Mark Urnov | National Research University Higher School of Economics (original) (raw)
Papers by Mark Urnov
Journal of the New Economic Association, 2015
The main political constraints blocking modernization of Russian economy are a low quality of off... more The main political constraints blocking modernization of Russian economy are a low quality of official concepts of modernization, prevalence of authoritarian values and attitudes in Russian political culture, and excessive military expenditures. The recently formulated economic doctrines tend to minimize the import of technology and to restrict access of foreign capital into the most attractive industries. The most likely effect of such doctrines (if implemented) is - at best - stagnation, and at worst - the prevalence of an archaic economy, which supplies low-quality products and maims the environment. In Russian political culture today one can see a prevalence of a conflicting mixture of right and left authoritarian value-orientations, poorly compatible with requirements of the XXI century modernization. In 2010-2014 Russian military expenditures increased steadily. Meanwhile, limited by the GDP size, these expenditures are not able to provide Russia with a place among the world l...
Sociological Research, 1991
An earlier publication under the same title (see Rabochii klass i sovremennyi mir, 1989, no. 4) c... more An earlier publication under the same title (see Rabochii klass i sovremennyi mir, 1989, no. 4) concerned a sociological study organized in May 1988 among the personnel at one of the natural science institutes in Moscow. In the present article we shall be discussing the results of a survey of three groups of Soviet youth using a similar procedure that was done a year later (April-May 1989). As in the first case, attention was focused on the general features of the political consciousness of the respondents, and fluctuations in indices of their readiness for democracy.
New Economic Journal, 2015
The current economic crisis in Russia has been caused by a combination of situational and "s... more The current economic crisis in Russia has been caused by a combination of situational and "systemic" factors. The former group of factors includes (inter alia) a fall in international oil prices; the political revolution in Ukraine; a decrease of public trust in political power institutions in 2008-2014; and a low quality analytical support of political decision-making process. The most important "systemic" factors are a traditional dependence of Russia on raw materials' export and the crisis of national identity. The long-term effect of the crisis will be a narrowing of the spectrum of positions that Russia could take in the world economic and political system. Before the crisis, the spectrum of options was limited by a position of regional power (at best) and a position of emerging state/country with an uncertain status, survived in or experiencing a de jure or de facto territorial disintegration. As a result of the crisis the best possible option seems to be a position of a country at the periphery of the developed world deprived of any decisive influence on the politics of its neighbors.
Book: Democracy versus Modernization.A dilemma for Russia and for the world, 2012
In the present climate, a relatively narrow aspect of the transition to democracy appears to have... more In the present climate, a relatively narrow aspect of the transition to democracy appears to have assumed overwhelming importance – the threat to the formation of a stable democracy posed by that “authoritarian syndrome” which is such an integral part of the culture of societies in transition....
Book: Democracy versus Modernization - Routledge, 2012 eBook ISBN 978-0-203-10896-3, 2012
In the present climate, a relatively narrow aspect of the transition to democracy appears to have... more In the present climate, a relatively narrow aspect of the transition to democracy appears to have assumed overwhelming importance – the threat to the formation of a stable democracy posed by that “authoritarian syndrome” which is such an integral part of the culture of societies in transition. By “transition to democracy” I mean the transition by a society from an authoritarian regime of whatever kind1 to a liberal democracy, that is to a political system based on institutionalized and public competition among the political elites for the votes of the electorate with the object of achieving power and influence. Joseph Schumpeter described liberal democracy as a “competition for leadership” or “free competition for a free vote”.2 The authoritarian syndrome is present to a greater or lesser extent in the cultures of virtually all countries embarking on the path to democracy, and makes this path quite thorny. At the same time, in the theory of democratic transition, the issue of political culture as a whole and authoritarianism in particular is confined to the periphery of research interests, at least when compared with economic and sociostructural issues. This state of affairs appears rather odd. In the theories of social systems and behavioral theories,3 political culture is traditionally assigned a substantial, independent role. This is also true of the theories of totalitarianism and democracy: as far as totalitarianism is concerned, ever since Erich Fromm’s Escape from Freedom (1941) and Theodor Adorno’s Authoritarian Personality (1950), and in terms of democracy at least since Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba’s Civic Culture (1963). Transitology provides a different picture. There is a series of research works on transition in which cultural issues are completely ignored.4 There are works in which political culture is treated largely as a function of economic factors and social structure.5 Indeed, this appears to be the dominant approach. At times we encounter a less simplistic and more appropriate version, according to which political culture, although powerfully influenced by economic and social pro cesses, is nevertheless capable of determining the specific characteristics of the emerging political institutions6 and of facilitating the collapse of unsustainable political structures.7 However, there is little popular support for the view of political culture as an independent factor of transition, capable of playing a decisive role in the course
The Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia
The Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia, Apr 1, 2001
Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 2014
The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (vel... more The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (velikoderzhavnost') between the years of 2000 and 2014, that is to say during President Putin's period of rule. The concept of Russia as the great power was changing during this time in two respects: first, there was an increasing reticence of self-assessments; second, we observe prioritization of protecting the country's own, mostly regional, interests as opposed to expansion which would be characteristic of a great power. Moreover, this period clearly demonstrates contradictions and dangers, engendered in the process of losing self-perception as that of the great power. The readiness of Russian political elite to part bit by bit with the status of the great power and to go to the status of a regional power is combined (as the events around Ukraine have shown) with unwillingness to sustain the new status of the country with the help of the capabilities of a soft power. Lack of these, as well as of the skills in their use, and finally, a desire to raise the rating of trust in the government with the help of “a small victorious war” have formed the basis for the aggressive upsurge towards Ukraine. In the absence of serious hard and soft capabilities, the splashes of aggressiveness in Russian foreign policy and of anti-Western sentiments in domestic political life are unlikely to have any lasting effect. They are able, however, to generate extremely negative long-term consequences for the country.
The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (vel... more The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (velikoderzhavnost') between the years of 2000 and 2014, that is to say during President Putin's period of rule. The concept of Russia as the great power was changing during this time in two respects: first, there was an increasing reticence of self- assessments; second, we observe prioritization of protecting the country's own, mostly regional, interests as opposed to expansion which would be characteristic of a great power. Moreover, this period clearly demonstrates contradictions and dangers, engendered in the process of losing self-perception as that of the great power. The readiness of Russian political elite to part bit by bit with the status of the great power and to go to the status of a regional power is combined (as the events around Ukraine have shown) with unwilling- ness to sustain the new status of the country with the help of the capabilities of a soft power. Lack of these, as well as of the skills in their use, and finally, a desire to raise the rating of trust in the government with the help of “a small victorious war” have formed the basis for the aggressive upsurge towards Ukraine. In the absence of serious hard and soft capabilities, the splashes of aggressiveness in Russian foreign policy and of anti-Western sentiments in domestic political life are unlikely to have any lasting effect. They are able, however, to generate extremely negative long-term consequences for the country.
The current economic crisis in Russia has been caused by a combination of situational and “system... more The current economic crisis in Russia has been caused by a combination of situational and “systemic” factors. The former group of factors includes (inter alia) a fall in international oil prices; the political revolution in Ukraine; a decrease of public trust in political power institutions in 2008- 2014; and a low quality analytical support of political decision-making process. The most important “systemic” factors are a traditional dependence of Russia on raw materials’ export and the crisis of national identity. The long-term effect of the crisis will be a narrowing of the spectrum of positions that Russia could take in the world economic and political system. Before the crisis, the spectrum of options was limited by a position of regional power (at best) and a position of emerging state/country with an uncertain status, survived in or experiencing a de jure or de facto territorial disintegration. As a result of the crisis the best possible option seems to be a position of a country at the periphery of the developed world deprived of any decisive influence on the politics of its neighbors.
М.Ю. Урнов. Эмоциональная атмосфера общества как объект политологического исследования Статья 1. ... more М.Ю. Урнов. Эмоциональная атмосфера общества как объект политологического исследования Статья 1. Общественные настроения и эмоциональная атмосфера общества в академической политологии Опубликовано: Общественные науки и современность. 2007. № 2. С. 127-140
Роль культуры в демократическом транзите Автор: М. Ю. УРНОВ В статье рассматривается влияние куль... more Роль культуры в демократическом транзите Автор: М. Ю. УРНОВ В статье рассматривается влияние культуры на формирование институтов политической демократии в переходных обществах. Особое внимание уделяется негативному влиянию авторитарного синдрома на процесс демократизации, условиям активации авторитарного синдрома и путям его преодоления. Ключевые слова: демократизация, культура, авторитарный синдром, фрустрация, ресентимент. The article examines the impact of culture on the formation of institutions of political democracy in transitional societies. Special attention is paid to the negative influence of authoritarian syndrome on the democratization process, to the conditions of activation of the authoritarian syndrome and ways to overcome it.
В статье исследуются массовые представления россиян о справедливости в сопоставлении с аналогичны... more В статье исследуются массовые представления россиян о справедливости в сопоставлении с аналогичными представлениями жителей США, Германии и Китая.
Journal of the New Economic Association, 2015
The main political constraints blocking modernization of Russian economy are a low quality of off... more The main political constraints blocking modernization of Russian economy are a low quality of official concepts of modernization, prevalence of authoritarian values and attitudes in Russian political culture, and excessive military expenditures. The recently formulated economic doctrines tend to minimize the import of technology and to restrict access of foreign capital into the most attractive industries. The most likely effect of such doctrines (if implemented) is - at best - stagnation, and at worst - the prevalence of an archaic economy, which supplies low-quality products and maims the environment. In Russian political culture today one can see a prevalence of a conflicting mixture of right and left authoritarian value-orientations, poorly compatible with requirements of the XXI century modernization. In 2010-2014 Russian military expenditures increased steadily. Meanwhile, limited by the GDP size, these expenditures are not able to provide Russia with a place among the world l...
Sociological Research, 1991
An earlier publication under the same title (see Rabochii klass i sovremennyi mir, 1989, no. 4) c... more An earlier publication under the same title (see Rabochii klass i sovremennyi mir, 1989, no. 4) concerned a sociological study organized in May 1988 among the personnel at one of the natural science institutes in Moscow. In the present article we shall be discussing the results of a survey of three groups of Soviet youth using a similar procedure that was done a year later (April-May 1989). As in the first case, attention was focused on the general features of the political consciousness of the respondents, and fluctuations in indices of their readiness for democracy.
New Economic Journal, 2015
The current economic crisis in Russia has been caused by a combination of situational and "s... more The current economic crisis in Russia has been caused by a combination of situational and "systemic" factors. The former group of factors includes (inter alia) a fall in international oil prices; the political revolution in Ukraine; a decrease of public trust in political power institutions in 2008-2014; and a low quality analytical support of political decision-making process. The most important "systemic" factors are a traditional dependence of Russia on raw materials' export and the crisis of national identity. The long-term effect of the crisis will be a narrowing of the spectrum of positions that Russia could take in the world economic and political system. Before the crisis, the spectrum of options was limited by a position of regional power (at best) and a position of emerging state/country with an uncertain status, survived in or experiencing a de jure or de facto territorial disintegration. As a result of the crisis the best possible option seems to be a position of a country at the periphery of the developed world deprived of any decisive influence on the politics of its neighbors.
Book: Democracy versus Modernization.A dilemma for Russia and for the world, 2012
In the present climate, a relatively narrow aspect of the transition to democracy appears to have... more In the present climate, a relatively narrow aspect of the transition to democracy appears to have assumed overwhelming importance – the threat to the formation of a stable democracy posed by that “authoritarian syndrome” which is such an integral part of the culture of societies in transition....
Book: Democracy versus Modernization - Routledge, 2012 eBook ISBN 978-0-203-10896-3, 2012
In the present climate, a relatively narrow aspect of the transition to democracy appears to have... more In the present climate, a relatively narrow aspect of the transition to democracy appears to have assumed overwhelming importance – the threat to the formation of a stable democracy posed by that “authoritarian syndrome” which is such an integral part of the culture of societies in transition. By “transition to democracy” I mean the transition by a society from an authoritarian regime of whatever kind1 to a liberal democracy, that is to a political system based on institutionalized and public competition among the political elites for the votes of the electorate with the object of achieving power and influence. Joseph Schumpeter described liberal democracy as a “competition for leadership” or “free competition for a free vote”.2 The authoritarian syndrome is present to a greater or lesser extent in the cultures of virtually all countries embarking on the path to democracy, and makes this path quite thorny. At the same time, in the theory of democratic transition, the issue of political culture as a whole and authoritarianism in particular is confined to the periphery of research interests, at least when compared with economic and sociostructural issues. This state of affairs appears rather odd. In the theories of social systems and behavioral theories,3 political culture is traditionally assigned a substantial, independent role. This is also true of the theories of totalitarianism and democracy: as far as totalitarianism is concerned, ever since Erich Fromm’s Escape from Freedom (1941) and Theodor Adorno’s Authoritarian Personality (1950), and in terms of democracy at least since Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba’s Civic Culture (1963). Transitology provides a different picture. There is a series of research works on transition in which cultural issues are completely ignored.4 There are works in which political culture is treated largely as a function of economic factors and social structure.5 Indeed, this appears to be the dominant approach. At times we encounter a less simplistic and more appropriate version, according to which political culture, although powerfully influenced by economic and social pro cesses, is nevertheless capable of determining the specific characteristics of the emerging political institutions6 and of facilitating the collapse of unsustainable political structures.7 However, there is little popular support for the view of political culture as an independent factor of transition, capable of playing a decisive role in the course
The Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia
The Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia, Apr 1, 2001
Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 2014
The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (vel... more The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (velikoderzhavnost') between the years of 2000 and 2014, that is to say during President Putin's period of rule. The concept of Russia as the great power was changing during this time in two respects: first, there was an increasing reticence of self-assessments; second, we observe prioritization of protecting the country's own, mostly regional, interests as opposed to expansion which would be characteristic of a great power. Moreover, this period clearly demonstrates contradictions and dangers, engendered in the process of losing self-perception as that of the great power. The readiness of Russian political elite to part bit by bit with the status of the great power and to go to the status of a regional power is combined (as the events around Ukraine have shown) with unwillingness to sustain the new status of the country with the help of the capabilities of a soft power. Lack of these, as well as of the skills in their use, and finally, a desire to raise the rating of trust in the government with the help of “a small victorious war” have formed the basis for the aggressive upsurge towards Ukraine. In the absence of serious hard and soft capabilities, the splashes of aggressiveness in Russian foreign policy and of anti-Western sentiments in domestic political life are unlikely to have any lasting effect. They are able, however, to generate extremely negative long-term consequences for the country.
The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (vel... more The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (velikoderzhavnost') between the years of 2000 and 2014, that is to say during President Putin's period of rule. The concept of Russia as the great power was changing during this time in two respects: first, there was an increasing reticence of self- assessments; second, we observe prioritization of protecting the country's own, mostly regional, interests as opposed to expansion which would be characteristic of a great power. Moreover, this period clearly demonstrates contradictions and dangers, engendered in the process of losing self-perception as that of the great power. The readiness of Russian political elite to part bit by bit with the status of the great power and to go to the status of a regional power is combined (as the events around Ukraine have shown) with unwilling- ness to sustain the new status of the country with the help of the capabilities of a soft power. Lack of these, as well as of the skills in their use, and finally, a desire to raise the rating of trust in the government with the help of “a small victorious war” have formed the basis for the aggressive upsurge towards Ukraine. In the absence of serious hard and soft capabilities, the splashes of aggressiveness in Russian foreign policy and of anti-Western sentiments in domestic political life are unlikely to have any lasting effect. They are able, however, to generate extremely negative long-term consequences for the country.
The current economic crisis in Russia has been caused by a combination of situational and “system... more The current economic crisis in Russia has been caused by a combination of situational and “systemic” factors. The former group of factors includes (inter alia) a fall in international oil prices; the political revolution in Ukraine; a decrease of public trust in political power institutions in 2008- 2014; and a low quality analytical support of political decision-making process. The most important “systemic” factors are a traditional dependence of Russia on raw materials’ export and the crisis of national identity. The long-term effect of the crisis will be a narrowing of the spectrum of positions that Russia could take in the world economic and political system. Before the crisis, the spectrum of options was limited by a position of regional power (at best) and a position of emerging state/country with an uncertain status, survived in or experiencing a de jure or de facto territorial disintegration. As a result of the crisis the best possible option seems to be a position of a country at the periphery of the developed world deprived of any decisive influence on the politics of its neighbors.
М.Ю. Урнов. Эмоциональная атмосфера общества как объект политологического исследования Статья 1. ... more М.Ю. Урнов. Эмоциональная атмосфера общества как объект политологического исследования Статья 1. Общественные настроения и эмоциональная атмосфера общества в академической политологии Опубликовано: Общественные науки и современность. 2007. № 2. С. 127-140
Роль культуры в демократическом транзите Автор: М. Ю. УРНОВ В статье рассматривается влияние куль... more Роль культуры в демократическом транзите Автор: М. Ю. УРНОВ В статье рассматривается влияние культуры на формирование институтов политической демократии в переходных обществах. Особое внимание уделяется негативному влиянию авторитарного синдрома на процесс демократизации, условиям активации авторитарного синдрома и путям его преодоления. Ключевые слова: демократизация, культура, авторитарный синдром, фрустрация, ресентимент. The article examines the impact of culture on the formation of institutions of political democracy in transitional societies. Special attention is paid to the negative influence of authoritarian syndrome on the democratization process, to the conditions of activation of the authoritarian syndrome and ways to overcome it.
В статье исследуются массовые представления россиян о справедливости в сопоставлении с аналогичны... more В статье исследуются массовые представления россиян о справедливости в сопоставлении с аналогичными представлениями жителей США, Германии и Китая.
В книге излагается концепция эмоциональной атмосферы общества, основывающаяся на идеях Г. Тарда ... more В книге излагается концепция эмоциональной атмосферы общества, основывающаяся на идеях Г. Тарда и К. Левина и ориентированная на нужды политического анализа.
Подробно рассматривается агрессивная составляющая эмоциональной атмосферы. Предлагается разработанный с опорой на теорию Ф.Робайе понятийный аппарат для исследования динамики агрессивности на социетальном уровне. Описываются два важных с политологической точки зрения типа фрустрационных процессов: токвилев и стрессовый. Анализируется зависимость между склонностью общества к токвилеву или стрессовому процессу и развитостью в нем достижительного поведения.
Вниманию читателей предлагается национальный доклад о роли бизнеса в общественном развитии. Основ... more Вниманию читателей предлагается национальный доклад о роли бизнеса в общественном развитии. Основной темой доклада является анализ российской и международной практики участия бизнеса в общественном развитии. Доклад продолжает и развивает идеи, заложенные в основу изданного ранее Ассоциацией Менеджеров и ПРООН национального «Доклада о социальных инвестициях в России за 2004 год».
В докладе показывается, что российский бизнес должен стать основной движущей силой модернизации России. Модернизация должна быть проведена бизнесом за счет раскрепощения человеческого потенциала и использования общественной энергетики на благо страны. При этом государственно-политические институты берут на себя функции объединения людей, генерации «национальной идеи» и гаранта стабильности.
В докладе обсуждаются различные эффекты от участия деловых кругов в реализации социальных инициатив. Сделан обоснованный прогноз возрастания роли бизнеса в общественном развитии России в ближайшее время. Даны рекомендации государству и бизнесу.
В основу доклада легли многочисленные материалы из российских и зарубежных источников. Использованы данные исследования Ассоциации Менеджеров, в котором приняли участие более 200 ведущих представителей деловых кругов, государственной власти и экспертного сообщества. Кроме того, использовались материалы экспертных семинаров, проведенных Ассоциацией Менеджеров. Доклад рассчитан на российских и зарубежных читателей–лидеров делового сообщества, государственных чиновников, представителей международных структур и общественных организаций.