Joleen Steyn Kotze | Human Sciences Research Council (original) (raw)

Papers by Joleen Steyn Kotze

HSRC Policy Brief, 2019

The importance of the blue economy to poverty alleviation, employment creation and sustainable de... more The importance of the blue economy to poverty alleviation, employment
creation and sustainable development is gaining increasing scholarly and
policy attention across the globe. The World Bank defines the blue economy as ‘comprising the range of economic sectors and related policies that together determine whether the use of oceanic resources is sustainable. Sustainability in this context refers to the use of the resources of our oceans in a way that preserves the health of our oceans for use by future generation’ (World Bank 2017: vi, emphasis added).

The slogan for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) – leave no one behind – draws attention to marginalised and excluded groups in society, one of which is women. In this policy brief, we discuss women’s economic empowerment in the blue economy in the Indian Ocean region and a few of the challenges that persist, and suggest policy directives that could be implemented to address these challenges.

The Indian Ocean is regarded as a ‘vital part of the economies, livelihoods and cultural identities of the states which border or lie within its boundaries’ (Llewellyn et al. 2016: 52). Key strategic industries in developing the Indian Ocean’s blue economy are: (i) fisheries and aquaculture; (ii) renewable ocean energy; (iii) seaports and shipping;
(iv) offshore hydrocarbons and seabed minerals; (v) marine biotechnology, research and development; and (vi) tourism (IORA 2018).
Drawing on general principles of the blue economy, we offer policy recommendations to facilitate a more nuanced approach to achieving gender equality for women in the coastal, marine and maritime sectors of the Indian Ocean’s blue economy.

These policy recommendations are: (i) generating evidence-based
knowledge on women in the blue economy; (ii) the need for women to participate in policy-making processes in the blue economy; (iii) creating gender sensitive institutions and transnational gender networks; and (iv) allowing women to be both agents and actors in their development as opposed to passive recipients and beneficiaries of development initiatives.

This comes against a backdrop of women lagging behind in all the sectors of the blue economy mentioned above despite various international efforts that encourage inclusive gender development. It can no longer be disputed that women’s equality should be recognised, not only as a human rights issue but also as an economic issue. Melinda Gates (2018) notes:
"One of the most profound ways a woman can make life better for herself and her family is to take control of her economic future … When women have money in their hands and the authority to choose how to spend it, they grow in confidence and power. They change the unwritten rules that say women are lesser than men".

HSRC Policy Brief No., 2018

In 2013, the Human Science Research Council (HSRC) conducted a survey on South Africans’ knowledg... more In 2013, the Human Science Research Council (HSRC) conducted a survey
on South Africans’ knowledge of international affairs and foreign policy (Roberts et al., 2015). Key findings of this survey highlighted (1) limited
public awareness of foreign policy issues, (2) the shaping of foreign policy
preferences by ideological positions and (3) differences in opinion among South Africans on the importance of foreign policy issues. A key recommendation was the need to monitor public perceptions of foreign policy issues and that the Department of International
Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) engage in education campaigns
(Roberts et al., 2015).

This policy brief provides an analysis of the foreign policy perceptions of 3 063 South Africans who participated in the 2017 South African Social Attitudes Survey (SASAS). The survey included questions on perceptions of South Africa’s influence and soft power as a global and African actor; perceptions of key foreign policy issues that South Africa should pursue; and the most pressing global issues in the world today
for South Africans. These questions are analysed in this brief through the lens of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which set the international development agenda. Key findings indicate that South Africans continue to have limited knowledge of world affairs, even though there is a view that international affairs are important for South Africa’s interests. South Africans feel that the country has lower soft power capacity globally but remains an influential and powerful role player on the African continent. South Africans remain divided in their views
on foreign policy priorities. Notably, the respondents’ priority issues were not aligned with the international agenda of the SDGs but were constructed
through the lens of domestic political and socioeconomic concerns – a sign of a somewhat insular or limited approach to South Africa’s place and role in the world.

Gender equality is high on the global agenda. With the adoption of the sustainable development g... more Gender equality is high on the global agenda. With the adoption of the sustainable development goals, the world reaffirmed its commitment to advance gender equality and the empowerment of all women and children. In this context, the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) committed itself to gender equality through advancing women’s economic empowerment [IORA (2016). Declaration on gender equality and women’s economic empowerment. Retrieved from http://www.iora.net/media/168553/iora_declaration_on_gender_equality_and_women_s_economic_empowerment_2016.pdf]. At the heart of sustainable development for the IORA countries is the need for women’s economic empowerment. Drawing on the United Nations Development Programme’s 2016 Human Development Report Statistical Annex and the World Bank’s report [(2016). Women, business and law index. Retrieved from http://wbl.worldbank.org/data/exploretopics/protecting-women-from-violence], this paper presents a baseline analysis of gender, transformation, and development within the IORA. The paper analyzes gender and transformation within IORA focusing on policy directives for gendered development and transformation. We argue to advance gender transformation within IORA, a political imaginary of what a gender-equal IORA entails is an essential component of gendered developmental policy within the region. This requires building transnational feminist and women empowerment networks to create discursive feminist frameworks that guide women empowerment and gender justice within IORA, contributing to a transformed understanding of diplomacy within the region.

In 2015, clarion calls for a radical change in South African universities sounded. Protesting stu... more In 2015, clarion calls for a radical change in South African universities sounded. Protesting
students demanded a transformed cultural and physical spatiality of South African
universities. Their narrative emphasised colonial structures personified in the symbolism of
statutes like Cecil John Rhodes, and is driven ideologically by an ‘apartheid culture’ that
does not advance an African philosophical and intellectual project but continues to oppress
them. They frame their struggle as Fallism [Fallism was coined as a term to describe the
ideological drive of disruption, and seeing the fall of something in mobilizing around the
symbolism of oppression and struggle, most notably challenges continued discrimination
and exclusion on the basis of race, class, sex and the exclusionary nature of capitalism and
the commodification of higher education [wa Bofelo, M. 2017. “Fallism and the Dialectics of
spontaneity and organisation”. Accessed November 17, 2017. https://www.joburgpost.co.za/
2017/08/04/fallism-dialectics-spontaneity-organisation-disrupting-tradition-reconstruct-tradit
ion/]. It is an ideological vehicle advancing a cultural revolution, not just for free education, but
for what they have termed the decolonization of spaces of higher learning and, more
fundamentally, the decolonization of the mind.]. Their imaginary highlights a contested and
militant debate on the spatiality of transformation, underpinned by a notion of abjection.
This article explores the notion of revolt embodied in Fallism through a Kristevan lens. I
argue that at the core of the students’ revolt is a sense of abjection fuelling the Fallist
struggle for the complete structural decolonisation of universities.

Fifteen years into South Africa's democratic experience, the African National Congress (ANC)-led ... more Fifteen years into South Africa's democratic experience, the African National Congress (ANC)-led government is faced with protest action associated with a perceived lack of basic service delivery and systemic corruption at the sphere of local government. Since 2004, many communities have resorted to violent riots, destroying schools, libraries and houses of underperforming local government councillors. This article focuses on the mandate of the Zuma administration and the key challenge of service delivery at the sphere of local government. The intention of the article is to provide, in the context of the developmental state, an overview of the challenges the Zuma administration faces in delivering basic services at the local government sphere.

South Africa is in the midst of a mass transformation project. This project aims to transform soc... more South Africa is in the midst of a mass transformation project. This project aims to transform society to an inclusive and united polity based on the principles of non- racialism, equality and diversity. This project, underpinned by the political agenda of the National Democratic Revolution, however has not been easy. At the dawn of democracy, South African society was deeply divided socially, politically
and economically along racial lines. The transformation project therefore necessitated all-encompassing political, social and economic change. Politically South Africa is a multiracial, politically inclusive and democratic society. However, substantive progress on reducing racialised inequality and poverty has been lacking, which severely undermines a sense of national identity and national identity construction independent of race. It is in this context that this paper presents findings from an empirical survey conducted among university students in the Eastern Cape, South Africa, on their perception of race relations and quality of life as the first generation to have grown up exclusively under ANC rule and its stated commitment of non-racialism.

The Economic Freedom Index published by the Heritage Foundation ranks South Africa at 72 nd out o... more The Economic Freedom Index published by the Heritage Foundation ranks South Africa at 72 nd out of 178 countries in terms of economic freedom in 2015. This index classifies South Africa as moderately free in terms of its level of economic freedom. While the country may be in the middle of the pack on the Economic Freedom Index, it is also often classified as one of the most unequal societies in the world. South Africa is often seen in the top five unequal countries globally with a high Gini-coefficient, and when using the Palma index (measuring the ratio of income share between the top 10 per cent and bottom 40 per cent), South Africa can also be classified as highly unequal. Therefore a contradiction seems to exist. While South Africa ranks as economically moderately free on one hand, the country is also regarded as one of the most unequal societies in the world, on the other hand. It is this contradiction that brings to the fore a contested ideological construction of economic freedom within its political narrative premised on a view that the promise of democracy had not delivered. This article presents a critical discourse analysis of the contested interpretations of economic freedom through the lens of securing liberation and the promise of democracy in South Africa: a promise built on the Freedom Charter's construction of a democratic South Africa.

South Africa is a country in which one can expect the unexpected. An inspiration for all. What ma... more South Africa is a country in which one can expect the unexpected. An inspiration for all. What made it possible was the determination of the people to work together…to transform bitter experiences into the binding glue of a rainbow nation (Kofi Annan, 2009) ABSTRACT A central tenet to successful democratic consolidation is the engineering of a national identity for social cohesion. in the case of South Africa, the doctrine of non-racialism underpinned by being African can serve as ideological 'glue' to create a sense of South African nationhood in a post-apartheid context. however, seventeen years into South Africa's democratic experiment, the country is still plagued by apartheid-constructed identities and divisions rooted in both socio-political and socioeconomic life. indeed, much political rhetoric emerging from civic and political organisation has re-racialised South African society, rendering a commitment to non-racialism somewhat ineffective. in this context, this paper has two central objectives. firstly, it traces the centrality of engineering citizenship as central to long-term democratic durability and sustainability in emerging democracies. in this sense, democratic consolidation is dependent upon the successful creation of citizenship, and more specifically, South African citizenship. Secondly, the paper assesses non-racialism as an ideological driver to nation formation and building in South Africa. essentially, it is argued that deracialising South African society is dependent upon a normative commitment of the citizenry and political elites to the principles of non-racialism in a pluralist polity characterised by diversity and multiculturalism.

South Africa’s first post-apartheid generation was eligible to vote for the first time in the 201... more South Africa’s first post-apartheid generation was eligible to vote for the first time in the 2014 general elections. Born in 1994, this generation never lived under an institutionalised system of apartheid, yet they continue to grapple with the legacies of the apartheid system in contemporary South Africa. This paper presents findings on the construction of political party support among university students. The conventional wisdom perpetuated within democratisation scholarship is the necessity of a strong middle class for democratic durability; consequently, this study evaluates the foundations of the political support of students as
the aspiring and potential future middle class in South Africa. This survey measured the foundations of political party support and political choice at three different universities in the Eastern Cape: Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, Rhodes University and the University of Fort Hare. The Eastern Cape is often considered the birthplace of the ruling African National Congress (ANC); as such, the findings prove to be significant in that the overall finding was that support for the ANC is declining in its heartland. Should universities be successful in facilitating the upward social mobility of students to an educated middle class, this could in future result in the erosion of one-party dominance in South Africa. The
findings suggest that, as with many one-party-dominant systems, a lack of political efficacy and a declining ability to deliver political, social and economic goods to citizens lead to a decline in political support for ‘liberator political parties’, and as such, the ANC’s dominant position in the political system may in future become fragile.

South Africa’s first truly born-free generation voted for the first time in the 2014 General Ele... more South Africa’s first truly born-free generation voted for the first time in the 2014 General
Elections. Born in 1994, this generation never lived under an institutionalised system of
apartheid, but continue to grapple with the legacies of the apartheid system in contemporary
South Africa. This paper presents the findings of an empirical survey amongst university
students, who constitute the future and aspiring middle-class in democratic South Africa. The
survey measured attitudes towards and faith in South Africa’s political system and
foundations of political party support and political choice from three different universities in
the Eastern Cape: Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, Rhodes University, and the
University of Fort Hare. The Eastern Cape is often considered the birthplace of the ruling
African National Congress, and as such, the findings prove significant in that the overall
finding was that support for the African National Congress is declining in its heartland, and
this could in future result in the erosion of the one-party dominant in South Africa should the
middle class grow.

The last state of the discipline survey was done 15 years ago. In celebration of the 40th anniver... more The last state of the discipline survey was done 15 years ago. In celebration of the 40th anniversary of Politikon the authors take stock of the transformation of the discipline since 1994 to show how changes in the tertiary education sector have influenced Political Science. Results of a survey of the discipline, which includes academic modules offered in Political Science and International Relations, as well as ratings of academic departments and individual scholars are analysed to show the significant changes that have occurred since the last survey. New and a greater variety of modules are offered, research outputs have increased, as have the numbers of students. On the whole, Political Science scholars are more positive about the discipline than 15 years ago. We conclude by arguing that policy relevance remains an issue and that there is a need for a greater African focus.

This article examines the root causes of factionalism within the ANC that characterised the Polok... more This article examines the root causes of factionalism within the ANC that
characterised the Polokwane conference and discusses its impact on
governance and service delivery at the local sphere of government using
the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality as the case study. Although the ANC
has historically been riddled with factionalism, the divisions that emerged
within the context of the Polokwane Conference resulted in an escalation
of political infighting that directly impacted on governance structures on
the local government level for a protracted period of time. The article
demonstrates that factionalist competition at the national sphere translated
into fierce factionalist battles on a local level, affecting governance
capacity of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality. Factional battles at
the local sphere however, were seemingly driven by personal political
agendas, and not necessarily a concern for greater service delivery.

Politikon Vol. 41 (2), Feb 24, 2014

The 2011 Local Government elections in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM) represented the... more The 2011 Local Government elections in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM) represented the beginning of a potentially significant shift in the political landscape of South Africa. The Democratic Alliance increased its vote total from the 2006 Local Government Elections by 14.8% to 40.2% and won 10 single member ward districts previously held by the African National Congress (ANC). The ANC held on to its majority position but gained only 51.9% of the votes and 63 of the 120 councillor positions in the NMBM. Understanding the patterns of vote shift is crucial to understanding whether or not the 2011 Local Government Elections portends the permanent decline of the ANC as a dominant electoral force in the NMBM. Additionally, to what extent the decline in an ANC-stronghold signals a possible decline nationally for the 2014 General Elections emerges as a crucial question for the future of South African electoral politics.

Politeia Vol. 31 (2). Pp. 89 – 108.

ABSTRACT
A central tenet to successful democratic consolidation is the engineering of a national identity for social cohesion. In the case of South Africa, the doctrine of non-racialism underpinned by being African can serve as ideological ‘glue’ to create a sense of South African nationhood in a post-apartheid context. However, seventeen years into South Africa’s democratic experiment, the country is still plagued by apartheid-constructed identities and divisions rooted in both socio-political and socio-economic life. Indeed, much political rhetoric emerging from civic and political organisation has re-racialised South African society, rendering a commitment to non-racialism somewhat ineffective. In this context, this paper has two central objectives. Firstly, it traces the centrality of engineering citizenship as central to long-term democratic durability and sustainability in emerging democracies. In this sense, democratic consolidation is dependent upon the successful creation of citizenship, and more specifically, South African citizenship. Secondly, the paper assesses non-racialism as an ideological driver to nation formation and building in South Africa. Essentially, it is argued that deracialising South African society is dependent upon a normative commitment of the citizenry and political elites to the principles of non-racialism in a pluralist polity characterised by diversity and multiculturalism.

Journal of Peace and Justice Studies Vol. 20 (2). Pp. 94 – 116.

The early 1990 period saw an increase in conflict in Africa as well as the increase of brutal tac... more The early 1990 period saw an increase in conflict in Africa as well as the increase of brutal tactics of war ranging from using rape as a weapon of war to the amputation of limbs of citizens. By 2006 nearly half of all high-intensity conflicts were fought on the African continent. In many cases, a fragile peace had been achieved in countries that saw some of the most brutal actions of war and experienced the most horrific of human rights abuses. These societies embarked on the processes of post-conflict reconstruction as well as searching for sustainable peace through processes of national reconciliation and forgiveness. Transitional processes were undertaken in the hope that democratic sustainability and durable peace could finally materialise in these fragile societies. In this sense, many African societies embarked on transitional justices’ approaches of restorative and retributive justice, ranging from collective amnesia of the Mozambican mamba spirits, retribution of the Gacaca courts of Rwanda, and reconciliation of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. This article seeks to engage the notions that underpin Western or retributive justice and African or restorative notions of justice in achieving democratic durability in a post-conflict society. It is premised on the argument that sustainable peace in Africa can only be achieved with a creative mixture of both Western and African approaches to transitional justice.

Politeia Vol. 28 (1). Pp. 59 – 79.

As a form of governance, democracy is associated with the rule of the people and/or majority rule... more As a form of governance, democracy is associated with the rule of the people and/or majority rule. This system of governance shares its nobility with the access that it provides for people to influence and govern themselves as they see fit. Representation is, therefore, an essential element for democracies to endure. Floor crossing directly undermined the principles of representative democracy: it proved detrimental to a young and fragile democracy, and alienated the primary rulers, the people, from the democratic process. This article demonstrates the effect floor crossing had on representation, using the South African case study prior to the legislation being scrapped towards the end of the year 2008.

Politeia Vol. 25 (3). Pp. 207 – 218.

Many observers and analysts focusing on electioneering and voter behaviour in South Africa, conce... more Many observers and analysts focusing on electioneering and voter behaviour in South Africa, concentrate on race and racial rhetoric. The idea of responsible electioneering during election season is captured in the Electoral Code of Conduct which political parties signed before the 2004 general and the 2006 municipal elections. Racial focus on analysis of voter behaviour, although appropriate at times, may not be adequate in explaining current voter behaviour in South Africa. Using race may merely explain one aspect of voter behaviour.This article will argue that there is a definite shift in the focus of the voter towards service delivery.

International Journal for Interdisciplinary Social Science Vol. 3 (1). Pp. 13 – 30.

This paper is rooted in democracy and transformative theories as it attempts to identify issues s... more This paper is rooted in democracy and transformative theories as it attempts to identify issues surrounding democracy theory, specifically liberal democracy, in order to determine whether there is a need to review democracy theory as it stands today. The central purpose of democratic consolidation theory is to determine what will ensure stability and deepening of democracy in emerging democracies. It is widely accepted that democratic consolidation theory centre on conditions that are most conducive to political stability and as such attempt to identify such conditions. These conditions relate to institutions and regime performance in general. There are however fundamental flaws with liberal democratic consolidation theory. The paper will explore the need to re-evaluate theory in order to obtain a more inclusive interpretation of reality. In essence, theory seems to be missing the point in practice, especially in non-Western contexts.

. Journal of Contemporary History Vol. 35 (1). Pp. 1 – 20.

Since the early 1990s, the world has been caught in democratic fever and Africa has not escaped t... more Since the early 1990s, the world has been caught in democratic fever and Africa has not escaped the spread of liberal democracy. Yet, Africa remains in a state of perpetual democratic unconsolidation and faces many difficulties in achieving the coveted state of democratic consolidation. Democratic assessment of African political systems is at times very pessimistic about its democratic future, but fails to consider Africa's process of democratic development in constructing its interpretation of liberty and equality. The international construction of the meaning of liberty and equality and its relationship to democracy is closely tied to the discourse and debates that prevailed during the Cold War period, when many African states received their independence. Using a discourse analysis one can trace the philosophical and ideological construction of democratic liberty and equality for Africa. This article highlights the debate between liberty and equality that characterised the Cold War period, and its impact on the philosophical construction of democracy in Africa.

HSRC Policy Brief, 2019

HSRC Policy Brief No., 2018

Politikon Vol. 41 (2), Feb 24, 2014

Politeia Vol. 31 (2). Pp. 89 – 108.

Journal of Peace and Justice Studies Vol. 20 (2). Pp. 94 – 116.

Politeia Vol. 28 (1). Pp. 59 – 79.

Politeia Vol. 25 (3). Pp. 207 – 218.

International Journal for Interdisciplinary Social Science Vol. 3 (1). Pp. 13 – 30.

. Journal of Contemporary History Vol. 35 (1). Pp. 1 – 20.

South Africa is now in its third decade of democratic rule. Contemporary political analysis highl... more South Africa is now in its third decade of democratic rule. Contemporary political analysis highlight that citizens are caught in a grand democratic disillusionment in the context of political decay. This is evident in political volatility through service delivery protest that escalate in both frequency and destructiveness, narrative of state capture, political corruption, and anorexic delivery of basic services. A dominant narrative is that the democratic dividend of a better life had not materialised for many who remain caught in the cycle of poverty and inequality.

The ruling African National Congress (ANC) is blamed for ineffective delivery, slack transformation, and self-benefit through corruption, which has not delivered the dream of 1994. This democratic disillusionment finds expression in often destructive and violent service delivery protests and an increase in voter disengagement from formal electoral processes (Schultz-Herzenberg, 2014). The Afrobarometer Survey 2015 found that South Africans are discontent with democracy and “…a majority of citizens would be willing to give up elections in favour of a non-elected government that would provide basic services” (Afrobarometer, 2016). This indicates that intrinsic support for democracy in South Africa is weak. It also shows that South Africans seem to generate instrumental support for democracy as opposed to intrinsic democratic support. Democratic legitimation based on instrumental support for democracy can be problematic as it is

…granted and may be withdrawn according the mood of the times. If citizens evaluate regimes mainly in terms of their capacity to deliver consumable benefits or to rectify material inequalities, they may also succumb the siren song of populist leaders who argue that economic development requires sacrifice of political leaders (Kotze and Steenekamp, 2009: 72).

In this context, a narrative of renegotiating South Africa’s political society also emerged in 2012 under the banner of Economic CODESA driven by perpetual high levels of poverty and inequality that mostly affect black South Africans. This narrative stresses growing discontent with a slow pace of transformation could potentially lead to a political and democratic crisis (Allix, 2012). The main thrust of this narrative stresses that “…we achieved political freedom without economic freedom…we never completed the job and we still have economic apartheid dividing the haves and the have-nots” (Sunter, 2015). It thus points to proverbial buyers remorse on the deal that inaugurated South Africa’s democracy in 1994.

Du Toit (2003: 104 – 105) observed, South Africa’s early political decay should be read in relation to overall ideas and goals that parties came to the negotiation table with in the early 1990s. The inherent problem with negotiated settlements to secure democracy, for Du Toit, is incommensurables. Here he highlights those incommensurables

…accrue over time, as one party gains something tangible that yields quick benefits, while the other party gains an item that is harder to measure, takes longer time to produce observable benefits, and may not even be equally beneficial to all stakeholders on that side of the bargain (Du Toit, 2003: 109).

In the South African case, it is evident that creating a political democracy was achieved as the “quick” outcome of the negotiations. A mere four years after the negotiations, a founding election inaugurated the post-apartheid state with a democratically elected ANC at its helm. This victory, however, came in the context of a contested narrative on reimaging the state for the political project of creating post-apartheid South African society. Twenty-two years after the miracle of 1994, as Robinson, Steinberg, and Simon (2016: 1) highlight, “there is an increasing sense that the settlement reached in 1994 was not so much the foundation of a new order as a holding operation, keeping in abeyance a host of unresolved issues in regard to economic distribution and race relations”.

This chapter presents an analysis of the emergent narrative of a buyers’ remorse of the bargain of 1994 through Huntington’s (1996) lens of transition and democratisation problems. First, I present an analysis of South Africa’s transition problems, which may have culminated in signs of political decay evident after 22 years of democracy. South Africa may well be caught in the problems of transitions that may inhibit democratic consolidation and legitimation of an emerging democracy. Democratic consolidation and legitimation, Huntington argues (1996: 209 – 210), may be impeded by three factors, which are transition problems, contextual problems, and systemic problems. This chapter focuses on two questions. First, what did the dream of 1994 mean for ordinary citizens? This is an important question considering the finding that South Africans have an instrumentalist construction of democracy. What did it mean that live would be better under the democratic rule? What were the expectations created during South Africa’s transition period? This ties in with the second question this chapter focuses on: a democratic delegitimation rooted in a sense that life had not gotten better under democratic rule.