Xiaonong Zhu | Hong Kong University of Science and Technology (original) (raw)

Papers by Xiaonong Zhu

This paper classifies dipping tones in the framework of the Multi-Register and Four-Level Model, ... more This paper classifies dipping tones in the framework of the Multi-Register and Four-Level Model, using new, firsthand acoustic data. Seven dipping types are identified. Four of them are produced in normal clear voice and affiliated with the Modal Register: (1) Central Dipping, typologically transcribed as /323/, (2) Back Dipping /523/, (3) Front Dipping /324/, and (4) Double Circumflex /4343/. The remaining three are produced with non-clear voice qualities: (5) Slack Dipping /213/ in L Register, (6) Creaky Dipping /202/ in the Lower Register, and (7) Fortis-Creak Dipping /405/ in the Upper Register. Each of the seven dipping tones contrasts with one or another with four distinctive features [± RgM, RgL, Hfront, Hback].

This paper provides a systematic account of the emergence of contour tone, based on a ‘syllable-t... more This paper provides a systematic account of the emergence of contour tone, based on a ‘syllable-tone-register’ model and a large body of new firsthand acoustic tonal data. The emergence of tone is a process of pitch upgrading from an accompanying feature of phonation types to a distinctive feature. It involves three linguistic prerequisites, which bring about three processes: (L1) various phonation types, clear voice, breathy voice, falsetto, etc., which intrinsically induce pitch differences. (L2) Mono-syllabic (with great sonorous power) morpheme structure that enhance the pitch differences. (L3) Phonologicalization, which conceptualizes the enhanced pitch differences to a phonological category, tone. Furthermore, this paper proposes two ecological preconditions behind the linguistic prerequisites: (N1) Humid climates, which tend to induce a breathy voice. (N2) Small body-size, which tends to induce falsetto and creaky voice. A flowchart is designed to show how these prerequisites lead to different types of the world’s languages and finally output contour tone.

There is a contradiction between the observed phenomenon that low vowels tend to be longer than h... more There is a contradiction between the observed phenomenon that low vowels tend to be longer than high vowels (the Lehiste IVD) and the theoretical prediction that high vowels should be longer than low vowels (the Catford IVD). This paper argues that the Lehiste IVD is environmentally conditioned by a following consonant. The experiments conducted to test the IVD show that the Catford IVD varies with F0 directions. That is, 1) in a CV syllable with a falling tone, a high vowel is longer than a low vowel; and 2) in a CV syllable with a rising tone, high and low vowels have comparable duration.

Based on firsthand acoustic data, this paper aims to determine how many phonologically contrastiv... more Based on firsthand acoustic data, this paper aims to determine how many phonologically contrastive falling tones exist in tonal languages, and what kinds of distinctive features are needed to specify them. These goals are achieved by using a tonal model called the Multi-Register and Four-Level Model, which represents tones along four parameters: register, length, height, and contour. Having excluded a quasi-falling tone, this paper identifies seven Falling Tonotypes in the M Register: High, Low, MS-High, MS-Low, Deferred-High, Deferred-Low, and Slight Falling. Four of these also occur in the L Register with special voice qualities. In total, there are eleven Falling Tonotypes, which can be specified according to five distinctive features.

This article highlights major achievements in Chinese phonetics over the last century, examines s... more This article highlights major achievements in Chinese phonetics over the last century, examines special issues which have challenged common practice in general phonetics, and introduces new frontiers of research that have gained prominence in recent years.

Chinese is a tone language. Among its hundreds of geographical varieties, some have more tones or... more Chinese is a tone language. Among its hundreds of geographical varieties, some have more tones or more complicated tonal inventories than others. In the Simple Tonal System with a small number of tonal categories (usually below five), like those in Mandarin of North China, pitch alone determines the tonal contrast. Also in the Simple Tonal System, the situation may involve more elements: the size of contour inventory is larger (usually over four tones), and besides pitch length also matters in tonal differentiation. Cantonese and Hakka of South China are cases in point. These dialects have more tones than Mandarin, e.g. Cantonese has nine tones and length distinguishes some particular tones in its tonal system. In the Complex Tonal System, however, like those in Wu, Gan and Xiang of Central China, not only pitch and length, but also register (defined by phonation types) participates in tonal contrast. This chapter intends to introduce a general profile of Chinese tones and the linguists’ efforts in exploring their nature and representing them linguistically, and their findings in tone sandhi and tonogenesis.

This paper classifies dipping tones in the framework of the Multi-Register and Four-Level Model, ... more This paper classifies dipping tones in the framework of the Multi-Register and Four-Level Model, using new, firsthand acoustic data. Seven dipping types are identified. Four of them are produced in normal clear voice and affiliated with the Modal Register: (1) Central Dipping, typologically transcribed as /323/, (2) Back Dipping /523/, (3) Front Dipping /324/, and (4) Double Circumflex /4343/. The remaining three are produced with non-clear voice qualities: (5) Slack Dipping /213/ in L Register, (6) Creaky Dipping /202/ in the Lower Register, and (7) Fortis-Creak Dipping /405/ in the Upper Register. Each of the seven dipping tones contrasts with one or another with four distinctive features [± RgM, RgL, Hfront, Hback].

This paper provides a systematic account of the emergence of contour tone, based on a ‘syllable-t... more This paper provides a systematic account of the emergence of contour tone, based on a ‘syllable-tone-register’ model and a large body of new firsthand acoustic tonal data. The emergence of tone is a process of pitch upgrading from an accompanying feature of phonation types to a distinctive feature. It involves three linguistic prerequisites, which bring about three processes: (L1) various phonation types, clear voice, breathy voice, falsetto, etc., which intrinsically induce pitch differences. (L2) Mono-syllabic (with great sonorous power) morpheme structure that enhance the pitch differences. (L3) Phonologicalization, which conceptualizes the enhanced pitch differences to a phonological category, tone. Furthermore, this paper proposes two ecological preconditions behind the linguistic prerequisites: (N1) Humid climates, which tend to induce a breathy voice. (N2) Small body-size, which tends to induce falsetto and creaky voice. A flowchart is designed to show how these prerequisites lead to different types of the world’s languages and finally output contour tone.

There is a contradiction between the observed phenomenon that low vowels tend to be longer than h... more There is a contradiction between the observed phenomenon that low vowels tend to be longer than high vowels (the Lehiste IVD) and the theoretical prediction that high vowels should be longer than low vowels (the Catford IVD). This paper argues that the Lehiste IVD is environmentally conditioned by a following consonant. The experiments conducted to test the IVD show that the Catford IVD varies with F0 directions. That is, 1) in a CV syllable with a falling tone, a high vowel is longer than a low vowel; and 2) in a CV syllable with a rising tone, high and low vowels have comparable duration.

Based on firsthand acoustic data, this paper aims to determine how many phonologically contrastiv... more Based on firsthand acoustic data, this paper aims to determine how many phonologically contrastive falling tones exist in tonal languages, and what kinds of distinctive features are needed to specify them. These goals are achieved by using a tonal model called the Multi-Register and Four-Level Model, which represents tones along four parameters: register, length, height, and contour. Having excluded a quasi-falling tone, this paper identifies seven Falling Tonotypes in the M Register: High, Low, MS-High, MS-Low, Deferred-High, Deferred-Low, and Slight Falling. Four of these also occur in the L Register with special voice qualities. In total, there are eleven Falling Tonotypes, which can be specified according to five distinctive features.

This article highlights major achievements in Chinese phonetics over the last century, examines s... more This article highlights major achievements in Chinese phonetics over the last century, examines special issues which have challenged common practice in general phonetics, and introduces new frontiers of research that have gained prominence in recent years.

Chinese is a tone language. Among its hundreds of geographical varieties, some have more tones or... more Chinese is a tone language. Among its hundreds of geographical varieties, some have more tones or more complicated tonal inventories than others. In the Simple Tonal System with a small number of tonal categories (usually below five), like those in Mandarin of North China, pitch alone determines the tonal contrast. Also in the Simple Tonal System, the situation may involve more elements: the size of contour inventory is larger (usually over four tones), and besides pitch length also matters in tonal differentiation. Cantonese and Hakka of South China are cases in point. These dialects have more tones than Mandarin, e.g. Cantonese has nine tones and length distinguishes some particular tones in its tonal system. In the Complex Tonal System, however, like those in Wu, Gan and Xiang of Central China, not only pitch and length, but also register (defined by phonation types) participates in tonal contrast. This chapter intends to introduce a general profile of Chinese tones and the linguists’ efforts in exploring their nature and representing them linguistically, and their findings in tone sandhi and tonogenesis.