Andrey Mitrofanov | Institute of World History, Russian Academy of Sciences (original) (raw)

Papers by Andrey Mitrofanov

Lokus: lûdi, obŝestvo, kulʹtury, smysly, 2023

Modern and contemporary history. 2024. № 4. P. 31-45., 2024

In recent years, the concept of “popular royalism” has gained popularity in the historiography of... more In recent years, the concept of “popular royalism” has gained popularity in the historiography of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars. The author of the article analyses the main tenets and criticisms of this concept based on the writings of the three main theorists, Paul Chopelin, Álvaro Paris, and Andoni Artola. The term “popular royalism” appeared as a result of an incomplete discussion about the essence of counter-revolution in European countries in the late 18th – early 19th centuries. According to the authors of the concept, royalist and counter-revolutionary movements were not retrograde in nature and met the actual demands of different layers of society in the situation of civil war. The counter-revolution gave rise to an alternative way of politicization of the masses and contributed to the emergence of new models of their political participation. The royalists monopolised old sources of political legitimacy and adapted familiar discourses and images to new challenges. Drawing on the idea of legitimacy, they put forward a wide range of demands that were not only conservative but also innovative. Nevertheless, specific regional casess, especially from Italian history, show that the cross-class alliances led by the royalists were temporary and unsustainable. These alliances contributed to the Restoration, but only with foreign military intervention. Yet, since the national historiographical traditions are still very stable, the proposed new concept of popular royalist movements requires substantial clarifications, taking into account the specifics of the historical development of different countries and regions.

Французский ежегодник/Annual of French Studies. P. 116-140., 2023

In 1799, anti-French popular uprisings broke out everywhere in the Italian states. They developed... more In 1799, anti-French popular uprisings broke out everywhere in the Italian states. They developed independently of each other and did not overcome the borders of states. One example of such movements is the actions of the Christian army (Massa cristiana) under the command of Branda Lucioni in Lombardy and Piedmont. For a long time, historians and writers talked about these events based on the work of Carlo Botta «History of Italy» (1824). In this regard, the scientific discourse was dominated by negative assessments, which can be characterized as a «black legend». The Christian army was accused of robbery, violence and massacres of the Republicans. Only in recent decades, in connection with the transformations in the public consciousness of Italy and methodological innovations in science, historians continued to search for new sources and came to completely opposite conclusions. At the turn of the 20th - 21th centuries such historians as M. Albera, O. Sanguinetti, M. Viglione, interpret this movement as an anti-French and anti-revolutionary peasant uprising, similar to the movement of the sanfedists in the Kingdom of Naples and uprisings in other regions of Italy. Massa Cristiana was fi rst formed on the border of Lombardy and Piedmont in April 1799 by a retired Austrian major, Branda Lucioni, and had a local character. In fact, it was a people's militia (milizia armata). Branda coordinated his actions with the actions of the regular units of the Austrian army under the command of J. F. Vukassovich. After the liberation from the French and the expulsion of the «giacobini» in one district or another, the armed peasants dispersed, and a new group gathered in the neighboring province. Therefore, it is impossible to establish the exact size of these armed groups. The core of this «army» numbered from 500 to 1000 people. The author analyzes a wide range of published sources, historiography and comes to the conclusion that a new appeal to the Russian archival funds relating to the period of the Italian campaign of A.V. Suvorov, will allow answering a number of topical questions.

Locus: People, Society, Culture, Meanings. 2023. Vol. 14. No. 3. Pp. 86–102. , 2023

A small province of the Sardinian kingdom – Valle d’Aosta, compared with other provinces by ... more A small province of the Sardinian kingdom – Valle
d’Aosta, compared with other provinces by the end of the 18th century, was
the most backward region in economic and cultural terms. In the crisis year for Piedmont in 1797, there was no mass protest here, but two years later it was there that the first Zoccoli uprising broke out, also called «régiment des Soсques» in French historiography. The article analyzes the historiography of this topic and proposes a new reconstruction of events based on known and unpublished archival evidence. The author shows that for the Italian and French traditions this plot has been and remains a legendary example from the history of popular anti-French resistance. According to the author, the Zoccoli uprising was spontaneous in nature, it was provoked by a deep economic crisis, requisitions by the French army and the actions of local republicans in Aosta and other towns in the province. This uprising did not end on May 7, 1799, as many historians believe, the Zoccoli militia, along with the Austrian troops, continued to fight the French army in the Alps. At the same time, this movement had a local character, its participants were limited to active actions only within their small region, which confirms the well-known concept of «campanilismo» (parochialism) characteristic of the Italian states.

ISTORIYA. – 2023. – V. 14. – Issue 11 (133)., 2023

Drawing on the writings of Henri Grégoire, abbot and constitutional bishop, member of the French ... more Drawing on the writings of Henri Grégoire, abbot and constitutional bishop, member of the French National Convention, and other sources, the authors of the article analyse various aspects of the religious policy of the French revolutionary authorities in the new French department of Alpes-Maritimes (until 1792 — the county of Nice within the Kingdom of Sardinia). In March — April 1793, members of the Convention, in their capacity as commissioners of Paris, were on a mission to Nice, where they were
engaged in organising new institutions of power and dealing with other issues of social and religious life. In historiography there is a good tradition of research on the activities of Grégoire and Jagot in the Alpes-Maritimes Department (Henri Moris, Joseph Combet, Françoise Hildesheimer, Michèle-Helyett Siffre, Georges Doublet, Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, Marc Ortolani). However, a number of important pieces of evidence have remained out of the historians’ view. As the authors demonstrate, in many respects the members of the Convention were successful. They reorganised all the municipalities, formed three new districts, organised the election of administrators, magistrates, judges and members of the Convention, settled relations with people’s societies which, during the breakdown of power, had tried to take over some of the administrative powers, and forced the enrolment of “new citizens” in the National Guard and as volunteers. Only the “question of religion” remained unresolved. Grégoire and Jagot avoided radical steps: the time for the total “de-Christianisation” that swept across France in waves in 1793—1794 was not yet ripe. Examples of a cautious “preaching” strategy in this matter are the numerous letters and instructions of the Convention commissioners, as well as Grégoire’s “Address” to the citizens of Nice, published in Italian, apparently at the end of April 1793, which, so far, has not been studied by historians. The Appendix to this article contains the first Russian translation with commentary of “An Address to the Citizens of the Department of Alpes-Maritimes by Citizen Grégoire, Member the National Convention and Commissioner of the Same in This Department. Nice, 1793” (“Indirizzo a’ cittadini del dipartimento dell’Alpi Marittime del cittadino Gregoire deputato, e commissario della Convenzione Nazionale in questo dipartimento. Nizza, 1793”).

Modern and Contemporary History, 2023

The period of Napoleon Bonaparte's Consulship is often presented as a time of his political triu... more The period of Napoleon Bonaparte's Consulship is often presented as a time of his political triumph as both a politician and a legislator. However, this very stereotypical assessment requires further clarifications. As the latest research suggests, the whole period between the Brumaire and the proclamation of the Empire was a period of difficult search for new methods of governance under very difficult circumstances. One of the serious problems in the formation of the new borders of Napoleonic France in the early years of the nineteenth century continued to be banditry (brigandage). In a number of regions, this phenomenon had a distinct political colouring. In the French political lexicon of the era, it referred to collective violence of any kind, anti-state actions, as well as various forms of criminal robbery. The situation was most acute in the peripheral regions, particularly in Piedmont. Although the flames of the acute civil conflict of 1799 had subsided here, yet the causes of this mass phenomenon
were extremely deep. The author aims to analyse the ways of solving the problem of banditry in the context of the overall Napoleonic policy, to show the role of the French administration and, in particular, of General Jean-Baptiste Jourdan in this process during the formation of new institutions of power in the Consulate period. Drawing on the archival collections of the French Ministries of General Police and Justice, the Piedmont General Administration from the French National Archives, as well as some materials from the archival collections of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he attempts to reconstruct a set of measures to eradicate banditry. The new authorities, and above all the chief administrator of Piedmont, General Jourdan, as well as the prefects and mayors, had to resort both to the tactics of “mobile columns” and extraordinary justice, but also to seek compromise with the rural oligarchy, the parish clergy and the peasant masses in order to maintain the fragile social order. What is also significant is that the experience gained by the French in the fight against banditry in Piedmont was later successfully disseminated to other regions of Italy, and that it was this experience that largely served as the basis for the formation of Napoleon’s policy of “cultural imperialism”.

Francuzskij ežegodnik, 2022

Contemporary French historiography of the Revolution of the 18th century is closely connected wit... more Contemporary French historiography of the Revolution of the 18th century is closely connected with the achievements of historians from other countries. Nevertheless, many factors contribute to the fact that it is French scholars that have regained their pre-eminent position. Today, the concept of popular anti-revolution, developed since the 1980s by C. Lucas, R. Dupuy and J.-C. Martin acquired a special significance for the French national memory and actualizes a new appeal to the topic of «banditry» («brigandage»). This category at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries was very vague. The «bandits» of the era of the Directory and Napoleon were all those who committed crimes against the state and were «outside the law» (rebels, political opposition, robbers, etc.). The author of the article analyzes the correspondent historiographic situation at the current moment. The particular attention is paid to the generalizing works of V. Sottocasa, Y. Bosс and M. Belissa. The author shows that a turn in French studies of these subjects is just planned: it is necessary also to develop a new categorical apparatus, move from the study of discourse and the legal side of this issue to historical anthropology and erase the chronological barriers of the topic.

Диалог со временем

Статья посвящена рассмотрению концепта «нации» в политической франко-итальянской публицистике Пье... more Статья посвящена рассмотрению концепта «нации» в политической франко-итальянской публицистике Пьемонта периода Французской революции и французской оккупации. Анализ публицистики 1799 - начала 1800-х гг. показывает, что в дискуссии о судьбе Пьемонта активно участвовали как радикальные, так и умеренные республиканцы, члены различных клубов и обществ. Идея французского правительства и части итальянских республиканцев о присоединении Пьемонта к Французской республике вызвала мощное сопротивление среди интеллектуалов. «Патриоты» 1799 г. рассматривали создание особой Пьемонтской республики как часть проекта будущего объединения Италии. Они обосновывали суверенитет «пьемонтской нации» или «субальпийского народа», апеллируя к чувству местного патриотизма, национальному характеру, языку, истории, традициям и вере. Анализируется влияние, которое оказали пьемонтские интеллектуалы конца XVIII в. на становление традиций политического партикуляризма и местного национализма в революционный период....

Annual of French Studies, 2020

The most popular point of view in modern historiography is that the Jacobin movement in Italy was... more The most popular point of view in modern historiography is that the Jacobin movement in Italy was consisted of a closed minority, which was ideologically and culturally isolated from other social groups (Cf. M. Broers, G. Ricuperati, G. Turi, M. Viglione). The author of the article proposes to shift the focus of attention from the “triennio repubblicano” of 1796-1799 for an earlier period of 1791-1794 and analyzes documents from the archives of Turin and Moscow in order to understand how «Jacobinism» was perceived in the political discourse of the Savoyard dynasty. As the revolution and military operations in Savoy and Piedmont developed, the term “giacobino” was deliberately criminalized and used to marginalize all radicals, “suspicious”, “propagandists”, “freethinkers”, “republicans” all categories of opponents of the monarchy in Sardinia. The author of the article analyzes for the fi rst time the documents from the Archive of foreign policy of the Russian Empire concerning the participation of the Russian diplomat in Turin (N. Vanzone) in the activities of the secret Republican society of Piedmont and the attitudes of Russian and Sardinian diplomats towards this fact (1794). The author basing on unpublished materials of the State archive of Turin, traced also for the fi rst time the formation of offi cial attitude of the Savoy monarchy towards the revolutionaries in the former Duchy of Savoy during the period of major unrest and civil war in the valley of Thônes, of uprisings in Annecy, in the region of Faucigny and in Carouge (1793). The Sardinian authorities did not give up hope of restoring their sovereignty over the lost territories and perceived the "apologists of the Revolution" as bad subjects which had committed a dangerous state crime.

Annual of French Studies, 2018

ISTORIYA

ISTORIYA. 2023. Vol. 14. Issue 1 (123)., 2023

The insurrectionary movement in the former exclave of the Sardinian kingdom — the county of Nice,... more The insurrectionary movement in the former exclave of the Sardinian kingdom — the county of Nice, began in 1792, immediately after the conquest by the French army, as a reaction to military violence, requisitions and robberies of the local population. The author of the article shows how and by what means this popular anti-revolutionary movement was suppressed in the first years of Napoleon's Consulate. As during the
Directory, the government initially relied on forceful methods of suppressing the insurgents and “brigandage”. The civil administration, appointed by Napoleon as early as March 1800, took a different stance. The course towards establishing social peace and political reconciliation required other methods. The authorities tried to force and interest
the local elites and the population to dissociate themselves from the rebels and achieved quick success in this. Now a fine selection was carried out: the ringleaders were severely punished, but not ordinary members of the “bands”. Special courts, which worked simultaneously with military tribunals, also acted in the same direction. The national
guard was revived, and in some cases re-created in rural communes. As a result, a system of social control was created and the rural oligarchies began to support the new regime, but the cost of this success was the local civil war of 1800—1801, which probably claimed several thousand lives. The remnants of the rebels, excluded from society, marginalized, turned into criminal robbers from the main road, but the threat of
the revival of the insurgent movement bothered the authorities even later. The article is based on materials from the National Archives of France, a report to the government of A. Français from Nantes in 1801 and other materials. In the article the author analyzes the different approaches of French historians to the problem of “brigandage” in the Mediterranean region during the period of Napoleon's Consulate.

ISTORIYA, 2023

The article is devoted to the formation of republican and imperial emblems of the late 18th — ear... more The article is devoted to the formation of republican and imperial emblems of the late 18th — early 19th centuries. in France, an important element of which was the state seal. A complete break with the heraldic tradition of the Old Order ended not in 1789, but in 1792 in connection with the overthrow of the monarchy. In August 1792, the National Convention approved a new state seal, which was used until 1804 with minor
changes. The central element of the seal — the allegory of Liberty in the image of a woman was a well-known visual representation of the image of France from the very beginning of the Revolution, but in September 1792 it for the first time acquires the official status of a state emblem. The author shows how the revolutionary leaders made attempts to replace this image with others, wanting to emphasize the radical break and aspects of their political program. The projects of 1793 by Jean-Louis David and 1796 by Henri Gregoire differed significantly from each other. But the decree on the state seal of 1793, according to which the image of Liberty should be replaced by the image of Hercules, was not put into practice, and Gregoire’s proposals were completely rejected. On the basis of elements of revolutionary emblematic and neoclassical heraldic designs, in June — July 1804, a new state seal of the empire was created, the central elements of which are a golden eagle on an azure field and the image of Napoleon sitting on a throne in imperial insignia. The author emphasizes that the Napoleonic system of heraldic representation was originally conceived by Bonaparte and his advisers as an important political resource.

DIALOGUE WITH TIME INTELLECTUAL HISTORY REVIEW 2023. Issue 83. РР. 54-62., 2023

In this article, using specific examples of the biographies of Piedmontese politicians and intell... more In this article, using specific examples of the biographies of Piedmontese politicians and intellectuals - Prospero Balbo, Carlo Botta, Gaspare Morardo and Carlo Bossi, the author analyzes the implementation of the Napoleonic policy of «amalgam» in Piedmont at the beginning of the 19th century. The idea of uniting and selecting elites is one of the main ones in the integration policy of Napoleon Bonaparte. This policy was based on the principle of loyalty to the new regime. As we can see from specific examples of the turn of the 18th-19th centuries, loyalty could be expressed in different ways and required adaptation to new social and political circumstances, the adoption of new rules. The principle of loyalty, however, was combined with the principle of the personal importance of this or that functionary. A lot of things in the process of distribution of new statuses depended only on Napoleon himself. It was hardest of all for those who firmly linked their careers with the republican regime of 1799. The generally unsuccessful experience of the republican governments in Piedmont gave reason to the French administration to remove such figures from the political life of this region and replace them with those who were distinguished by moderation of views and greater flexibility. Experienced people like Balbo had the greatest ability to adapt, for whom the sphere of government was their native element even in the new imperial conditions.

Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, 2022

The author examines the course, forms and causes of the defeat of the anti-republican uprisings i... more The author examines the course, forms and causes of the defeat of the anti-republican uprisings in the lands of the former Duchy of Savoy, annexed to France during the Revolution of the eighteenth century. The aim of the study is to analyse the transformation of popular protest in Savoy over the course of 1793. The events of January–October 1793 are considered in this article in the light of the concept of the “popular counter-revolution”. The annexation of the Savoy to France was strongly supported by its population, but immediately after the introduction of the civil system of the clergy and the circulation of banknotes, the social situation in the region came to a head. The decree of the French National Convention on mass conscription into the republican army also contributed to the social upheaval. The protest had its own characteristics and evolved from a traditional form of rebellion to a local civil war, in which a simple political programme of the rebels also emerged. Howeve...

Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, 2022

In May 1793, a major popular uprising took place in Haute-Savoie, in the Ton Valley, which had im... more In May 1793, a major popular uprising took place in Haute-Savoie, in the Ton Valley, which had important consequences for the region. At the time of recruitment into the army of the republic, residents of 13 communes of the valley near the city of Annecy entered into an armed confrontation with units of the French army and volunteers of the National Guard. The main slogans of the rebels were the abolition of the civil constitution of the clergy and conscription. The bulk of the rebels were peasants and artisans. The representative of the National Convention M.-J. Herault de Sechelles played a significant role in suppressing the uprising. Herault de Sechelles and the procureur-syndic of the district Annecy J.-C. Burnod. Marguerite Frischelet-Avet stood out especially among the leaders of the uprising. During the suppression of the uprising, the Republicans acted with extreme brutality and without observing any legal procedures. The uprising ended in defeat, but general political and ...

Annual of French Studies. Vol. 55., 2022

Contemporary French historiography of the Revolution of the 18th century is closely connected wit... more Contemporary French historiography of the Revolution of the 18th
century is closely connected with the achievements of historians from
other countries. Nevertheless, many factors contribute to the fact that it is
French scholars that have regained their pre-eminent position. Today, the
concept of popular anti-revolution, developed since the 1980s by C. Lucas,
R. Dupuy and J.-C. Martin acquired a special significance for the French
national memory and actualizes a new appeal to the topic of «banditry»
(«brigandage»). This category at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries was very vague. The «bandits» of the era of the Directory and Napoleon were all those who committed crimes against the state and were «outside the law» (rebels, political opposition, robbers, etc.). The author of the article analyzes the correspondent historiographic situation at the current moment. The particular attention is paid to the generalizing works of V. Sottocasa, Y. Bosс and M. Belissa. The author shows that a turn in French studies of these subjects is just planned: it is necessary also to develop a new categorical apparatus, move from the study of discourse and the legal side of this issue to historical anthropology and erase the chronological barriers of the topic.

Annual of French Studies. Vol. 55., 2022

In the winter of 1799–1800 French royalists, who were in exile, drew up with the support of Briti... more In the winter of 1799–1800 French royalists, who were in exile, drew
up with the support of British intelligence, a plan for a large popular
uprising in the south of France in favor of the restoration of the monarchy.
The functions of the main organizer and leader of the rebels were
assigned to General A. Willot. The author of the article analyzes in detail
the little-studied in historiography story about the cooperation of barbets
with royalist emigration in 1800. He uses materials from the archive
of royalist J. Imbert-Colomés, the correspondence of English diplomat
W. Wickham, documents from the archives of Piedmont and Nice. The
author of the article shows, that Willot and his agents, from January to
April 1800, actively recruited their supporters among the insurgents of
the Alps-Maritimes, known as barbets, and established contacts with
their leaders. From 2,000 to 4,000 barbets were planned to be involved
in the uprising. Despite all efforts, the French royalists were unable to
carry out their plan in the spring of 1800 for several reasons: the Austrian
chancellor Thugut did not believe in the success of the restoration and
did not provide them with the necessary military assistance; the British
intelligence led by Wickham was ready only to help with money; there were
among the leaders of the royalists (Pichegru, Willot, Precy) contradictions
and concurrences. The most favorable moment for the uprising was April,
but the time was lost. An important factor in the overall failure of the plan
was also the autonomous nature of the movement of barbets, who were
poorly controlled and prone to robbery, showing extreme cruelty towards
the enemy.

Modern and Contemporary History., 2022

The author examines the course and forms of anti-republican uprisings in the lands of the former ... more The author examines the course and forms of anti-republican uprisings in the lands of the former Duchy of Savoy, annexed to France during the Revolution of the eighteenth century, and the causes of their failure.The aim of the study is to analyse the transformation of popular protest
in Savoy over the course of 1793. The events of January–October 1793 are considered in this article in the light of the concept of the “popular counter-revolution”. The annexation of the Savoy to France was strongly supported by its population, but immediately after the introduction of the
civil system of the clergy and the circulation of banknotes, the social situation in the region came to a head. The decree of the French National Convention on mass conscription into the republican army also contributed to the social upheaval. The protest had its own characteristics and evolved from a traditional form of rebellion to a local civil war, in which a simple political programme of the rebels also emerged. However, the peasants were unprepared to participate in hostilities, had no
military experience, and the forces and resources of the Sardinian army were limited. Realising that the plan to return Savoy under the rule of the king by the end of September 1793 was unworkable, the troops had to return to Piedmont. The restoration of the Republican rule over the rebellious department marked the beginning of a policy of revolutionary terror in Savoy.

Lokus: lûdi, obŝestvo, kulʹtury, smysly, 2023

Modern and contemporary history. 2024. № 4. P. 31-45., 2024

Французский ежегодник/Annual of French Studies. P. 116-140., 2023

Locus: People, Society, Culture, Meanings. 2023. Vol. 14. No. 3. Pp. 86–102. , 2023

ISTORIYA. – 2023. – V. 14. – Issue 11 (133)., 2023

Modern and Contemporary History, 2023

Francuzskij ežegodnik, 2022

Диалог со временем

Annual of French Studies, 2020

Annual of French Studies, 2018

ISTORIYA

ISTORIYA. 2023. Vol. 14. Issue 1 (123)., 2023

ISTORIYA, 2023

DIALOGUE WITH TIME INTELLECTUAL HISTORY REVIEW 2023. Issue 83. РР. 54-62., 2023

Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, 2022

Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, 2022

Annual of French Studies. Vol. 55., 2022

Contemporary French historiography of the Revolution of the 18th century is closely connected wit... more Contemporary French historiography of the Revolution of the 18th
century is closely connected with the achievements of historians from
other countries. Nevertheless, many factors contribute to the fact that it is
French scholars that have regained their pre-eminent position. Today, the
concept of popular anti-revolution, developed since the 1980s by C. Lucas,
R. Dupuy and J.-C. Martin acquired a special significance for the French
national memory and actualizes a new appeal to the topic of «banditry»
(«brigandage»). This category at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries was very vague. The «bandits» of the era of the Directory and Napoleon were all those who committed crimes against the state and were «outside the law» (rebels, political opposition, robbers, etc.). The author of the article analyzes the correspondent historiographic situation at the current moment. The particular attention is paid to the generalizing works of V. Sottocasa, Y. Bosс and M. Belissa. The author shows that a turn in French studies of these subjects is just planned: it is necessary also to develop a new categorical apparatus, move from the study of discourse and the legal side of this issue to historical anthropology and erase the chronological barriers of the topic.

Annual of French Studies. Vol. 55., 2022

Modern and Contemporary History., 2022