus on the role of and effects on men.
A new Small Arms Survey Research Note, Women and Gun Ownership, shows that women account for a much smaller proportion of gun owners than men, and that women are not as aware of—or not as willing to acknowledge—the presence of firearms in homes and communities.
The Research Note examines what can be said with relative certainty about the relationship between women and firearms ownership, in order to establish a baseline for systematic analysis and policy-making.
The study discusses issues relating to gender regarding data gathered from firearm registration and from household surveys, and women’s perceptions of firearms in the home and the community.
Im Juli 2016 ist das rund ein Jahr zuvor geschlossene Friedensabkommen zwischen dem südsudanesisc... more Im Juli 2016 ist das rund ein Jahr zuvor geschlossene Friedensabkommen zwischen dem südsudanesischen Präsidenten Salva Kiir und Oppositionsführer Riek Machar gescheitert. Seither verschlechtert sich die Situation im Land zusehends. Vermehrte ethnisch motivierte Gewalt sowie Hassrhetorik von Dinka (der Ethnie des Präsidenten) und Nicht-Dinka sind die Vorboten genozidärer Gewalt. Hauptaufgabe der United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) ist der Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung. Zwar wurde im Juli 2016 beschlossen, UNMISS durch eine regionale Schutztruppe zu verstärken. Doch selbst wenn diese entsandt wird, ist zu bezweifeln, dass UNMISS Ausschreitungen gegen die Zivilbevölkerung außerhalb der Hauptstadt vereiteln kann. Die Streitkraft der Friedensmission reicht nicht aus, ihre Kommandostruktur scheint in entscheidenden Momenten zu versagen, die Regierung hindert sie an der Mandatsausübung, es gibt keinen glaubwürdigen Friedensprozess und eine Resolution über ein Waffenembargo scheiterte im VN-Sicherheitsrat. Auch wenn die Möglichkeiten äußerst begrenzt sind, die Zivilistinnen und Zivilisten zu beschützen, könnte die Mission effizienter gestaltet werden. Das gilt ebenso für internationale Sanktionen.
Despite growing calls for more accurate measurement and comprehensive reporting, the magnitude of... more Despite growing calls for more accurate measurement and comprehensive reporting, the magnitude of attacks on education is under-researched. In addition, understanding attacks on education is further hindered by the exclusion of non-conflict (albeit often extremely violent) settings from analysis. Relying on available evidence and the authors’ own database, Attacks on Education, this chapter seeks to provide a concise exploration of the global magnitude of attacks on education. Drawing on the work of Wood (2012) we propose that understanding attacks on education requires disaggregating the phenomenon along four dimensions: frequency, targeting, repertoire, and purpose. Firstly empirically elaborating on the four dimensions, the chapter goes on to show the utility of the proposed framework by examining attacks on education carried out by the Nigerian militant group Boko Haram.
This chapter focuses on violence related to one specific form of urbanization prevalent in the gl... more This chapter focuses on violence related to one specific form of urbanization prevalent in the global South—frontier urbanization—here defined as the rapid growth of previously marginalized, underdeveloped regions and hinterlands into urban areas that service resource extraction, particularly of oil, gas, and minerals. Little is known about the spatial and institutional dynamics and competing interests among the extractive industries, state and non-state security providers, and populations in such settings. Is there a link between frontier urbanization and specific types of violence? What are the security effects when the extractive boom recedes?
The main findings of this chapter are as follows:
• The extraction of oil, gas, and strategic or precious minerals is typically accompanied by significant urbanization of the adjoining area, with often-dramatic socio-economic repercussions.
• The effort to control and secure resources that are being extracted can attract a variety of armed actors, including security forces and predatory groups, not only to the mining sites themselves, but also to the rapidly expanding urban service areas.
• The sudden urbanization around extraction sites is rarely accompanied by sufficient public service provision, including security. As a result, these services are increasingly outsourced to non-state providers, such as private security companies or protection squads.
Frontier urbanization can lead to conflict over the control of the land and its extractable resources; insecurity and social unrest
related to precarious socio-economic and environmental conditions; and tensions, sometimes expressed violently, around postextraction decline or state-led urban clean-up and rejuvenation plans. While the intersection of extractive industries and frontier urbanization is associated with various types of violence, key information, including rates of violence and small arms proliferation, remains elusive.
Following a brief introduction that conceptualizes frontier urbanization and identifies what is known about the links between urbanization and extraction-related armed violence, the main part of this chapter is divided into three sections that describe interrelated sources of violence and insecurity in such areas.
The first discusses armed actors’ protective and predatory responses to resource extraction. In the face of relatively high global prices for oil, gas, and minerals, the extraction of these resources is potentially lucrative for the business sector, the state, party-political elites seeking to finance their campaigns, and armed actors ranging from rebels to organized criminal groups. The practicalities of extracting, transporting, and selling what comes out of the earth depends to a large extent on the nature of the raw materials themselves, and the type of machinery and equipment required to extract and transport them. Security concerns, however, appear to be a fundamental aspect of all extraction endeavours—fuelled by protective measures on the one hand, and the resort to violent, predatory behaviour on the other.
The second section highlights the political, societal, and ecological challenges posed by unserviced and impoverished (and often
informal) urban areas that can arise in response to extraction activities. State institutions, particularly at the local level, sometimes lack either the capacity or the political will to react to the rapid growth of mining boom towns. As a result, these towns are among the
poorest urban areas on earth, featuring high unemployment, a lack of social fabric, and dire living conditions because of air, water, and soil pollution. This section also touches on urban protest and social unrest in the face of perceived injustice and environmental damage related to resource extraction. Protests tend to revolve around working conditions, disputes over the land and its resources with property owners or indigenous groups, and environmental issues related to pollution and the destruction of natural habitat.
The third section discusses the extent to which frontier areas can cope with demise and decline. In light of significant labour mobility, extractive towns in the global South may experience the mass exodus of residents once the mining boom is over. Even so, some urban areas servicing extractive activities are too large to ever become true ghost towns. In such cities, state authorities tend to apply long-term approaches to persistent, informal, ‘ungovernable’ neighbourhoods. Their methods are at times violent and violence-inducing.
The chapter’s conclusion reflects on the scenarios presented and offers possible directions for further research. Among the challenges to moving from a case study approach to a more comprehensive analysis is the lack of key data points, such as rates of violence and small arms proliferation in urbanized frontiers compared to other urbanized areas. Research on the different facets of frontier urbanization and security provision across actors and communities is needed to better understand violence trends. Only then can promising policies and legal frameworks be developed to mitigate violence and improve security.
In Africa, elephant populations on the whole are in decline and the illicit killing of rhinos has... more In Africa, elephant populations on the whole are in decline and the illicit killing of rhinos has escalated sharply over recent years. The
actors involved in poaching these animals include armed militias, rogue military officers, commercial poachers, and bush meat and
subsistence hunters. Poachers are making widespread use of military-style weapons and high-calibre hunting rifles in their pursuit of elephants and rhinos, complicating the efforts of wildlife rangers to stop them.
This chapter draws on interviews with leading wildlife conservation experts and open-source material to examine the challenges facing and strategies adopted by anti-poaching forces and wildlife management agencies in African range states with elephant and rhino populations. Based on original field research conducted in Kenya, the chapter also offers insight provided by rangers, conservationists, and others affected by poaching in the country.
The main findings are that:
• Poachers use multiple means to kill elephants and rhinos, including firearms and non-firearm methods.
• As demand for ivory and rhino horn remains high, some poachers and anti-poaching forces are becoming increasingly militarized, using military-style weapons and adopting more aggressive tactics.
• Firearms and ammunition found at poaching sites are not systematically identified, recorded, or traced despite the potential use of such techniques in identifying the sources and trafficking routes of poacher weapons.
• Armed groups have been responsible for major cases of large-scale elephant poaching, yet poaching allegations have also been
levelled against some government military forces.
• Small groups of poachers also target elephant herds and rhinos, killing significant numbers of animals over time, particularly in
rangeland where elephant and rhino populations are dense.
• Without a substantial reduction in the demand for ivory and rhino horn, efforts to deter poachers through armed interventions may disrupt poaching, but not stop it.
Poaching of various types takes place across African range states. In Central Africa, where some elephant populations have decreased significantly, poachers include armed militias, rogue law enforcement officers, commercial poachers, and subsistence hunters. At the global level, demand for illegal ivory is a strong predictor of poaching trends. The strongest national-level factor influencing rates of illegally killed elephants is poor governance. Large-scale poaching is the targeting and illegal killing of a concentrated population of elephants in a short period of time. Documented cases have involved the use of firearms, large quantities of ammunition, and even military helicopters. Small-scale poaching is the targeting of an individual elephant or rhino, or small numbers of such animals, for profit. In contrast to large-scale poaching, small-scale poaching tends to be conducted over a significant period of time. The poachers make use of firearms as well as traditional methods to kill elephants and rhinos.
Armed groups involved in poaching encompass a variety of actors and include pro-government militias and armed opposition forces,
as well as economically motivated bands of former or current state military. Most armed groups are active within Central Africa. As these groups can potentially operate in large numbers and possess considerable firepower, they can pose unique challenges to rangers and others charged with protecting wildlife. Among armed groups in Africa, those in Central Africa have had the most significant impact on elephant herds; the UN Security Council and other international bodies have condemned their poaching activity in the region.
Firearms commonly used to hunt elephants and other big game can be classified into three groups: hunting rifles of various calibres; automatic military-style small arms, including assault rifles and light machine guns; and shotguns. Traditional weapons and methods, such as spears and poison, are also used to poach elephants and rhinos. Although information on weapons and ammunition used by poachers can provide insight into the networks that support and conduct poaching, including weapons sources and supply lines, it is not systematically collected.
Across African range states that have elephant and rhino populations, anti-poaching initiatives take many different forms. In some cases, they involve a combination of state and private rangers, government soldiers, and locally based organizations working jointly to combat poaching through the use of force or through grassroots work aimed at influencing local behaviour and attitudes. Anti-poaching rangers and units form the first line of defence against poaching, along with supporting law enforcement structures. While holding poachers accountable for poaching is important, so is the arrest and conviction of the people running the criminal syndicates that sponsor and facilitate the trafficking of ivory and rhino horn. To be effective, initiatives against poaching must be able to rely on cooperative efforts by government agencies (including judiciaries), local conservation organizations, and national and international organizations and conservation groups.
Policy and research dealing with the relationship between women and firearms usually stress the r... more Policy and research dealing with the relationship between women and firearms usually stress the role of women as victims. Of the estimated 66,000 annual homicides of women committed each year, roughly 40 percent involve firearms. Guns are even more commonly used to injure, intimidate, and coerce women.
Although some women own and use guns, policy and research on firearms tend to focus on the role of and effects on men.
A new Small Arms Survey Research Note, Women and Gun Ownership, shows that women account for a much smaller proportion of gun owners than men, and that women are not as aware of—or not as willing to acknowledge—the presence of firearms in homes and communities.
The Research Note examines what can be said with relative certainty about the relationship between women and firearms ownership, in order to establish a baseline for systematic analysis and policy-making.
The study discusses issues relating to gender regarding data gathered from firearm registration and from household surveys, and women’s perceptions of firearms in the home and the community.