Michael Heazle | Griffith University (original) (raw)
Dr Michael Heazle is currently Adjunct Professor (International Relations and International Security) with the Griffith Asia Institute, and lives in Kyoto, Japan. From 1992 to 2000, Dr Heazle was a regular contributor to the Far Eastern Economic Review, and wrote both feature pieces and op-eds for various domestic and international newspapers including The Australian, The Japan Times, The Courier Mail, and The Asian Wall Street Journal. His work also appears on The Lowy Institute's The Interpreter blog and The Strategist (Australian Strategic Policy Institute).
Dr Heazle has published in the areas of energy, human, and environmental security; policy making and the treatment of specialist advice; China-Japan relations; and Northeast Asia security. His publications include a collection of books and edited volumes with several university presses and international publishers (University of Washington Press, Cambridge University Press, Earthscan/Routledge, Edward Elgar) in addition to numerous articles in various peer reviewed journals including Marine Policy, Environmental Science and Policy, Intelligence and National Security, The Pacific Review, The Australian Journal of International Affairs, and Marine Studies. His latest book is China’s Rise and Australia-Japan-US Relations: Primacy and Leadership in East Asia (co-edited with Andrew O’Neil; Edward Elgar, 2018). Dr Heazle is the co-founder of GAI’s annual Australia-Japan Dialogue, which he convened from 2011-2017. He also co-convened the Australia-India-Japan Trilateral Dialogue in 2017 and 2018.
Address: Australia
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Papers by Michael Heazle
Routledge eBooks, Aug 21, 2012
Cambridge University Press eBooks, Jun 15, 2012
This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or sy... more This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution , reselling , loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
China–Japan Relations in the Twenty-first Century
Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Japanese, especially on the ... more Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Japanese, especially on the right of the political spectrum, view with impatience (what they regard as) China's harping on 'incidents' from the past; this constant reiteration of grievances not only serves to distract attention from the imperatives of the present, but is founded on a selective and misguided view of Japan's history. The history textbook controversy highlights only too clearly that many in Japan, including some particularly influential intellectuals and political leaders, do not accept conventional accounts of Japan's motivations for invading China or its activities there. They perceive Japan, rather than the initiator of the war, as a victim
The paper links some of the major events and changes in international relations thinking over the... more The paper links some of the major events and changes in international relations thinking over the last 30 years – such as the ending of the Cold War, the growing intolerance in the West of human rights abuses and the emerging doctrine of conditional sovereignty, and the recognition of trans-national threats by states – to demonstrate i) that the Washington Consensus list of development principles originally identified by John Williamson has been co-opted into an ideological vision for reshaping and homogenizing the behavior of states (both internally and externally); and ii) that doing so has resulted in a failing attempt at “securitizing ” international development, which has led the US and its allies into a security and development “dead end”.
This paper seeks to address a key question regarding Northeast Asia’s future: Is a continuing Ame... more This paper seeks to address a key question regarding Northeast Asia’s future: Is a continuing American presence in the region a pre-requisite for ensuring long term regional security? In addressing this question, the authors challenge the structural realist argument that a US strategic presence in Northeast Asia is necessary to contain China’s “hegemonic” ambitions in the region. Structural realists assume that Beijing is intent on supplanting the United States as the dominant great power in Asia, but they overlook the severe internal challenges that Beijing confronts that will place constraints on how much it can achieve internationally in the years ahead. Even in the unlikely event that the Six Party Talks fail to evolve into a formal Northeast Asian security cooperation mechanism, the overlapping interests among the three regional major powers means that an informal community of security interests already exists. The challenge for Tokyo and Beijing will be to deepen further their...
Policy Legitimacy, Science and Political Authority
Routledge eBooks, Aug 21, 2012
Cambridge University Press eBooks, Jun 15, 2012
This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or sy... more This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution , reselling , loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
China–Japan Relations in the Twenty-first Century
Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Japanese, especially on the ... more Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Japanese, especially on the right of the political spectrum, view with impatience (what they regard as) China's harping on 'incidents' from the past; this constant reiteration of grievances not only serves to distract attention from the imperatives of the present, but is founded on a selective and misguided view of Japan's history. The history textbook controversy highlights only too clearly that many in Japan, including some particularly influential intellectuals and political leaders, do not accept conventional accounts of Japan's motivations for invading China or its activities there. They perceive Japan, rather than the initiator of the war, as a victim
The paper links some of the major events and changes in international relations thinking over the... more The paper links some of the major events and changes in international relations thinking over the last 30 years – such as the ending of the Cold War, the growing intolerance in the West of human rights abuses and the emerging doctrine of conditional sovereignty, and the recognition of trans-national threats by states – to demonstrate i) that the Washington Consensus list of development principles originally identified by John Williamson has been co-opted into an ideological vision for reshaping and homogenizing the behavior of states (both internally and externally); and ii) that doing so has resulted in a failing attempt at “securitizing ” international development, which has led the US and its allies into a security and development “dead end”.
This paper seeks to address a key question regarding Northeast Asia’s future: Is a continuing Ame... more This paper seeks to address a key question regarding Northeast Asia’s future: Is a continuing American presence in the region a pre-requisite for ensuring long term regional security? In addressing this question, the authors challenge the structural realist argument that a US strategic presence in Northeast Asia is necessary to contain China’s “hegemonic” ambitions in the region. Structural realists assume that Beijing is intent on supplanting the United States as the dominant great power in Asia, but they overlook the severe internal challenges that Beijing confronts that will place constraints on how much it can achieve internationally in the years ahead. Even in the unlikely event that the Six Party Talks fail to evolve into a formal Northeast Asian security cooperation mechanism, the overlapping interests among the three regional major powers means that an informal community of security interests already exists. The challenge for Tokyo and Beijing will be to deepen further their...
Policy Legitimacy, Science and Political Authority
The Griffith Asia Institute produces innovative, interdisciplinary research on key developments i... more The Griffith Asia Institute produces innovative, interdisciplinary research on key developments in the politics, economics, societies and cultures of Asia and the South Pacific.