Özgür Balkılıç - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by Özgür Balkılıç

Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi, 2019

1960-1980 arasında yeni bir toplu sözleşme düzenine geçilmesiyle ve kalkınma, sosyal adalet, ücre... more 1960-1980 arasında yeni bir toplu sözleşme düzenine geçilmesiyle ve kalkınma, sosyal adalet, ücret eşitsizlikleri gibi konularda kamusal tartışmaların gittikçe yoğunlaşmasıyla birlikte sermaye sahiplerinin en önemli gündemlerinden birisi sınai karlılıklarını gizlemek/arttırmak ve bunu yaparken de emek süreçleri üzerindeki denetimlerine özellikle örgütlü emeğin rızasını almaktı. Bu anlamda, özellikle 1945 sonrası dünyaya yayılan Amerikan işletme ideolojisi burjuvazinin/işletme yöneticilerinin bir yandan kapitalist karları gizlemek ve diğer yandan emek üzerindeki denetimi sağlamak hususunda rızanın üretilmesinde en önemli araçlardan birisi oldu. Bu çalışma, burjuvazinin örgütlü emeğin rızasını almak için kullandığı en önemli ideolojik mekanizmalardan birisi olan işletme ideolojisinin Türkiye'ye gelişine, yayılmasına ve özel olarak bu ideolojinin önemli bir boyutu olan ücret tartışmalarına odaklanmaktadır. Makalede sermaye sahiplerinin/yöneticilerin karlarını gizlemek-arttırmak ve emek üzerinde denetimi sağlamak için öne sürdüğü ücretler-verimlilik ilişkisi ve ücret sistemlerine örgütlü emeğin sendikal yapısı ve stratejileri nedeniyle rıza göstermediği öne sürülecektir. Bu bağlamda, çalışmanın temel amacı 1960-1980 arasının emek-sermaye çatışmasını incelerken emek süreçlerini büyük oranda ihmal eden mevcut literatüre katkı koymaktır.

Turkish Studies, 2020

Drawing upon the critical geopolitics literature and discourse analysis, this article will explai... more Drawing upon the critical geopolitics literature and discourse analysis, this article will explain how the ruling AKP in Turkey fashioned an alternative, Islamically infused migration discourse in response to the Syrian refugee crisis and how it depicted this as counter-hegemonic to the dominant depictions of East and West embedded within Europe's existing securitization discourse. According to the AKP's geopolitical discourse, the differing attitudes evinced in Europe and Turkey toward the Syrian migrants can be explained by civilizational values deriving from the history and religious composition of the respective regions, as between the Orient and the Occident. However, this article examines to what extent this self-promoted discourse of Islamic inclusion has succeeded in engendering a more progressive settlement and integration regime. It argues that it has actually fostered its own system of 'Othering' and has led to the development of selective admission and exclusionary practices similar to those in Europe.

Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi (AID), 2018

İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası dünya Üçüncü Dünya halklarının uyanışına doğdu. Yüzyıllar boyunca "ge... more İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası dünya Üçüncü Dünya halklarının uyanışına doğdu. Yüzyıllar boyunca "gelişmiş" Batı ülkelerinin hâkimiyetinde yaşamış halklar savaş sonrası silahsızlanma, barış, ekonomik adalet, gibi söylemlerle bezenmiş bir Üçüncü Dünya projesine yoğun ilgi gösterdiler. Bu makale Üçüncü Dünya projesinin tarih yazımını incelemektedir. Bu anlamda çalışma mevcut tarih yazımına toplumsal hareketler düzeyi, devletler düzeyi ve uluslararası düzey olmak üzere, üç düzeyde odaklanacaktır. Söz konusu üç düzeyde makale ilk olarak halkların dünyanın farklı coğrafyalarında verdiği mücadeleleri konu alacaktır. İkinci olarak, milliyetçi hükümetlerin anti-emperyalist mücadelelerini konu alan eserlere odaklanılacaktır. Son olarak ise, uluslararası düzeyde antiemperyalist ve anti-kolonyalist mücadele veren Bağlantısızlar Hareketi masaya yatırılacaktır.

This study is an examination of the history of organized metal labor in İstanbul, Turkey after th... more This study is an examination of the history of organized metal labor in İstanbul, Turkey after the Second World War. It analyzes and displays the complex and intermingled historical processes within which laborers in the private metal sector of İstanbul experienced workplace relations and actively responded to them. In this regard, although recent immigrants to Istanbul were exposed to unfamiliar conditions and labor relations, they attempted to shape those new relations through several means, in particular through the establishment of trade unions. In an effort to provide a comprehensive picture of class formation in the metal sector after the war, this study, therefore, focuses on the experiences of the İstanbul metal workers in their workplaces and living districts, as well as their efforts to be organized in effort to influence and change those conditions. This dissertation relies on three interrelated levels of social relations, since the majority of the metal workers gained a certain class consciousness and habit of acting collectively between 1945 and 1970 in Turkey: the metal worker's experiences in their work and social lives, their unionization and their collective actions. Of course, those conditions did not exist in a contextual void in Turkey after the war years; they were shaped by both the state policies which developed out of a certain world context, and by several social and historical problems with which Turkey grappled after 1945, as well as the particular type of progress of economic order, namely capitalism. In Turkey, the metal workers' collective responses to the prevalent conditions from which they suffered took shape in parallel with changes in the political order, the state institutions, and the balance of political ideologies. What I am suggesting in this dissertation is that the İstanbul metal worker's collective consciousness, and collective struggles which reached a peak towards end of the 1960s, were formed by the combination of different factors: the changing state intervention in regulating workplace relations after the war years, the changing patterns of social relations between bosses and workers, the progress of unionization in the sector, and most importantly, the various types of workers' collective actions that occurred as a response to all those dynamics. In the end, it was the workers' collective actions that constituted the most important reason for their rise as distinct social actors, namely; becoming members of a defined class in Turkish society. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS An academic work is truly produced through the collective labor of many individuals, albeit all of them do not realize the extent of their contribution. This study is not a deviation from this cliché, thus I am grateful to many people for their assistance and patience during my work on this dissertation. I ask the forgiveness of my friends and those I have forgotten to mention by name. This text is based on archival research in many institutions in Turkey, including Türkiye Sosyal Tarih Araştırma Vakfı (The Association of Turkey's Social History Research) in İstanbul, Tarih Vakfı (The History Association) in İstanbul, the Atatürk Library and the Beyazıd State Library in İstanbul, the Adnan Ötüken Library, the National Library. and the Ankara University Library, all of them in Ankara. I salute the help and advice of their staff in locating documents. Those include; Sibel S. Sular, Fahrettin Ozan, Fahri Aral and Cem Koç. But, more than any institution, I am indebted to the Middle East Technical University Library and its great librarian, Tülin Özçelik. She did not only immediately provide any material that I asked but Tülin also manifested her friendship by allowing me to use her office, her desk, even her computer whenever I needed. Our friendly conversations and traditional backgammon competitions greatly relieved me during my impasses when writing this study. I am also thankful to

Nationalities Papers, 2013

Turkish nationalism became an element of the Ottoman political scene in the late nineteenth centu... more Turkish nationalism became an element of the Ottoman political scene in the late nineteenth century. Although its roots can be traced back to the Hamidian period (1876–1909), Turkish nationalism emerged as one of the most important political ideologies during the Constitutional Regime. Wars that the Ottoman State participated in from 1911 to the end of the empire in 1918 resulted in population and land losses. Especially, following the Balkan Wars, most of the lands that were populated by non-Muslim and non-Turkish subjects were lost. Within this context, Turkish nationalism came to be seen as the most dominant ideological tool intended to save the Empire. This article argues that Turkish nationalism emerged as a reactive ideology that addressed Ottomanism and Islamism, which were the two other dominant state ideologies during the late Ottoman State, due to the changing political context. In this article, Türk Yurdu, a well-known and influential periodical, is used as the primary so...

Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi, 2019

1960-1980 arasında yeni bir toplu sözleşme düzenine geçilmesiyle ve kalkınma, sosyal adalet, ücre... more 1960-1980 arasında yeni bir toplu sözleşme düzenine geçilmesiyle ve kalkınma, sosyal adalet, ücret eşitsizlikleri gibi konularda kamusal tartışmaların gittikçe yoğunlaşmasıyla birlikte sermaye sahiplerinin en önemli gündemlerinden birisi sınai karlılıklarını gizlemek/arttırmak ve bunu yaparken de emek süreçleri üzerindeki denetimlerine özellikle örgütlü emeğin rızasını almaktı. Bu anlamda, özellikle 1945 sonrası dünyaya yayılan Amerikan işletme ideolojisi burjuvazinin/işletme yöneticilerinin bir yandan kapitalist karları gizlemek ve diğer yandan emek üzerindeki denetimi sağlamak hususunda rızanın üretilmesinde en önemli araçlardan birisi oldu. Bu çalışma, burjuvazinin örgütlü emeğin rızasını almak için kullandığı en önemli ideolojik mekanizmalardan birisi olan işletme ideolojisinin Türkiye'ye gelişine, yayılmasına ve özel olarak bu ideolojinin önemli bir boyutu olan ücret tartışmalarına odaklanmaktadır. Makalede sermaye sahiplerinin/yöneticilerin karlarını gizlemek-arttırmak ve emek üzerinde denetimi sağlamak için öne sürdüğü ücretler-verimlilik ilişkisi ve ücret sistemlerine örgütlü emeğin sendikal yapısı ve stratejileri nedeniyle rıza göstermediği öne sürülecektir. Bu bağlamda, çalışmanın temel amacı 1960-1980 arasının emek-sermaye çatışmasını incelerken emek süreçlerini büyük oranda ihmal eden mevcut literatüre katkı koymaktır.

Turkish Studies, 2020

Drawing upon the critical geopolitics literature and discourse analysis, this article will explai... more Drawing upon the critical geopolitics literature and discourse analysis, this article will explain how the ruling AKP in Turkey fashioned an alternative, Islamically infused migration discourse in response to the Syrian refugee crisis and how it depicted this as counter-hegemonic to the dominant depictions of East and West embedded within Europe's existing securitization discourse. According to the AKP's geopolitical discourse, the differing attitudes evinced in Europe and Turkey toward the Syrian migrants can be explained by civilizational values deriving from the history and religious composition of the respective regions, as between the Orient and the Occident. However, this article examines to what extent this self-promoted discourse of Islamic inclusion has succeeded in engendering a more progressive settlement and integration regime. It argues that it has actually fostered its own system of 'Othering' and has led to the development of selective admission and exclusionary practices similar to those in Europe.

Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi (AID), 2018

İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası dünya Üçüncü Dünya halklarının uyanışına doğdu. Yüzyıllar boyunca "ge... more İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası dünya Üçüncü Dünya halklarının uyanışına doğdu. Yüzyıllar boyunca "gelişmiş" Batı ülkelerinin hâkimiyetinde yaşamış halklar savaş sonrası silahsızlanma, barış, ekonomik adalet, gibi söylemlerle bezenmiş bir Üçüncü Dünya projesine yoğun ilgi gösterdiler. Bu makale Üçüncü Dünya projesinin tarih yazımını incelemektedir. Bu anlamda çalışma mevcut tarih yazımına toplumsal hareketler düzeyi, devletler düzeyi ve uluslararası düzey olmak üzere, üç düzeyde odaklanacaktır. Söz konusu üç düzeyde makale ilk olarak halkların dünyanın farklı coğrafyalarında verdiği mücadeleleri konu alacaktır. İkinci olarak, milliyetçi hükümetlerin anti-emperyalist mücadelelerini konu alan eserlere odaklanılacaktır. Son olarak ise, uluslararası düzeyde antiemperyalist ve anti-kolonyalist mücadele veren Bağlantısızlar Hareketi masaya yatırılacaktır.

This study is an examination of the history of organized metal labor in İstanbul, Turkey after th... more This study is an examination of the history of organized metal labor in İstanbul, Turkey after the Second World War. It analyzes and displays the complex and intermingled historical processes within which laborers in the private metal sector of İstanbul experienced workplace relations and actively responded to them. In this regard, although recent immigrants to Istanbul were exposed to unfamiliar conditions and labor relations, they attempted to shape those new relations through several means, in particular through the establishment of trade unions. In an effort to provide a comprehensive picture of class formation in the metal sector after the war, this study, therefore, focuses on the experiences of the İstanbul metal workers in their workplaces and living districts, as well as their efforts to be organized in effort to influence and change those conditions. This dissertation relies on three interrelated levels of social relations, since the majority of the metal workers gained a certain class consciousness and habit of acting collectively between 1945 and 1970 in Turkey: the metal worker's experiences in their work and social lives, their unionization and their collective actions. Of course, those conditions did not exist in a contextual void in Turkey after the war years; they were shaped by both the state policies which developed out of a certain world context, and by several social and historical problems with which Turkey grappled after 1945, as well as the particular type of progress of economic order, namely capitalism. In Turkey, the metal workers' collective responses to the prevalent conditions from which they suffered took shape in parallel with changes in the political order, the state institutions, and the balance of political ideologies. What I am suggesting in this dissertation is that the İstanbul metal worker's collective consciousness, and collective struggles which reached a peak towards end of the 1960s, were formed by the combination of different factors: the changing state intervention in regulating workplace relations after the war years, the changing patterns of social relations between bosses and workers, the progress of unionization in the sector, and most importantly, the various types of workers' collective actions that occurred as a response to all those dynamics. In the end, it was the workers' collective actions that constituted the most important reason for their rise as distinct social actors, namely; becoming members of a defined class in Turkish society. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS An academic work is truly produced through the collective labor of many individuals, albeit all of them do not realize the extent of their contribution. This study is not a deviation from this cliché, thus I am grateful to many people for their assistance and patience during my work on this dissertation. I ask the forgiveness of my friends and those I have forgotten to mention by name. This text is based on archival research in many institutions in Turkey, including Türkiye Sosyal Tarih Araştırma Vakfı (The Association of Turkey's Social History Research) in İstanbul, Tarih Vakfı (The History Association) in İstanbul, the Atatürk Library and the Beyazıd State Library in İstanbul, the Adnan Ötüken Library, the National Library. and the Ankara University Library, all of them in Ankara. I salute the help and advice of their staff in locating documents. Those include; Sibel S. Sular, Fahrettin Ozan, Fahri Aral and Cem Koç. But, more than any institution, I am indebted to the Middle East Technical University Library and its great librarian, Tülin Özçelik. She did not only immediately provide any material that I asked but Tülin also manifested her friendship by allowing me to use her office, her desk, even her computer whenever I needed. Our friendly conversations and traditional backgammon competitions greatly relieved me during my impasses when writing this study. I am also thankful to

Nationalities Papers, 2013

Turkish nationalism became an element of the Ottoman political scene in the late nineteenth centu... more Turkish nationalism became an element of the Ottoman political scene in the late nineteenth century. Although its roots can be traced back to the Hamidian period (1876–1909), Turkish nationalism emerged as one of the most important political ideologies during the Constitutional Regime. Wars that the Ottoman State participated in from 1911 to the end of the empire in 1918 resulted in population and land losses. Especially, following the Balkan Wars, most of the lands that were populated by non-Muslim and non-Turkish subjects were lost. Within this context, Turkish nationalism came to be seen as the most dominant ideological tool intended to save the Empire. This article argues that Turkish nationalism emerged as a reactive ideology that addressed Ottomanism and Islamism, which were the two other dominant state ideologies during the late Ottoman State, due to the changing political context. In this article, Türk Yurdu, a well-known and influential periodical, is used as the primary so...