Aleksandr Smyshliaev | Institute of World History, Russian Academy of Sciences (original) (raw)

Papers by Aleksandr Smyshliaev

В тени Мнемозины: коммеморативные практики в обществах прошлого. Сборник научных трудов / Под ред. А.Н. Маслова, А.В. Махлаюка. – Нижний Новгород: Изд-во ННГУ им. Н.И. Лобачевского, 2015. С. 146-159.

The aim of the article is to identify the image of Augustus in the view of Roman jurists (2nd and... more The aim of the article is to identify the image of Augustus in the view of Roman jurists (2nd and 3d centuries AD). After reviewing the references of Augustus in the extant fragments from the writings of the Roman jurists, the author comes to the conclusion that in the view of Roman jurists Augustus was an ideal ruler, the example
to follow.

Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz. Vol. 13. 2002. P. 113-139.

The so-called Ulpianus' fragment (D. 50. I. 13. I) indicates that governors had the habit of look... more The so-called Ulpianus' fragment (D. 50. I. 13. I) indicates that governors had the habit of looking into the claims for payments submitted by professors of liberal arts, physicians, elementary school teachers, comites (i.e., apparently, professor's assistants and paedagogi) and wet-nurses in a way of extraordinary procedure. As Ulpianus' terminology shows, governors investigated such cases personally, without the aid of the appointed judges (iudices pedanei). The question is why the governors permanently overloaded with work, who even had to resort to accelerated procedure in cases of grave crimes, had constantly to look into paltry claims of such representatives of lower strata as elementary school teachers and wet-nurses. In G. Coppola's opinion, the "professionals" mentioned in Ulpianus' fragment belonged to a privileged group of hired workers. Originally they had to turn with their claims to regular courts, but from the 2nd c. on they enjoyed special legal support and extraordinary hearing of their cases. Under such conditions the plaintiff had good chances of winning the case even if the respondent was much richer and more influential.
The fact that such privileges were granted to professors and physicians was undoubtedly in accord with general imperial policy of granting privileges to people whose labour was considered of special usefulness for the society. But why were the same rights given to elementary school teachers, paedagogi and wet-nurses who had no other privileges and apparently were not included among the people whose services were of high social importance? The answer may lie in the special position they had in Roman family and Roman system of values. Wet-nurses and paedagogi, to a certain extent, played the role of parents in respect to the children they were in charge of, and together with them constituted a kind of surrogate family within the familia itself. According to Roman views the teacher was also seen as a substitute of his pupil's father. Both wet-nurses and paedagogi were connected with the children by the links of kindred love and duty (pietas) considered to be the basis of all virtues in Rome (Cic. Pro Plancio 29). Defending their interests in court could be seen as defending pietas. Looking into the claims of destitute teachers and wet-nurses personally, the governor demonstrated care and attention to the foundations of the Roman society.

Вестник древней истории. № 4. 2014. С. 110—129.

The paper presents a critical analysis of L.L. Kofanov's conception of Roman jurists of the Repub... more The paper presents a critical analysis of L.L. Kofanov's conception of Roman jurists of the Republican period. Kofanov argues that republican jurists were most active and influential public figures, always hanging around at people's gatherings, authoritative orators, whose common opinion helped to maintain peace and accord in the civic community. The author of this paper considers such view to be one-sided and, as a whole, erroneous. In his opinion, this view finds no support in the sources and disagrees with the achievements of modern scholarship.

Ius antiquum. Древнее право. № 2 (22). 2008. С. 76—95.

В статье рассматривается вопрос о роли и значении в римском суде таких внеправовых факторов как р... more В статье рассматривается вопрос о роли и значении в римском суде таких внеправовых факторов как репутация и престиж участников судебного разбирательства и в первую очередь его непосредственных фигурантов: обвиняемых и тяжущихся. Ответ на этот вопрос дает возможность уточнить наши представления о самом характере римского суда.

Современные исследователи пришли к выводу об очень важной роли этих факторов при вынесении приговора или судебного решения. Как отметила М. Глисон: «Римский суд был в большей мере состязанием репутаций, чем исследованием фактов». По мнению Ж.-М. Давида и Э. Мейер, суд в древнем Риме представлял собой своеобразный инструмент для измерения и регулирования престижа и влияния протагонистов судебного разбирательства, а в соответствии с этим — их притязаний на место в социальной и политической иерархии и на первенство в своей гражданской общине. Судебные разбирательства имели ярко выраженный агональный характер и нередко походили на дуэль.

Эти выводы, в целом, не вызывают возражений, но нередко требуют уточнения. Так до сих пор нет единства во взглядах на соотношение правовых и внеправовых факторов в судебном разбирательстве, на последствия проигрыша дела для обвиняемых и тяжущихся, на степень сходства или различия политической и социальной роли iudicia publica и iudicia privata.

Изучение сохранившихся свидетельств заставляет отказаться от абсолютизации роли внеправовых факторов и скорректировать формулировку Глисон: «Римский суд был как состязанием репутаций, так и исследованием фактов». Вследствие такой двойственности предсказать заранее исход каждого конкретного судебного разбирательства было невозможно. Видимо, роль внеправовых факторов была тем выше, чем выше — социальный статус и политическое значение фигурантов судебного расследования.

Поскольку не только в iudicia publica, но и в iudicia privata на кону стояли репутация и престиж протагонистов судебного разбирательства, тесно связанные с их положением в социальной и политической иерархии, поражение не только в уголовном процессе, но и в любой судебной тяжбе нередко имело для них тяжелые последствия.

В тех случаях, когда фигурантами судебных разбирательств были представители «политического класса», социальное и политическое значение iudicia publica и iudicia privata вполне сопоставимо.

Между судебными поединками и политическими компаниями было немалое сходство, поскольку и в тех, и в других шла борьба за социальное и политическое верховенство в гражданской общине. Таким образом, римский суд представлял собой одновременно и социально-политический и правовой институт. Его функции заключались не только в поддержании законности и правопорядка, но и в регулировании притязаний граждан на место в социальной и политической иерархии. Вследствие его двойственного характера судьи не могли руководствоваться исключительно правовыми критериями.

Сходство многих характерных особенностей суда в демократических Афинах и аристократическом Риме, возможно, свидетельствует о том, что они присущи не столько той или иной разновидности античной гражданской общины, сколько полисному социуму в целом. Но это уже тема другого исследования.

Журнал российского права. 2008. № 5 (137). С. 136a-143.

Академклуб. Исторические науки. Вып. 2. Античная история и классическая археология. Отв. ред. В. В. Дементьева. М., 2006. С. 64—78.

Проблема «римской демократии» в современной зарубежной историографии 1 Еще не так давно считалось... more Проблема «римской демократии» в современной зарубежной историографии 1 Еще не так давно считалось, что в истории древ него Рима период Поздней республики изучен лучше любого другого, и какие-либо кардинальные открытия в этой области вряд ли возможны. В последние годы уже мало кто придерживается таких взглядов. Наобо рот, многие исследователи готовы согласиться с бри танским историком Дж. Паттерсоном, утверждающим, что «мы нуждаемся в радикально новой истории (Рим ской) республики» 2 .

IVS ANTIQVVM. Древнее право. 2006. № 17. С. 65-72.

E’ noto che nel primo Impero romano (che era «uno stato senza burocrazia») l'amministrazione dell... more E’ noto che nel primo Impero romano (che era «uno stato senza burocrazia») l'amministrazione delle provincie era impossibile senza la collaborazione volontaria degli istituti di autoamministrazione locale (in primo luogo comunale) con i rappresentanti del potere centrale. Questa collaborazione volontaria si basava sulla politica della coesistenza reciprocamente ventaggiosa della elite centrale con quelle locali, dell'Impero e delle città che ne costituivano la base principale.
Per questa ragione gli scopi dei presides provinciae e degli altri rappresentanti del potere centrale avevano un carattere non tanto amministrativo quanto politico. L'attività di tali funzionali era finalizzata infatti a provvedere a che si mantenesse un equilibrio tra gli interessi dell'Impero e quelli delle città provinciali dove la loro azione aveva luogo. Questi dovevano vigilare perché si potesse rimediare tempestivamente all'insorgenza di eventuali conflitti con i partners sopraddetti (sebbene il loro status non fòsse uguale) nella gestione degli affari dell'amministrazione dello Stato romano.
Si trattava di un'attività molto complicata perche i presides avevano necessità di essere effettivamente i rappresentanti del potere superiore ed esterno nei confronti delle comunità civili, ma dovevano contemperare questa esigenza con la necessità di salvaguardare le tradizioni locali radicate secondo criteri di autonomia e «autarchia» badando a che la sottomissione al potere alieno non apparisse come una forma di schiavitù e il potere stesso
come una tirannia. In condizioni di questo tipo avevano un rilievo capitale non solo il «contenuto», ma anche la forma e il «modo di fare» dei presides verso le città dato che l'insieme stereotipato dei rituali, degli atti e dei gesti, potevano essere interpretati come stile di comportamento nei confronti dei sottoposti. I governatori romani come gli altri rettori e uomini politici all'epoca del Principato avevano necessità di costruire il loro comportamento in modo che la loro attività non fosse in contrasto, non solo con gli interessi delle elite delle polis, ma anche con le tradizioni»
II fine dell'artìcolo è di mettere in piena luce la sostanza e le particolarità di questo stile di comportamento del governatore romano all'epoca del Principato nelle città provinciali. Sulla base di un'esame approfondito delle testimonianze letterarie e epigrafiche l'autore conclude che il comportamento del governatore aveva un carattere piuttosto dimostrativo e cerimoniale ed era condizionato dalle percezioni profonde che questi aveva del suo ruolo di governatore e politico. Agendo secondo la tradizionale etichetta che enfatizzava il carattere di polis della città dove esercitava il suo mandato, il governatore si doveva comportare in una città provinciale non solo come un rappresentante del potere superiore ed estemo nei confronti della città, ma anche come un magistrato della stessa città e come un rappresentante plenipotenziario del collettivo civile, rispettando le tradizioni della comunità e avendo cura dei suoi bisogni.

Вестник древней истории. № 3. 2003. С. 46—60.

During the last decades scholars have criticized severely the traditional view that Roman nobilit... more During the last decades scholars have criticized severely the traditional view that Roman nobility exercised its control over comitia through their obedient clients, and that the political system of the Roman republic in the 3rd-1st cc. BC was oligarchic in its essence. According to F. Millar, the most consistent critic of the traditional views, at that time Roman state system was a republican one with definite democratic traits. Its political life had its centre not at the Curia, but in the Forum, where comitia and contiones were held. Adopting laws, comitia exercised power over political life. The key figure of Roman political life was not the patron in command of obedient clients, but the orator trying to convince the crowd in the Forum. This crowd, representing «the Roman people», was the only sovereign ruler of the Roman state, and in some respect an efficient government body. Power and influence of this crowd were especially strong in the last decades of the Republic, but at that very time it began to lose its connection with the majority of the people and to express the interests of city mob or to serve as an instrument in the hands of influential politicians. Thus, popular politics degenerated into crowd politics, and republic was succeeded by monarchy. In the author's opinion, F. Millar's conception is not free from contradictions. E.g. he seems to underestimate political influence of the aristocracy and the role of the senate in state government. Still, his ideas are more in line with modern view of Roman history, and its very existence helps to overcome the obsolete concepts.

Вестник Древней Истории. № 3. 2001. С. 38—58.

Wet-Nurse at the Court of a Roman Governor A.L. Smyshlyayev The so-called Ulpianus' fragment (D... more Wet-Nurse at the Court of a Roman Governor
A.L. Smyshlyayev
The so-called Ulpianus' fragment (D. 50. I. 13. I) indicates that governors had the habit of looking into the claims for payments submitted by professors of liberal arts, physicians, elementary school teachers, comites (i.e., apparently, professor's assistants and paedagogi) and wet-nurses in a way of extraordinary procedure. As Ulpianus' terminology shows, governors investigated such cases personally, without the aid of the appointed judges (iudices pedanei). The question is why the governors permanently overloaded with work, who even had to resort to accelerated procedure in cases of grave crimes, had constantly to look into paltry claims of such representatives of lower strata as elementary school teachers and wet-nurses. In G. Coppola's opinion, the "professionals" mentioned in Ulpianus' fragment belonged to a privileged group of hired workers. Originally they had to turn with their claims to regular courts, but from the 2nd c. on they enjoyed special legal support and extraordinary hearing of their cases. Under such conditions the plaintiff had good chances of winning the case even if the respondent was much richer and more influential.
The fact that such privileges were granted to professors and physicians was undoubtedly in accord with general imperial policy of granting privileges to people whose labour was considered of special usefulness for the society. But why were the same rights given to elementary school teachers, paedagogi and wet-nurses who had no other privileges and apparently were not included among the people whose services were of high social importance? The answer may lie in the special position they had in Roman family and Roman system of values. Wet-nurses and paedagogi, to a certain extent, played the role of parents in respect to the children they were in charge of, and together with them constituted a kind of surrogate family within the familia itself. According to Roman views the teacher was also seen as a substitute of his pupil's father. Both wet-nurses and paedagogi were connected with the children by the links of kindred love and duty (pietas) considered to be the basis of all virtues in Rome (Cic. Pro Plancio 29). Defending their interests in court could be seen as defending pietas. Looking into the claims of destitute teachers and wet-nurses personally, the governor demonstrated care and attention to the foundations of the Roman society.

Вестник Древней Истории. № 4. 1999. C. 59-70

The article develops the subject discussed in the author's paper about the Roman governor's beha... more The article develops the subject discussed in the author's paper about the Roman governor's
behaviour at his working time (Civilis dominatio: the Roman Governor in a Provincial City // VDI. 1997.
№ 3). His present aim is to point out the ways and habits characteristic of the Roman governor in his
leizure time and to reveal the links between his conduct and the polis traditions and peculiarities of the
Roman provincial government system of the Imperial period.
Evidence of Roman jurists, orators, and writers of 2-3 c. AD, as well as epigraphical and
papyrological sources bring the author to the conclusion that the institution of hospitality (hospitium) and
the public polis festivals played an essential part in the governor's otium.
The institution of hospitality, banquets and gift-making associated with it permitted the governor to
establish informal relations with the most prominent of the city nobles who took part in the sittings of his
counsil (consilium) when he sat in judgement, and the relations of «friendship» and patronate with those
whose help was indispensable for his normal functioning. The polis habit of exercising political and
administrative control through friends and dependents was still valid in governor's practice of the
Imperial period.
Participating in public festivals and attending popular spectacles, the governor could get an
opportunity to maintain direct contacts with the civil community of the administered city and to take
account of the mood and attitudes of mind of ordinary citizens, whom he encountered at popular
assemblies and before whom he held his trial.
During the banquets and spectacles, in accordance with the long established etiquette, the governors
(like magistrates in the imperial cities and emperors in Rome) were expected to behave generously,
politely and democratically, to manifest their fidelity to the city laws and customs and their unity with
their subjects.
Thus, the governor spent his otium and negotium within the same circle of persons and in about the
same manner, otium being as important for organizing provincial government as negotium.

Вестник Древней Истории. № 3. 1997. C. 24-35

In the principate epoch governors of provinces in everyday language were often called magistrates... more In the principate epoch governors of provinces in everyday language were often called magistrates (magistratus) and their power magistratus imperium. The aim of the article is to find out to what extent the behaviour of a governor at his working time, his modus operandi was determined by the perception of him as a magistrate and the expectations related to this as well, as to trace the impact of the above on the administration of his powers.
Drawing on the evidence of Roman lawyers, orators and writers of the 2nd-3rd c. A.D., the author points out that in a provincial city the governor fulfilled his duties in the same place as the city magistrates, and approximately in the same way. He had to personally sort out insignificant routine cases, which were also dealt with by local magistrates. He personally participated in the sittings of the city council and the popular assembly.
In the author's opinion this behaviour was to a considerable extent of demonstrative, ceremonial nature. It was also characteristic of the emperors of the principate epoch who demonstrated their loyalty to the values and traditions of the civic community. It was connected with the perception of the Roman Empire as a civilian, and not despotic sway (civilis dominatio) (Tert. Apol. 2. 14). Similarities in the behaviour of the representatives of the central power according to the established etiquelle with that of the city magistrates and duplication in a number of cases of their actions tended to limit the not so big opportunities of the former to realize their extensive powers. As a result of this, the power and influence of the local city elites and institutions remained intact for a long time. These facts testify to the importance of the ancient civic community, its traditions and values in the Early Empire.

IVS ANTIQVVM. Древнее право. 1997. № 1 (2). С. 65-73.

Nelrarticolo viene presentata la traduzione in russo dei frammenti conservati dei trattati giurìd... more Nelrarticolo viene presentata la traduzione in russo dei frammenti conservati dei trattati giurìdici romani sugli obblighi dei governatori di provincia, ad eccezione della già tradotta opera di Domizio Ulpiano «De officio proconsulis».
La traduzione è preceduta da una breve caratteristica dei trattati. Secondo l'opinione dell'autore, queste opere appartengono alla letteratura giuridica di tipo nuovo, tipico dell'epoca dei tardi Antonini e Severi. Il particolare di questa letteratura sta nell'elaborazione di quei campi del diritto che prima non avevano attirato l'attenzione dei giuristi, nel suo orientamento pratico, nel suo carattere isagogico. L'autore ritiene che i frammenti conservati dei trattati abbiano subito relativamente poche modifiche effettuate dagli interpolatori successivi.
Grazie a ciò i trattati sono una fonte storica estremamente importante. Essi comprendono preziose, a volte uniche notizie sul diritto romano penale ed amministrativo, sull'applicazione del diritto romano nelle provincie, sul carattere, sistema ed ideologia dell'amministrazione provinciale romana.

АКАДЕМИЯ НАУК СССР Институт научной информации по общественным наукам реферативный журнал серия4 ... more АКАДЕМИЯ НАУК СССР Институт научной информации по общественным наукам реферативный журнал серия4 Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt / Hrsg. von Temporali H. -В.; New York, 1974. Bd 2, N 1. ~ S. 3-76. 24. Williams W. The libellus procedure and the Severan papyri // J. of Roman studies. -L1974. Vol. 64. ~i P. 86 -103. А.Л.Смышляев

Вестник Древней Истории. № 4. 1991. C. 106-117

Церемония adventus (букв, «прибытие») представляла собой торжест венную встречу вступавшего в гор... more Церемония adventus (букв, «прибытие») представляла собой торжест венную встречу вступавшего в город правителя или какого-либо иного влиятельного лица. Судя по ее многочисленным описаниям и изображе ниям, она имела чрезвычайно большое значение в греческом мире по край ней мере с периода эллинизма, а в римском -с поздней республики и до конца IV в. н. э. 1

Вестник Древней Истории. 1990. № 1. C. 54-66

The project of an ideal monarchy that Dio Cassius put into the mouth of Maecenas is considered by... more The project of an ideal monarchy that Dio Cassius put into the mouth of Maecenas is considered by modern scholars to be the political programme of the senatorial aristocracy of the early third century A. D., who were ready, to give up claims to political power in exchange for maintenance and consolidation of the privileged position of honour and safety of the Senate and the senatorial estate.
The article notes that Dio's project presumed a weakening or liquidation of such instruments of absolute power as the equites administration, imperial landowning, and the cult of the emperor, and also isolation of the emperors from their main social support, the municipal aristocracy. At the same time, realisation of Dio's proposals would have considerably strengthened the influence and power of the senatorial administration and of the Senate. In those conditions the ruler of the ideal monarchy, possessing unlimited powers, would be able to exercise his power only under strict control of the powerful senatorial oligarchy.
Dio thus while declaring the aim of his programme to be the good of the emperor and of the whole state, was in fact striving to fully ensure real power for the Senate and the Senators. His programme was not evidence of rejection of claims to political power by the senatorial aristocracy of the Severan period, but is evidence of a desive to camouflage these claims so as to facilitate their realisation in the conditions of Alexander Severus' government.

Вестник древней истории. 1986, № 1, с. 214—216.

пяти золотых. Но если у какого-нибудь осужденного будет на пальце (перстень) с сардо никсом или с... more пяти золотых. Но если у какого-нибудь осужденного будет на пальце (перстень) с сардо никсом или с другим драгоценным камнем большой стоимости, или если у Кого-.'IИбо будет за пазухой (долговая) расписка на большую сумму денег, то нет такого правила, по которому это можно будет удержать в качестве панникуляриш>. Панникулярия это то, что заключенный принес с собой в тюрьму, это (та) одежда, в которую он обла чен, когда его ведут на казнь, как показывает само (ее) название. [И пусть ни спекуля торы, ни опционы не требуют того, что было надето (на осужденном) в тот момент, КОГАа он был наказан.] Президы не должны рассматривать этот разряд (имущества) как свою прибыль, однако им не следует также допускать, чтобы этим имуществом пользовались опционы или комментариенсы 109. Но из этих средств следует покрывать (расходы), ко торые обычно делаются по правупрезидов, так, например, из этого (фонда) выдавать день ги на пергамент некоторым оффициалам или на награду воинам, если они совершат каRОЙ либо подвиг, а также чтобы одарять оттуда варваров, прибывающих к (президу) или в составе посольства, пли по какому-нибудь другому поводу 110. Часто даже накоплен ные (в этом фонде) деньги президы пересылают в фиск, что является чрезмерной щепе тильностью, так как было бы (вполне) достаточно, если бы они (просто) не использова лись никем для собственных нужд, а употреблялись бы на служебные надобности.

Вестник древней истории. 1985, № 4, с. 221—233, 1986, № 1, с. 194—214.

ство, адресованное на}lестникам провинцип, напротив, рассматриваются наиболее ха рактерные ситуац... more ство, адресованное на}lестникам провинцип, напротив, рассматриваются наиболее ха рактерные ситуации и разбираются, как правило, те случаи, которые нередко встре чались в судебной и административной практике 43. Чтобы оценить все значение трак тата как источника для изучения ЖИЗНlI римской пр()винции, следует вспомнить, что сведения о римских провинциях В период последних Антонинов и первых Северов мы черпаем в основном из эпиграфических, папирологических и археологических lIСТОЧ ников, данные которых, как правило, имеют локальный характер, нередко отрывочны I1 противоречивы, вследствие чего с трудом поддаются обобщению. Трактат .Об обя занностях прокоисула» позволяет уточнить наши представления о провинциальном об ществе, систе}lе управления II судопроизводства в римской провинции, О трактовке взаимоотношеннii РЮlа и провинций в официальной идеологии и о многих других во просах.

Вестник древней истории. 1985, № 4. С. 221—226.

Сохранивmиеся фрагменты по Palingenesia iuris civilis о. Ленеля) Перевод с латинского, вступитель... more Сохранивmиеся фрагменты по Palingenesia iuris civilis о. Ленеля) Перевод с латинского, вступительная статья и примечания А. Л. Смыш.л.яева Домиций Ульпиан и его трактат «Об обязанностях проконсула» Довольно многочисленные, но вместе с Te~[ отрывочные и противоречивые упоми нания об Ульпиане, дошедшие до нас в разнородных и не всегда достоверных трудах античных авторов, позволяют восстановить лишь отдельные вехи биографии знамени того юриста и государственного деятеля эпохи Северов. Ульпиан был уроженцем города Тира 1. Он родился В 60-х годах II в. н. э., . а в 80-х получил правовое образование у Папиниапа 2. В свою очередь и он занимался преподавание~[ права. Одним из его учеников был известный впоследствии юрист Ге реяний Модестин 3. Свои основные труды Улышан создал при Rаракалле и его ближай ших преемниках Макрине и Элагабале. 3а одно десятилетие (211-221 гг.) было написа-1 Он сам указывает на это в одном из своих сочинений (D 50.15 рг.). Далее сноски на Дигесты даются без указания источника. 2 И то И другоене твердо установленные факты, а ;Iишь предположения, осно ванные на косвенных данных. См. Ноnоге А. М. The Severan Lawyers: а preliminary survey.-SDHJ, 1962, 28, р. 207 f. 3 Об этом упоминает сам Ульпиан (47.2.52.20).

According to the traditional view the heads of offices in the imperial chancellery, beginning wi... more According to the traditional view the heads of offices in the imperial chancellery, beginning with the reign of Claudius, played a big role in state administration and in many respects resembled modern ministers. This idea has been criticised in several recent works. It has been most emphatically opposed by F. Millar with his concept of the all-embracing authority of the emperor. In Millar's opinion office heads in the early empire had purely technical functions; all decisions were adopted and formulated by the emperor himself. In the present author's opinion both the traditional view and the hypothesis advanced by Millar fail to take into account the dynamics of the historical process. The author attempts to do first that, starting with an analysis of the epigraphical, juridical and narrative sources on the functions and competence of the knights, who hold these posts in the 2nd and early 3rd centuries. He argues that these offices chiefs, whose work in the early 2nd century was mainly secretarial, by the beginning of the 3rd century had become assistants to the emperor in his day-to-day work, drafted decisions and decrees for him to sign. Their altered role is reflected in the fact that they were brought ex officio into the imperial council. The transformation of the imperial chancellery into an effective organ of state administration attests) the bureaucratisation of the empire and is one of the milestones on the road leading to the transition from Principate to Dominate. Knights in Charge of Offices in the Imperial Chancellery of the Second to Mid-Third Centuries

The author examines the origins of the clerical personnel in the state apparatus of the Late Roma... more The author examines the origins of the clerical personnel in the state apparatus of the Late Roman Empire in an attempt to trace the connection between the Militia officialis and the Familia Caesaris and army clerks who comprised the service personnel under the Principate. Most historians are of the opinion that the clerical staff under the Dominate was recruited mainly from army clerical personnel, while the imperial slaves and freedmen were banished from the state service in the 3rd century. Only A. H. M. Jones has suggested that the imperial slaves and freedmen along with the army clerks were included in the clerical staffs under the Dominate and were in the 4th century integrated into a single service class. Working from the evidence of epigraphical and narrative sources and the results of recent research the author of the present article argues that the numbers of slaves and freedmen serving in the state apparatus not only were not reduced to nought in the 3rd century but on the contrary, were increasing. At the same time the similarity in type of service performed by this group and that performed by the[army clerical staffs was growing and is reflected in terminology. There apparently arose at this time conditions favouring the incorporation of both groups in one state service. This is in fact what happened towards the middle of the 3rd century, as one consequence of the political and military upheavals of that time. The original recruitment of a considerable part of the clerical personnel from the emperor's own slaves and freedmen was still fresh in memory at the beginning of the 4th century, as witness the frequent identification in the sources of the Militia officialis staff with the imperial household. Thus in the author's opinion Jones's hypothesis is valid historically if not chronologically. The fact that in the 3rd century imperial slaves and freedmen were still in the service but had lost their identity as a group clearly points up the difference between the period of the Principate, when the dominus-servus type of relationship permeated all spheres of life, and the period of the Dominate, when it had no such importance.