Abdulkader Saleh Mohammad | ILPI (original) (raw)
Papers by Abdulkader Saleh Mohammad
![Research paper thumbnail of The customary law of the Akele Guzai Muslims [the Saho]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/113759468/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Lit eBooks, 2009
... Published by Fitorare Printing House, Asmara 1953 Translated by Abdulkader Saleh Mohammad,Asm... more ... Published by Fitorare Printing House, Asmara 1953 Translated by Abdulkader Saleh Mohammad,Asmara 2008 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie ...
This book presents an analysis of the identity of the agro-pastoral Saho community in Eritrea, wh... more This book presents an analysis of the identity of the agro-pastoral Saho community in Eritrea, which was cemented during centuries of confrontation with Abyssinian rulers and by their rebellion against external domination. It examines the emergence of the Saho's national consciousness and the process of political identity formation during the British Military Administration in competition with the pro-Ethiopian Unionist Party. The book describes the active participation of the Saho in the national liberation struggle of Eritrea, and it evaluates the impact of post-independence policies of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front/People's Front for Democracy and Justice on the Saho community. (Series: African Politics / Politiques Africaines - Vol. 5)
Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 2015
ABSTRACT This paper analyses the controversial discourses around the significance of the Arabic l... more ABSTRACT This paper analyses the controversial discourses around the significance of the Arabic language in Eritrea. It challenges the arguments of the government and some scholars, who claim that the Arabic language is alien to Eritrean society. They argue that it was introduced as an official language under British rule and is only spoken by the Rashaida minority and by a small educated elite. By contrast, this paper demonstrates that Arabic has served as the established lingua franca among the Eritrean Muslims and as the administrative language and medium of education for centuries. The main focus of the paper is a critique of the government's post-independence language policy, which replaced Arabic as the medium of instruction by mother tongue education under the purported aim of establishing the equality of all nine Eritrean languages. I argue that the promotion of this policy has political implications and that one of its purposes is to alienate the Muslim community from the use of the Arabic language as a marker of their common identity. The article is written from a sociological perspective and draws on numerous conversations with mother tongue school teachers, students and parents, and on participant observation of the public debate.
Africa Spectrum, 2021
This article explores processes of identity formation in Eritrean diaspora communities that have ... more This article explores processes of identity formation in Eritrean diaspora communities that have reverted to subnational patterns of identification grounded in the historical-political crises of their homeland. Refugees from Eritrea’s open-ended national service have ambivalent feelings towards their national identity: on the surface, they stress the cohesiveness of the Eritrean people, but in their daily lives they embrace ethnic or religious communities. I elaborate the dilemmas of identity formation in the transnational space between religious and ethnic affiliations and Eritrean nationalism. I analyse the expansion of ethnolinguistic and regional associations among diaspora communities and discuss their impact on identity formation. I link cleavages along ethnic and religious lines to collective memories and the government’s attempts to eradicate subnational identities. The study is based on long-term participant observation and semi-structured interviews with Eritreans in exile...
Routledge eBooks, Jun 20, 2022
Remittances Review, 2021
This article explores the role of remittances in Eritrea’s transnational authoritarian system. Th... more This article explores the role of remittances in Eritrea’s transnational authoritarian system. The government exercises a policy of active control over Eritrean citizens living abroad, and the country’s economy relies heavily on private remittances to ensure the subsistence of the population. This stands in stark contrast to the official doctrine of economic self-reliance, which has been hampered by an open-ended national service that can last for decades and deprives Eritrean citizens in productive age from making a living. The government also puts extreme restraints on the private sector. As a result, the livelihoods of Eritreans depend mostly on diaspora remittances. The authors take a historically contextualised approach based on empirical fieldwork in Eritrea from the 1990s to 2010 and among Eritrean diaspora communities in Europe between 2013 and 2019. We demonstrate how the government’s self-reliance approach has shifted from developing Eritrea’s human capital to securing fin...
Globalizations, 2017
ABSTRACT Eritrea is one of the most diasporic countries in the world with one-third of the popula... more ABSTRACT Eritrea is one of the most diasporic countries in the world with one-third of the population living abroad, and one-third of the state’s budget is derived from remittances. This is done by coercion, since vital services such as the extension of passports are subject to tax payment, and by appeals to the diaspora’s long-distance nationalism, fuelled through festivals, seminars, and EriTV broadcasts. Following the introduction of an open-ended national service in 2002, the regime initially tried to restrict the resulting youth exodus by punitive measures, but is now regarding the new exiles as an additional source of tax income and has instrumentalized them to influence European policy-makers. The Eritrean case demonstrates how an authoritarian regime can perpetuate its rule by exploiting the diaspora’s patriotism and feelings of personal obligations or by mere coercion through its transnational institutions.
The article explains what diaspora Eritreans in Europe, most of whom were caught by suprise by th... more The article explains what diaspora Eritreans in Europe, most of whom were caught by suprise by the rapprochement between the leadership of Eritrea and Ethiopia, think about the peace agreement between both countries and which possible risks and pitfalls they see.
This paper investigates the historical and socio-political background of Eritrean nationalism and... more This paper investigates the historical and socio-political background of Eritrean nationalism and dismantles the myth of a unique Eritrean national identity: It explores the emergence of nationalism during the British Military Administration (1941–52) and its inconsistency. Eritrea is a multi-lingual state at the Horn of Africa that was occupied by different colonial powers. Resistance arose in the nineteenth century as protest against Abyssinian hegemony and against colonial domination. Yet, nationalism was not a product of modernisation induced by Italy, which affected only limited segments of the society (highlanders). It developed only after the demise of Italian rule after 1941, when Eritrea witnessed democracy and press freedom under the British rule. However, due to ethnic frictions, nationalism was inconsistent and conflict-ridden.
This expert analysis explores the roots of the friction among exiled Eritrean opposition parties ... more This expert analysis explores the roots of the friction among exiled Eritrean opposition parties and civic organisations. It gives a short overview over the recent political history and social composition of Eritrea, which are reflected in the current political fragmentation of the country's diaspora. It describes the split between the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) during the armed struggle due to divided regional and ethnic loyalties, which shaped the political landscape after independence, resulting in the EPLF (renamed the People's Front for Democracy and Justice, or PFDJ, in 1994) becoming the only party allowed in the country. A political crisis occurred in the aftermath of the Eritrean-Ethiopian war (1998-2000), when President Isaias Afewerki cracked down on PFDJ reformists and started to militarise Eritrean society. Consequently, new opposition parties and civic organisations emerged in the diaspora – alongside old p...
Mashriq & Mahjar Journal of Middle East and North African Migration Studies, 2018
The Journal of Modern African Studies, 2013
ABSTRACTThis article analyses contemporary Eritrea's acute crisis within the framework of the... more ABSTRACTThis article analyses contemporary Eritrea's acute crisis within the framework of the theory of anomie. It is based on the hypothesis that militarisation, forced labour, mass exodus and family disintegration can be interpreted as the consequences of two incompatible norm and value systems: the collectivist, nationalistic and militaristic worldview of the former liberation front and ruling party People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), and the traditional cultural system of Eritrea's society. In 2002 the regime introduced an unlimited ‘development campaign’, thereby forcing large parts of the society to live as conscripts and perform unpaid labour. This has caused a mass exodus of young people and a rapid process of family disintegration. The article is based on empirical fieldwork and evaluates the ongoing developments which have led to rapid economic decline and the destabilisation of the entire fabric of society.
Remitances Review, 2021
This article explores the role of remittances in Eritrea’s transnational authoritarian system. Th... more This article explores the role of remittances in Eritrea’s transnational authoritarian system. The government exercises a policy of active control over Eritrean citizens living abroad, and the country’s economy relies heavily on private remittances to ensure the subsistence of the population. This stands in stark contrast to the official doctrine of economic self-reliance, which has been hampered by an open-ended national service that can last for decades and deprives Eritrean citizens in productive age from making a living. The government also puts extreme restraints on the private sector. As a result, the livelihoods of Eritreans depend mostly on diaspora remittances. The authors take a historically contextualised approach based on empirical fieldwork in Eritrea from the 1990s to 2010 and among Eritrean diaspora communities in Europe between 2013 and 2019. We demonstrate how the government’s self-reliance approach has shifted from developing Eritrea’s human capital to securing financial support through transnational diaspora control. We conclude that in the case of Eritrea, the process of diasporisation has not triggered development and political transformation but has cemented a political and economic status quo that forces ever-growing parts of the population to leave.
Africa Spectrum, 2021
Abstract This article explores processes of identity formation in Eritrean diaspora communities t... more Abstract
This article explores processes of identity formation in Eritrean diaspora communities that
have reverted to subnational patterns of identification grounded in the historical-political
crises
of their homeland. Refugees from Eritrea’s open-ended
national service have ambivalent
feelings towards their national identity: on the surface, they stress the cohesiveness of the
Eritrean people, but in their daily lives they embrace ethnic or religious communities. I elaborate
the dilemmas of identity formation in the transnational space between religious and ethnic
affiliations and Eritrean nationalism. I analyse the expansion of ethnolinguistic and regional
associations among diaspora communities and discuss their impact on identity formation. I
link cleavages along ethnic and religious lines to collective memories and the government’s
attempts to eradicate subnational identities. The study is based on long-term
participant observation
and semi-structured
interviews with Eritreans in exile, and engages with relevant
bodies of literature discussing identity formation in African and diaspora contexts.
Mashriq and Mahjar, Journal of Middle-East and North African Migration Studies, 2018
One third of Eritrea's citizens live in exile, and their government uses coercion, intimidation, ... more One third of Eritrea's citizens live in exile, and their government uses coercion, intimidation, and manipulation of patriotism to maintain financial flows from the diaspora through a rehabilitation tax and by delegating welfare responsibilities to its citizens abroad. Over one million Eritreans reside in Arab states, yet, we know little about their attitudes towards the homeland regime. Contrary to their compatriots in Europe and North America, they do not have political asylum and instead depend on work contracts for their residence permits. This makes them vulnerable to demands of transnational Eritrean institutions, which issue vital documents in exchange for fulfillment of financial obligations. The diasporic political space is doubly restricted, since authoritarian host states neither permit political activities, nor do they provide Nicole Rirt is a political scientist and an independent researcher concentrating on the Horn of Africa, specifically on Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Djibouti. She conducted several research projects in Eritrea. Her current research interests include processes of political opinion formation among diaspora communities, as well as transnational governance through mechanisms of repression and co-optation, and the persistence of authoritarian rule. She is also interested in the dynamics of European migration policies. Nicole Rirt is associated with the GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies in Hamburg, Germany. Abdulkader Saleh Mohammad is a sociologist with long experience in teaching, research and university administration. He was a professor at the Universities of Sebha, Libya and A5mara, Eritrea. He also worked as researcher for GTGA Hamburg and the University of Hamburg, Germany. He was a visiting professor and senior research fellow at the University of Oslo and Oslo University College, and a senior advisor to International Law and Policy Institute (lLPI) in Oslo. Particular expertise includes rural and pastoral community development in the Horn of Africa, political sociology, ethno-social identities, traditional mediation systems, transnational governance, and diasporas. Moise A. Khayrallah Center for Lebanese Diaspora Studies 2018
The article explains what diaspora Eritreans in Europe, most of whom were caught by suprise by th... more The article explains what diaspora Eritreans in Europe, most of whom were caught by suprise by the rapprochement between the leadership of Eritrea and Ethiopia, think about the peace agreement between both countries and which possible risks and pitfalls they see.
Eritrea is one of the most diasporic countries in the world with one-third of the population liv... more Eritrea is one of the most diasporic countries in the world with one-third of the population living abroad, and one-third of the state’s budget is derived from remittances.This is done by coercion, since vital services such as the extension of passports are subject to tax payment, and by appeals to the diaspora’s long-distance nationalism, fuelled through
festivals, seminars, and EriTV broadcasts. Following the introduction of an open-ended national service in 2002, the regime initially tried to restrict the resulting youth exodus by punitive measures, but is now regarding the new exiles as an additional source of tax income and has instrumentalized them to influence European policy-makers. The Eritrean case demonstrates how an authoritarian regime can perpetuate its rule by exploiting the diaspora’s patriotism and feelings of personal obligations or by mere coercion through its transnational institutions.
Lit eBooks, 2009
... Published by Fitorare Printing House, Asmara 1953 Translated by Abdulkader Saleh Mohammad,Asm... more ... Published by Fitorare Printing House, Asmara 1953 Translated by Abdulkader Saleh Mohammad,Asmara 2008 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie ...
This book presents an analysis of the identity of the agro-pastoral Saho community in Eritrea, wh... more This book presents an analysis of the identity of the agro-pastoral Saho community in Eritrea, which was cemented during centuries of confrontation with Abyssinian rulers and by their rebellion against external domination. It examines the emergence of the Saho's national consciousness and the process of political identity formation during the British Military Administration in competition with the pro-Ethiopian Unionist Party. The book describes the active participation of the Saho in the national liberation struggle of Eritrea, and it evaluates the impact of post-independence policies of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front/People's Front for Democracy and Justice on the Saho community. (Series: African Politics / Politiques Africaines - Vol. 5)
Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 2015
ABSTRACT This paper analyses the controversial discourses around the significance of the Arabic l... more ABSTRACT This paper analyses the controversial discourses around the significance of the Arabic language in Eritrea. It challenges the arguments of the government and some scholars, who claim that the Arabic language is alien to Eritrean society. They argue that it was introduced as an official language under British rule and is only spoken by the Rashaida minority and by a small educated elite. By contrast, this paper demonstrates that Arabic has served as the established lingua franca among the Eritrean Muslims and as the administrative language and medium of education for centuries. The main focus of the paper is a critique of the government's post-independence language policy, which replaced Arabic as the medium of instruction by mother tongue education under the purported aim of establishing the equality of all nine Eritrean languages. I argue that the promotion of this policy has political implications and that one of its purposes is to alienate the Muslim community from the use of the Arabic language as a marker of their common identity. The article is written from a sociological perspective and draws on numerous conversations with mother tongue school teachers, students and parents, and on participant observation of the public debate.
Africa Spectrum, 2021
This article explores processes of identity formation in Eritrean diaspora communities that have ... more This article explores processes of identity formation in Eritrean diaspora communities that have reverted to subnational patterns of identification grounded in the historical-political crises of their homeland. Refugees from Eritrea’s open-ended national service have ambivalent feelings towards their national identity: on the surface, they stress the cohesiveness of the Eritrean people, but in their daily lives they embrace ethnic or religious communities. I elaborate the dilemmas of identity formation in the transnational space between religious and ethnic affiliations and Eritrean nationalism. I analyse the expansion of ethnolinguistic and regional associations among diaspora communities and discuss their impact on identity formation. I link cleavages along ethnic and religious lines to collective memories and the government’s attempts to eradicate subnational identities. The study is based on long-term participant observation and semi-structured interviews with Eritreans in exile...
Routledge eBooks, Jun 20, 2022
Remittances Review, 2021
This article explores the role of remittances in Eritrea’s transnational authoritarian system. Th... more This article explores the role of remittances in Eritrea’s transnational authoritarian system. The government exercises a policy of active control over Eritrean citizens living abroad, and the country’s economy relies heavily on private remittances to ensure the subsistence of the population. This stands in stark contrast to the official doctrine of economic self-reliance, which has been hampered by an open-ended national service that can last for decades and deprives Eritrean citizens in productive age from making a living. The government also puts extreme restraints on the private sector. As a result, the livelihoods of Eritreans depend mostly on diaspora remittances. The authors take a historically contextualised approach based on empirical fieldwork in Eritrea from the 1990s to 2010 and among Eritrean diaspora communities in Europe between 2013 and 2019. We demonstrate how the government’s self-reliance approach has shifted from developing Eritrea’s human capital to securing fin...
Globalizations, 2017
ABSTRACT Eritrea is one of the most diasporic countries in the world with one-third of the popula... more ABSTRACT Eritrea is one of the most diasporic countries in the world with one-third of the population living abroad, and one-third of the state’s budget is derived from remittances. This is done by coercion, since vital services such as the extension of passports are subject to tax payment, and by appeals to the diaspora’s long-distance nationalism, fuelled through festivals, seminars, and EriTV broadcasts. Following the introduction of an open-ended national service in 2002, the regime initially tried to restrict the resulting youth exodus by punitive measures, but is now regarding the new exiles as an additional source of tax income and has instrumentalized them to influence European policy-makers. The Eritrean case demonstrates how an authoritarian regime can perpetuate its rule by exploiting the diaspora’s patriotism and feelings of personal obligations or by mere coercion through its transnational institutions.
The article explains what diaspora Eritreans in Europe, most of whom were caught by suprise by th... more The article explains what diaspora Eritreans in Europe, most of whom were caught by suprise by the rapprochement between the leadership of Eritrea and Ethiopia, think about the peace agreement between both countries and which possible risks and pitfalls they see.
This paper investigates the historical and socio-political background of Eritrean nationalism and... more This paper investigates the historical and socio-political background of Eritrean nationalism and dismantles the myth of a unique Eritrean national identity: It explores the emergence of nationalism during the British Military Administration (1941–52) and its inconsistency. Eritrea is a multi-lingual state at the Horn of Africa that was occupied by different colonial powers. Resistance arose in the nineteenth century as protest against Abyssinian hegemony and against colonial domination. Yet, nationalism was not a product of modernisation induced by Italy, which affected only limited segments of the society (highlanders). It developed only after the demise of Italian rule after 1941, when Eritrea witnessed democracy and press freedom under the British rule. However, due to ethnic frictions, nationalism was inconsistent and conflict-ridden.
This expert analysis explores the roots of the friction among exiled Eritrean opposition parties ... more This expert analysis explores the roots of the friction among exiled Eritrean opposition parties and civic organisations. It gives a short overview over the recent political history and social composition of Eritrea, which are reflected in the current political fragmentation of the country's diaspora. It describes the split between the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) during the armed struggle due to divided regional and ethnic loyalties, which shaped the political landscape after independence, resulting in the EPLF (renamed the People's Front for Democracy and Justice, or PFDJ, in 1994) becoming the only party allowed in the country. A political crisis occurred in the aftermath of the Eritrean-Ethiopian war (1998-2000), when President Isaias Afewerki cracked down on PFDJ reformists and started to militarise Eritrean society. Consequently, new opposition parties and civic organisations emerged in the diaspora – alongside old p...
Mashriq & Mahjar Journal of Middle East and North African Migration Studies, 2018
The Journal of Modern African Studies, 2013
ABSTRACTThis article analyses contemporary Eritrea's acute crisis within the framework of the... more ABSTRACTThis article analyses contemporary Eritrea's acute crisis within the framework of the theory of anomie. It is based on the hypothesis that militarisation, forced labour, mass exodus and family disintegration can be interpreted as the consequences of two incompatible norm and value systems: the collectivist, nationalistic and militaristic worldview of the former liberation front and ruling party People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), and the traditional cultural system of Eritrea's society. In 2002 the regime introduced an unlimited ‘development campaign’, thereby forcing large parts of the society to live as conscripts and perform unpaid labour. This has caused a mass exodus of young people and a rapid process of family disintegration. The article is based on empirical fieldwork and evaluates the ongoing developments which have led to rapid economic decline and the destabilisation of the entire fabric of society.
Remitances Review, 2021
This article explores the role of remittances in Eritrea’s transnational authoritarian system. Th... more This article explores the role of remittances in Eritrea’s transnational authoritarian system. The government exercises a policy of active control over Eritrean citizens living abroad, and the country’s economy relies heavily on private remittances to ensure the subsistence of the population. This stands in stark contrast to the official doctrine of economic self-reliance, which has been hampered by an open-ended national service that can last for decades and deprives Eritrean citizens in productive age from making a living. The government also puts extreme restraints on the private sector. As a result, the livelihoods of Eritreans depend mostly on diaspora remittances. The authors take a historically contextualised approach based on empirical fieldwork in Eritrea from the 1990s to 2010 and among Eritrean diaspora communities in Europe between 2013 and 2019. We demonstrate how the government’s self-reliance approach has shifted from developing Eritrea’s human capital to securing financial support through transnational diaspora control. We conclude that in the case of Eritrea, the process of diasporisation has not triggered development and political transformation but has cemented a political and economic status quo that forces ever-growing parts of the population to leave.
Africa Spectrum, 2021
Abstract This article explores processes of identity formation in Eritrean diaspora communities t... more Abstract
This article explores processes of identity formation in Eritrean diaspora communities that
have reverted to subnational patterns of identification grounded in the historical-political
crises
of their homeland. Refugees from Eritrea’s open-ended
national service have ambivalent
feelings towards their national identity: on the surface, they stress the cohesiveness of the
Eritrean people, but in their daily lives they embrace ethnic or religious communities. I elaborate
the dilemmas of identity formation in the transnational space between religious and ethnic
affiliations and Eritrean nationalism. I analyse the expansion of ethnolinguistic and regional
associations among diaspora communities and discuss their impact on identity formation. I
link cleavages along ethnic and religious lines to collective memories and the government’s
attempts to eradicate subnational identities. The study is based on long-term
participant observation
and semi-structured
interviews with Eritreans in exile, and engages with relevant
bodies of literature discussing identity formation in African and diaspora contexts.
Mashriq and Mahjar, Journal of Middle-East and North African Migration Studies, 2018
One third of Eritrea's citizens live in exile, and their government uses coercion, intimidation, ... more One third of Eritrea's citizens live in exile, and their government uses coercion, intimidation, and manipulation of patriotism to maintain financial flows from the diaspora through a rehabilitation tax and by delegating welfare responsibilities to its citizens abroad. Over one million Eritreans reside in Arab states, yet, we know little about their attitudes towards the homeland regime. Contrary to their compatriots in Europe and North America, they do not have political asylum and instead depend on work contracts for their residence permits. This makes them vulnerable to demands of transnational Eritrean institutions, which issue vital documents in exchange for fulfillment of financial obligations. The diasporic political space is doubly restricted, since authoritarian host states neither permit political activities, nor do they provide Nicole Rirt is a political scientist and an independent researcher concentrating on the Horn of Africa, specifically on Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Djibouti. She conducted several research projects in Eritrea. Her current research interests include processes of political opinion formation among diaspora communities, as well as transnational governance through mechanisms of repression and co-optation, and the persistence of authoritarian rule. She is also interested in the dynamics of European migration policies. Nicole Rirt is associated with the GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies in Hamburg, Germany. Abdulkader Saleh Mohammad is a sociologist with long experience in teaching, research and university administration. He was a professor at the Universities of Sebha, Libya and A5mara, Eritrea. He also worked as researcher for GTGA Hamburg and the University of Hamburg, Germany. He was a visiting professor and senior research fellow at the University of Oslo and Oslo University College, and a senior advisor to International Law and Policy Institute (lLPI) in Oslo. Particular expertise includes rural and pastoral community development in the Horn of Africa, political sociology, ethno-social identities, traditional mediation systems, transnational governance, and diasporas. Moise A. Khayrallah Center for Lebanese Diaspora Studies 2018
The article explains what diaspora Eritreans in Europe, most of whom were caught by suprise by th... more The article explains what diaspora Eritreans in Europe, most of whom were caught by suprise by the rapprochement between the leadership of Eritrea and Ethiopia, think about the peace agreement between both countries and which possible risks and pitfalls they see.
Eritrea is one of the most diasporic countries in the world with one-third of the population liv... more Eritrea is one of the most diasporic countries in the world with one-third of the population living abroad, and one-third of the state’s budget is derived from remittances.This is done by coercion, since vital services such as the extension of passports are subject to tax payment, and by appeals to the diaspora’s long-distance nationalism, fuelled through
festivals, seminars, and EriTV broadcasts. Following the introduction of an open-ended national service in 2002, the regime initially tried to restrict the resulting youth exodus by punitive measures, but is now regarding the new exiles as an additional source of tax income and has instrumentalized them to influence European policy-makers. The Eritrean case demonstrates how an authoritarian regime can perpetuate its rule by exploiting the diaspora’s patriotism and feelings of personal obligations or by mere coercion through its transnational institutions.
The Saho of Eritrea: Ethnic Identity and National Consciousness, 2013
Routledge Handbook on Middle Eastern Diasporas , 2023
Transnatinal Repression in the Age of Globalisation, 2024
Conflict and war, but most of all overwhelming despair are driving massive numbers of mostly youn... more Conflict and war, but most of all overwhelming despair are driving massive numbers of mostly young people from the Middle East and North Africa, Central Africa, the Balkans, Ukraine and Central Asia to leave their homes for Europe in search of safety. What do they need most in order to lead their lives in peace and security? How can opportunities for a meaningful and secure future in their countries of origin be improved? How can the EU – acting in concert with its principles – support these people in their search for freedom, self-determination and well-being? These are the questions addressed in " Escaping the Escape. " The publication features authors from refugee-source countries and experts from Europe who examine the situation in the crisis regions and offer concrete recommendations for actions to be taken in each region. Countries and regions covered in this publication are: Afghanistan, Algeria and Sahel, the Balkans, Egypt, Eritrea, Gaza, Greece, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Nigeria, Somalia, South-Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukraine, Yemen.
Escaping the Escape Toward Solutions for the Humanitarian Migration Crisis. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/315770341_Escaping_the_Escape_Toward_Solutions_for_the_Humanitarian_Migration_Crisis [accessed Apr 4, 2017].