Ming Sing | Hong Kong University of Science and Technology (original) (raw)
Papers by Ming Sing
Lee Ching Kwan & Ming SING eds., Take Back Our Future: An Eventful Sociology of the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement, Ithaca: Cornell University Press., 2019
International Journal of Public Administration, 2001
East Asia an International Quarterly, Jun 1, 1999
J Democr, 2009
ABSTRACT In September 2008, pandemocrats retained the voters’ support during the Legislative Coun... more ABSTRACT In September 2008, pandemocrats retained the voters’ support during the Legislative Council election. Beijing’s interferences with the elections, though less blatant than those of 2004, unmistakably cast doubt on its sincerity to implement democracy in Hong Kong by 2020. In 2008, Beijing promoted a new wave of pro-Beijing professionals with a stronger and more independent image. The sudden rise and stunning electoral victories of the Social Democrats, who are hallmarked by civil disobedience on behalf of democratic and social reforms, reflect a deepening sense of public despair about the futility of the current political system, and a proliferating radicalism. A decade after the handover of their city to China, Hong Kong’s “pandemocrats” remain able to stand their ground at the ballot box.
Social Indicators Research, Jun 1, 2009
ABSTRACT The AsiaBarometer of 1,000 respondents shows that Hong Kong people have a great desire f... more ABSTRACT The AsiaBarometer of 1,000 respondents shows that Hong Kong people have a great desire for materialistic attainment, and such an emphasis on materialism bodes ill for their quality of life. Negative assessments of the public life sphere, which encompasses the natural environment, the social welfare system, and the democratic system, also detract from the experiences of happiness, enjoyment, and accomplishment in Hong Kong. Surprisingly, access to digital communication devices helps Hong Kong people to experience a greater quality of life.
Democratisation, Jan 24, 2007
ABSTRACT Hong Kong witnessed a large-scale public rally and extensive support for democracy in mi... more ABSTRACT Hong Kong witnessed a large-scale public rally and extensive support for democracy in mid-2003. This article explains the support by means of variables extracted from cultural, instrumental and sociological approaches. Drawn from the cultural approach, ‘post-materialistic activism’ and low levels of ‘respect for authority’ are found to be most powerful in explaining mass support, among all explanatory variables. Since culture seldom changes overnight, popular support for democracy may be sustained in the short and medium term. The calculation of the economic consequences for democracy, a variable drawn from the instrumental approach, has no effect on mass support. Thus, any attempt to suppress popular demand for democracy by offering economic sweeteners alone may prove futile. The most important instrumental factor among the public is ‘their confidence in political parties’. Whether pan-democratic parties can elevate such confidence becomes pivotal to boosting and sustaining this support. The lack of relatively stronger support among the younger and more educated stratum of people in Hong Kong does not bode well for prospects of increased mass support in the future. Finally, the article offers a small footnote on the implications for the ‘Asian values’ debate.
The Journal of Politics, 2010
ABSTRACT Do parliamentary regimes outperform presidential ones in reducing democratic breakdown? ... more ABSTRACT Do parliamentary regimes outperform presidential ones in reducing democratic breakdown? Given the relatively higher breakdown rate of presidential regimes as compared to that of parliamentary regimes, which factors can explain the breakdown of presidential democracies? Using an original global dataset covering 85 countries from 1946 to 2002, this study shows presidential democracies are not intrinsically more likely to collapse than parliamentary ones. The study also reveals the oft-cited “military legacy” cannot explain breakdowns of presidential democracies. Instead, a less effective legislature and unfavorable U.S. foreign policy, two neglected factors in the extant literature, can robustly explain the breakdown of presidential democracies. This research confirms more effective legislatures are more likely to achieve oversight of the military and reduce the latter's threats to democratic survival than less effective legislatures. A test for simultaneity bias indicates the type of political regime does not exert a causal effect on legislative effectiveness.
Social Indicators Research, 2009
ABSTRACT The AsiaBarometer of 1,000 respondents shows that Hong Kong people have a great desire f... more ABSTRACT The AsiaBarometer of 1,000 respondents shows that Hong Kong people have a great desire for materialistic attainment, and such an emphasis on materialism bodes ill for their quality of life. Negative assessments of the public life sphere, which encompasses the natural environment, the social welfare system, and the democratic system, also detract from the experiences of happiness, enjoyment, and accomplishment in Hong Kong. Surprisingly, access to digital communication devices helps Hong Kong people to experience a greater quality of life.
Journal of Democracy, 2008
ABSTRACT In September 2008, pandemocrats retained the voters’ support during the Legislative Coun... more ABSTRACT In September 2008, pandemocrats retained the voters’ support during the Legislative Council election. Beijing’s interferences with the elections, though less blatant than those of 2004, unmistakably cast doubt on its sincerity to implement democracy in Hong Kong by 2020. In 2008, Beijing promoted a new wave of pro-Beijing professionals with a stronger and more independent image. The sudden rise and stunning electoral victories of the Social Democrats, who are hallmarked by civil disobedience on behalf of democratic and social reforms, reflect a deepening sense of public despair about the futility of the current political system, and a proliferating radicalism. A decade after the handover of their city to China, Hong Kong’s “pandemocrats” remain able to stand their ground at the ballot box.
Journal of Contemporary Asia, 2004
... has been known for its sophisticated authoritarian control over a multitude of social groups,... more ... has been known for its sophisticated authoritarian control over a multitude of social groups, including ... The opposition parties are poorly organised, under-financed, inactive between elections, and incapable of formulating substantive ... 56 No doubt, the oft quoted biased media, ...
Journal of Church and State, 2013
International Journal of Public Administration, 2001
Government and Opposition, 2003
... Yiu Ming Chu, Father Keloon Ha and Hei Wah Ho. ... The Chief Executive Election and the Trans... more ... Yiu Ming Chu, Father Keloon Ha and Hei Wah Ho. ... The Chief Executive Election and the Transition Five Years after Reversion, National Democratic Institute, 2002; Chris Yeung, 'Hong Kong Media in the ... Find more content: like this article. Find more content written by: Ming Sing. ...
East Asia, 2012
ABSTRACT This paper aims to explain public support for democracy in six East Asian societies usin... more ABSTRACT This paper aims to explain public support for democracy in six East Asian societies using the 2006 AsiaBarometer data. The project investigates whether East Asians’ support for democracy is primarily based on perceived political performance, such as satisfaction with human rights, or perceived economic performance. The work also examines whether East Asians’ support for democracy is constrained by traditional values or the postmodern value of post-materialism. The analysis shows that for three democracies, satisfaction with human rights, i.e. perceived political performance and an intrinsic value embodied in democracy, counts more in shaping public support for democracy than perceived economic performance. Because support based on perceived economic performance is more volatile than support based on firm commitment to human rights, this finding sheds positive light on the prospects for democratic stability for the three East Asian democracies. For three East Asian autocratic societies, democratic support is based more on perceived economic rather than political performance, casting a pall on the future prospects for democratization of them. That said, these dim prospects are balanced by the finding of very weak and negative effects of some traditional Asian values on democratic support.
Lee Ching Kwan & Ming SING eds., Take Back Our Future: An Eventful Sociology of the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement, Ithaca: Cornell University Press., 2019
International Journal of Public Administration, 2001
East Asia an International Quarterly, Jun 1, 1999
J Democr, 2009
ABSTRACT In September 2008, pandemocrats retained the voters’ support during the Legislative Coun... more ABSTRACT In September 2008, pandemocrats retained the voters’ support during the Legislative Council election. Beijing’s interferences with the elections, though less blatant than those of 2004, unmistakably cast doubt on its sincerity to implement democracy in Hong Kong by 2020. In 2008, Beijing promoted a new wave of pro-Beijing professionals with a stronger and more independent image. The sudden rise and stunning electoral victories of the Social Democrats, who are hallmarked by civil disobedience on behalf of democratic and social reforms, reflect a deepening sense of public despair about the futility of the current political system, and a proliferating radicalism. A decade after the handover of their city to China, Hong Kong’s “pandemocrats” remain able to stand their ground at the ballot box.
Social Indicators Research, Jun 1, 2009
ABSTRACT The AsiaBarometer of 1,000 respondents shows that Hong Kong people have a great desire f... more ABSTRACT The AsiaBarometer of 1,000 respondents shows that Hong Kong people have a great desire for materialistic attainment, and such an emphasis on materialism bodes ill for their quality of life. Negative assessments of the public life sphere, which encompasses the natural environment, the social welfare system, and the democratic system, also detract from the experiences of happiness, enjoyment, and accomplishment in Hong Kong. Surprisingly, access to digital communication devices helps Hong Kong people to experience a greater quality of life.
Democratisation, Jan 24, 2007
ABSTRACT Hong Kong witnessed a large-scale public rally and extensive support for democracy in mi... more ABSTRACT Hong Kong witnessed a large-scale public rally and extensive support for democracy in mid-2003. This article explains the support by means of variables extracted from cultural, instrumental and sociological approaches. Drawn from the cultural approach, ‘post-materialistic activism’ and low levels of ‘respect for authority’ are found to be most powerful in explaining mass support, among all explanatory variables. Since culture seldom changes overnight, popular support for democracy may be sustained in the short and medium term. The calculation of the economic consequences for democracy, a variable drawn from the instrumental approach, has no effect on mass support. Thus, any attempt to suppress popular demand for democracy by offering economic sweeteners alone may prove futile. The most important instrumental factor among the public is ‘their confidence in political parties’. Whether pan-democratic parties can elevate such confidence becomes pivotal to boosting and sustaining this support. The lack of relatively stronger support among the younger and more educated stratum of people in Hong Kong does not bode well for prospects of increased mass support in the future. Finally, the article offers a small footnote on the implications for the ‘Asian values’ debate.
The Journal of Politics, 2010
ABSTRACT Do parliamentary regimes outperform presidential ones in reducing democratic breakdown? ... more ABSTRACT Do parliamentary regimes outperform presidential ones in reducing democratic breakdown? Given the relatively higher breakdown rate of presidential regimes as compared to that of parliamentary regimes, which factors can explain the breakdown of presidential democracies? Using an original global dataset covering 85 countries from 1946 to 2002, this study shows presidential democracies are not intrinsically more likely to collapse than parliamentary ones. The study also reveals the oft-cited “military legacy” cannot explain breakdowns of presidential democracies. Instead, a less effective legislature and unfavorable U.S. foreign policy, two neglected factors in the extant literature, can robustly explain the breakdown of presidential democracies. This research confirms more effective legislatures are more likely to achieve oversight of the military and reduce the latter's threats to democratic survival than less effective legislatures. A test for simultaneity bias indicates the type of political regime does not exert a causal effect on legislative effectiveness.
Social Indicators Research, 2009
ABSTRACT The AsiaBarometer of 1,000 respondents shows that Hong Kong people have a great desire f... more ABSTRACT The AsiaBarometer of 1,000 respondents shows that Hong Kong people have a great desire for materialistic attainment, and such an emphasis on materialism bodes ill for their quality of life. Negative assessments of the public life sphere, which encompasses the natural environment, the social welfare system, and the democratic system, also detract from the experiences of happiness, enjoyment, and accomplishment in Hong Kong. Surprisingly, access to digital communication devices helps Hong Kong people to experience a greater quality of life.
Journal of Democracy, 2008
ABSTRACT In September 2008, pandemocrats retained the voters’ support during the Legislative Coun... more ABSTRACT In September 2008, pandemocrats retained the voters’ support during the Legislative Council election. Beijing’s interferences with the elections, though less blatant than those of 2004, unmistakably cast doubt on its sincerity to implement democracy in Hong Kong by 2020. In 2008, Beijing promoted a new wave of pro-Beijing professionals with a stronger and more independent image. The sudden rise and stunning electoral victories of the Social Democrats, who are hallmarked by civil disobedience on behalf of democratic and social reforms, reflect a deepening sense of public despair about the futility of the current political system, and a proliferating radicalism. A decade after the handover of their city to China, Hong Kong’s “pandemocrats” remain able to stand their ground at the ballot box.
Journal of Contemporary Asia, 2004
... has been known for its sophisticated authoritarian control over a multitude of social groups,... more ... has been known for its sophisticated authoritarian control over a multitude of social groups, including ... The opposition parties are poorly organised, under-financed, inactive between elections, and incapable of formulating substantive ... 56 No doubt, the oft quoted biased media, ...
Journal of Church and State, 2013
International Journal of Public Administration, 2001
Government and Opposition, 2003
... Yiu Ming Chu, Father Keloon Ha and Hei Wah Ho. ... The Chief Executive Election and the Trans... more ... Yiu Ming Chu, Father Keloon Ha and Hei Wah Ho. ... The Chief Executive Election and the Transition Five Years after Reversion, National Democratic Institute, 2002; Chris Yeung, 'Hong Kong Media in the ... Find more content: like this article. Find more content written by: Ming Sing. ...
East Asia, 2012
ABSTRACT This paper aims to explain public support for democracy in six East Asian societies usin... more ABSTRACT This paper aims to explain public support for democracy in six East Asian societies using the 2006 AsiaBarometer data. The project investigates whether East Asians’ support for democracy is primarily based on perceived political performance, such as satisfaction with human rights, or perceived economic performance. The work also examines whether East Asians’ support for democracy is constrained by traditional values or the postmodern value of post-materialism. The analysis shows that for three democracies, satisfaction with human rights, i.e. perceived political performance and an intrinsic value embodied in democracy, counts more in shaping public support for democracy than perceived economic performance. Because support based on perceived economic performance is more volatile than support based on firm commitment to human rights, this finding sheds positive light on the prospects for democratic stability for the three East Asian democracies. For three East Asian autocratic societies, democratic support is based more on perceived economic rather than political performance, casting a pall on the future prospects for democratization of them. That said, these dim prospects are balanced by the finding of very weak and negative effects of some traditional Asian values on democratic support.
The Umbrella Movement: Civil Resistance and Contentious Space in Hong Kong, ed. by Ma Ngok & Edmund Cheng, 2019
This article identifijies the factors underlying the massive participation in the Umbrella Movemen... more This article identifijies the factors underlying the massive participation in the Umbrella Movement. From a mass values approach, support for democracy and trust that the Chinese government in upholding its promises are found to be statistically signifijicant in explaining the massive support for the Umbrella Movement. From a performance perspective, the perceived performance of the HKSAR government in handling China-Hong Kong tensions, and the perceived economic performance and upward social mobility of Hong Kong, have also shaped the support of the movement. The fijindings suggest the enormous challenge that faces Beijing to address the younger generation's aspirations of democracy and greater propensity to join civil disobedience movements in the future.