Željko Bošković - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Željko Bošković
Smuggling in Syntax, 2020
Smuggling refers to a situation where movement of α would induce a violation that is voided by m... more Smuggling refers to a situation where movement of α would induce a violation that is voided by movement of a larger constituent β that contains α, which is followed by movement of α. Smuggling thus involves movement out of a moved element, which is traditionally assumed not to be possible (the constraint is referred to as the freezing ban). This chapter shows that there is no general freezing ban. Extraction out of moved elements is generally allowed. The cases where such extraction appears not to be allowed involve independent problems concerning labeling. The chapter re-examines from this perspective (which allows but restricts the possibilities for smuggling) the smuggling derivations proposed in Collins (2005a, 2005b), focusing on the passive construction, and the smuggling analysis of tough-constructions proposed in Hicks (2009). A modified version of the latter is argued to be superior to the traditional null Op analysis of tough-constructions. Several conclusions regardin...
Gengo Kenkyu: Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan, 2017
The paper examines the C particle kong in Taiwanese. Following Simpson and Wu (2002), the paper a... more The paper examines the C particle kong in Taiwanese. Following Simpson and Wu (2002), the paper argues that tone sandhi that kong participates in provides an argument for multiple spell-out. It is also shown that the kong construction can be used to tease apart different approaches to multiple spell-out and successive-cyclic movement. In particular, tone sandhi with kong provides evidence for the approach argued for in Bošković (2016a), which dispenses with the Phase-Impenetrability Condition and where spell-out targets phases and successive-cyclic movement targets phrases above phases. The paper also provides a uniform account of the derivational PF effect regarding tone sandhi in Taiwanese and the derivational PF effect regarding primary stress assignment in English noted in Bresnan (1972).*
The paper examines the C particle kong in Taiwanese. Following Simpson and Wu (2002), the paper a... more The paper examines the C particle kong in Taiwanese. Following Simpson and Wu (2002), the paper argues that tone sandhi that kong participates in provides an argument for multiple spell-out. It is also shown that the kong construction can be used to tease apart different approaches to multiple spell-out and successive-cyclic movement. In particular, tone sandhi with kong provides evidence for the approach argued for in Bošković (2016a), which dispenses with the Phase-Impenetrability Condition and where spell-out targets phases and successive-cyclic movement targets phrases above phases. The paper also provides a uniform account of the derivational PF effect regarding tone sandhi in Taiwanese and the derivational PF effect regarding primary stress assignment in English noted in Bresnan (1972).*
Linguistic Inquiry, 2004
In this reply, I show that Russian examples that Bailyn (2001) uses to argue against Boskovic and... more In this reply, I show that Russian examples that Bailyn (2001) uses to argue against Boskovic and Takahashi's (1998) analysis of scrambling are irrelevant to the analysis because they in fact do not involve scrambling. I also establish a crosslinguistic correlation between lack of articles and availability of scrambling and provide an account of the correlation under Boskovic and Takahashi's approach to scrambling.
Rethinking Verb Second
This chapter argues that V2 and clitic second should not be unified structurally. Second-position... more This chapter argues that V2 and clitic second should not be unified structurally. Second-position clitics do not all occur in a fixed position high in the clause (they can, in fact, occur rather low in the structure), differing from the verb in V2 in this respect, and second-position clitic systems are incompatible with the presence of definite articles in the language, in contrast to V2. Clitic second and V2 clauses also differ with respect to their mobility, the latter being immobile. Clitic second and V2 are, however, shown to share important prosodic properties, which is taken to indicate that the two should be unified at least to some extent prosodically (with clitic second, the second position is in fact defined prosodically: clitics are second within their intonational phrase). Factoring out the prosodic properties of V2 is also shown to simplify the syntax of V2. From this perspective, the chapter provides accounts of a number of properties of V2, including the root/embedded...
The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition
Introduction 2 On the accounts of the Complex NP Constraint 3 Subsuming the Complex NP Constraint... more Introduction 2 On the accounts of the Complex NP Constraint 3 Subsuming the Complex NP Constraint 4 Phases and cross-linguistic variation 4.1 Phases in the noun phrase 4.2 More on the phasal status of NP 5 Conclusion (2) * Who i did you see dogs that bit t i ? (3) * Who i did you hear rumors that a dog bit t i ? The goal of this chapter is to reexamine the status of (1), putting it into a broader perspective by tying the Complex NP Constraint to two other constraints on extraction out of NPs, thus showing that (1) is part of a broader phenomenon.
8 (FaU2ool).1 thank these audiences and Cedric Boeckx, Sam Epstein, and Howard Lasnik for helpful... more 8 (FaU2ool).1 thank these audiences and Cedric Boeckx, Sam Epstein, and Howard Lasnik for helpful comments. This paper is a shorter version ofBo~koviC (2oolc). 'More precisely, A-movement I do not discuss the possibility of A'-movement of expletives. 102002 by Zeljko Bo~koviC NELS 32 1 Boškovi?: Expletives Don't Move Published by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst, 2002 'S •• BoAkovic (1997) for details of the analysis. The upshot of the analysis is that equidistance allows skipping of one, but not two Specs, which is what would have to happen with agentive constructions (see Bo §koviC 1997 for discussion of simple transitives). I argue that the agentivc shell, which is responsible for tbe ungranunaticalityof(2). is notpresenl in passives, which gives us a straightforward account of the contrast between (2) and (i). (The additional agentive shell i. also not present with verbs like believe. which can ECM.) (i) a. The woman was wagered to know French. b. The stodents were alleged to have arrived late. 'There is apparently some disagreement among French speakers with respect to constructions like (6).
ENGLISH LINGUISTICS
The paper examines certain constructions where clitics exceptionally license sloppy readings and ... more The paper examines certain constructions where clitics exceptionally license sloppy readings and argues that such constructions involve a clitic doubling structure where the double, which is responsible for the sloppy reading, undergoes argument ellipsis. Typological consequences of the proposed analysis are also discussed. Additionally, a number of conclusions are reached regarding the nature of clitic doubling and especially argument ellipsis, for which a new semantically-based analysis is proposed where argument ellipsis is defi ned in terms of its semantic type and implemented in terms of LF copying. The analysis also considerably broadens the scope of the phenomenon, eliminating the need for independent parameterization regarding the availability of argument ellipsis across languages. The paper also addresses the more general issue of whether certain interpretations of nominal expressions are derived via type-shifting triggered by null heads present in the syntax, or post-syntactically, without corresponding syntactic structure.*
Philosophies, Jan 22, 2022
This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative... more This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY
On the (im)practicality of the state: Why do I have to have a country? There are many well-articu... more On the (im)practicality of the state: Why do I have to have a country? There are many well-articulated reasons to favor a stateless society. Chomsky departs from many anarchists in believing that such a society is more likely to be achieved through a long, drawn out process that slowly erodes the machinery of the state rather than a single revolutionary moment. As a result, as Chomsky has emphasized in many places, 1 in the current political situation a stateless society can only be considered a long term goal. In the short run, the goal should actually be to strengthen the state in certain respects, namely, in the contexts where it helps achieve a freer and more just society-clear examples of this are providing a check on the power of large corporations and what has become a derogatory term on the right, the "welfare state"-which includes such horrible things as recognizing the right of every child, including those born to poor parents, to have food and get health care. 2 In a way, then, the state can be pragmatically used in the process of moving toward a more equitable stateless society. There is a conflict here between theory and what is practical, which is reflected in the long run vs short run opposition-the latter boils down to practical reasons. The conflict is only apparent however. Chomsky's political work is not an academic research exercise, in its heart is political (and economic, since the two are really inseparable) activism. There is pragmatism that comes with activism. This activism-motivated pragmatism is the reason why for Chomsky there is no contradiction, as there would be in a pure academic research exercise, between holding anarchist ideals, including stateless society, and using the state to achieve reforms that will lead to a more just society that is closer to anarchist ideals. There is also a reflection of Chomsky as a scientist here-if you are a scientist, say a physicist, you will use whatever methods you can to enlighten the issues you are investigating. 3 On a par with that, regarding his political work, Chomsky says: 4 "You should use whatever methods are available to you. There is no conflict between trying to overthrow the state and using the means that are provided in a partially democratic society, the means that have been developed through popular struggles over centuries. You should use them and try to go beyond, maybe destroy the institution. It is like the 1 See e.g. the following interview from March 11, 2010 (Reddit Blog) https://youtu.be/ke6YXjaZ 9HY and N. Chomsky, On Anarchism, The New Press, 2013. 2 See Chomsky 2013, p. 41. 3 In a mature scientific field like physics, there is no subfield or graduate classes devoted only to methodology, which reflects the general use-whatever-you-can methodological attitude.
Bošković (2011) establishes the generalization in (1), following Bošković's (2005) observation in... more Bošković (2011) establishes the generalization in (1), following Bošković's (2005) observation in (2).
Proceedings of NELS, 2009
The gender of the adjective and the participle depends on the gender of the noun. Green can be fe... more The gender of the adjective and the participle depends on the gender of the noun. Green can be feminine, neuter, or masculine; which gender it has depends on the noun it modifies. As Pesetsky & Torrego (2007) (PT) note, the dependence of the gender value of adjectives and participles on the syntactic context in which they occur can be easily captured if they are lexically unvalued for gender: they receive their gender value after undergoing agreement with a noun that already has a valued gender. In contrast to the adjective/participle in (1)-(3), nouns like kola, auto, and automobil have a fixed gender specification: kola is always feminine, auto neuter, and automobil masculine. The most straightforward way of capturing this is to assume nominal gender is lexically valued; in contrast to adjectives/participles, nouns do not receive their gender value during syntactic derivation, hence their gender value does not depend on their syntactic context.
Studies in Polish Linguistics, Apr 2, 2014
We provide a semantic account of the free ordering of NP-internal elements in Chinese and argue t... more We provide a semantic account of the free ordering of NP-internal elements in Chinese and argue that this provides evidence for the lack of DP in Chinese. We also extend this account to the Mandarin plural marker-men, tying the definiteness of-men phrases and its number/definiteness interaction to the classifier status of-men and the lack of DP in Chinese. We show that the binding properties of Chinese possessors also provide evidence for the no-DP analysis of Chinese. Finally, we propose a semantic account of certain differences in the order of NP-internal elements between Chinese and Serbo-Croatian, another language that lacks DP.
Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2001, 2003
The paper shows that crosslinguistically, overt movement of a wh-phrase to SpecCP results in the ... more The paper shows that crosslinguistically, overt movement of a wh-phrase to SpecCP results in the loss of the single-pair interpretation for multiple questions, i.e. it forces the pair-list interpretation. It is shown that the damaging effect of overt movement to SpecCP on the availability of single-pair answers can be accounted for with an extension of Hagstroms (1998) semantics of questions to languages with overt wh-movement. More precisely, the effect is argued to follow from Relativized Minimality: In questions with a single-pair interpretation, the Q morpheme, which is base-generated below C, induces a relativized minimality effect when a wh-phrase crosses it on its way to SpecCP.
Proceedings of NELS, 1998
Linguistic Inquiry, 2004
Page 1. Remarks and Replies Topicalization, Focalization, Lexical Insertion, and Scrambling äeljk... more Page 1. Remarks and Replies Topicalization, Focalization, Lexical Insertion, and Scrambling äeljko Bo'kovic In this reply, I show that Russian examples that Bailyn (2001) uses to argue against Bo'kovic and Takahashi's (1998 ...
Linguistic Inquiry
The article deduces a modified version of the traditional ban on movement out of moved elements t... more The article deduces a modified version of the traditional ban on movement out of moved elements that provides a new perspective on it. Under the proposed analysis, the problem with the movement of YP out of moved XP does not arise at the point where YP moves out of XP, as in previous accounts. Instead, it arises already with the movement of XP: XP itself cannot undergo movement in this case. Any later movement out of XP is then trivially blocked. The proposed analysis leaves room for movement out of moved elements to take place in well-defined contexts. Several constructions bear this out, including German/Dutch r-pronoun constructions, Slavic left-branch extraction, and quantifier float more generally. What the proposed analysis deduces is then not the traditional ban on movement out of moved elements, but a ban on movement of phases with nonagreeing specifiers, which the article argues should replace the former ban. As a result, the analysis also extends to the immobility of verb-...
Studies in Modern Grammar
The goal of this paper is to examine a rather interesting paradigm involving mixed clausal coordi... more The goal of this paper is to examine a rather interesting paradigm involving mixed clausal coordination, where different types of clauses (finite CPs, ECM, and control infinitives) are coordinated. It will be shown that the paradigm in question has consequences for several phenomena; in particular it sheds light on the controversial issue of the proper analysis of PRO as well as the issue of whether the SpecvP where the subject is base-generated is higher or lower than the SpecvP which serves as the landing site of object shift.
Smuggling in Syntax, 2020
Smuggling refers to a situation where movement of α would induce a violation that is voided by m... more Smuggling refers to a situation where movement of α would induce a violation that is voided by movement of a larger constituent β that contains α, which is followed by movement of α. Smuggling thus involves movement out of a moved element, which is traditionally assumed not to be possible (the constraint is referred to as the freezing ban). This chapter shows that there is no general freezing ban. Extraction out of moved elements is generally allowed. The cases where such extraction appears not to be allowed involve independent problems concerning labeling. The chapter re-examines from this perspective (which allows but restricts the possibilities for smuggling) the smuggling derivations proposed in Collins (2005a, 2005b), focusing on the passive construction, and the smuggling analysis of tough-constructions proposed in Hicks (2009). A modified version of the latter is argued to be superior to the traditional null Op analysis of tough-constructions. Several conclusions regardin...
Gengo Kenkyu: Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan, 2017
The paper examines the C particle kong in Taiwanese. Following Simpson and Wu (2002), the paper a... more The paper examines the C particle kong in Taiwanese. Following Simpson and Wu (2002), the paper argues that tone sandhi that kong participates in provides an argument for multiple spell-out. It is also shown that the kong construction can be used to tease apart different approaches to multiple spell-out and successive-cyclic movement. In particular, tone sandhi with kong provides evidence for the approach argued for in Bošković (2016a), which dispenses with the Phase-Impenetrability Condition and where spell-out targets phases and successive-cyclic movement targets phrases above phases. The paper also provides a uniform account of the derivational PF effect regarding tone sandhi in Taiwanese and the derivational PF effect regarding primary stress assignment in English noted in Bresnan (1972).*
The paper examines the C particle kong in Taiwanese. Following Simpson and Wu (2002), the paper a... more The paper examines the C particle kong in Taiwanese. Following Simpson and Wu (2002), the paper argues that tone sandhi that kong participates in provides an argument for multiple spell-out. It is also shown that the kong construction can be used to tease apart different approaches to multiple spell-out and successive-cyclic movement. In particular, tone sandhi with kong provides evidence for the approach argued for in Bošković (2016a), which dispenses with the Phase-Impenetrability Condition and where spell-out targets phases and successive-cyclic movement targets phrases above phases. The paper also provides a uniform account of the derivational PF effect regarding tone sandhi in Taiwanese and the derivational PF effect regarding primary stress assignment in English noted in Bresnan (1972).*
Linguistic Inquiry, 2004
In this reply, I show that Russian examples that Bailyn (2001) uses to argue against Boskovic and... more In this reply, I show that Russian examples that Bailyn (2001) uses to argue against Boskovic and Takahashi's (1998) analysis of scrambling are irrelevant to the analysis because they in fact do not involve scrambling. I also establish a crosslinguistic correlation between lack of articles and availability of scrambling and provide an account of the correlation under Boskovic and Takahashi's approach to scrambling.
Rethinking Verb Second
This chapter argues that V2 and clitic second should not be unified structurally. Second-position... more This chapter argues that V2 and clitic second should not be unified structurally. Second-position clitics do not all occur in a fixed position high in the clause (they can, in fact, occur rather low in the structure), differing from the verb in V2 in this respect, and second-position clitic systems are incompatible with the presence of definite articles in the language, in contrast to V2. Clitic second and V2 clauses also differ with respect to their mobility, the latter being immobile. Clitic second and V2 are, however, shown to share important prosodic properties, which is taken to indicate that the two should be unified at least to some extent prosodically (with clitic second, the second position is in fact defined prosodically: clitics are second within their intonational phrase). Factoring out the prosodic properties of V2 is also shown to simplify the syntax of V2. From this perspective, the chapter provides accounts of a number of properties of V2, including the root/embedded...
The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition
Introduction 2 On the accounts of the Complex NP Constraint 3 Subsuming the Complex NP Constraint... more Introduction 2 On the accounts of the Complex NP Constraint 3 Subsuming the Complex NP Constraint 4 Phases and cross-linguistic variation 4.1 Phases in the noun phrase 4.2 More on the phasal status of NP 5 Conclusion (2) * Who i did you see dogs that bit t i ? (3) * Who i did you hear rumors that a dog bit t i ? The goal of this chapter is to reexamine the status of (1), putting it into a broader perspective by tying the Complex NP Constraint to two other constraints on extraction out of NPs, thus showing that (1) is part of a broader phenomenon.
8 (FaU2ool).1 thank these audiences and Cedric Boeckx, Sam Epstein, and Howard Lasnik for helpful... more 8 (FaU2ool).1 thank these audiences and Cedric Boeckx, Sam Epstein, and Howard Lasnik for helpful comments. This paper is a shorter version ofBo~koviC (2oolc). 'More precisely, A-movement I do not discuss the possibility of A'-movement of expletives. 102002 by Zeljko Bo~koviC NELS 32 1 Boškovi?: Expletives Don't Move Published by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst, 2002 'S •• BoAkovic (1997) for details of the analysis. The upshot of the analysis is that equidistance allows skipping of one, but not two Specs, which is what would have to happen with agentive constructions (see Bo §koviC 1997 for discussion of simple transitives). I argue that the agentivc shell, which is responsible for tbe ungranunaticalityof(2). is notpresenl in passives, which gives us a straightforward account of the contrast between (2) and (i). (The additional agentive shell i. also not present with verbs like believe. which can ECM.) (i) a. The woman was wagered to know French. b. The stodents were alleged to have arrived late. 'There is apparently some disagreement among French speakers with respect to constructions like (6).
ENGLISH LINGUISTICS
The paper examines certain constructions where clitics exceptionally license sloppy readings and ... more The paper examines certain constructions where clitics exceptionally license sloppy readings and argues that such constructions involve a clitic doubling structure where the double, which is responsible for the sloppy reading, undergoes argument ellipsis. Typological consequences of the proposed analysis are also discussed. Additionally, a number of conclusions are reached regarding the nature of clitic doubling and especially argument ellipsis, for which a new semantically-based analysis is proposed where argument ellipsis is defi ned in terms of its semantic type and implemented in terms of LF copying. The analysis also considerably broadens the scope of the phenomenon, eliminating the need for independent parameterization regarding the availability of argument ellipsis across languages. The paper also addresses the more general issue of whether certain interpretations of nominal expressions are derived via type-shifting triggered by null heads present in the syntax, or post-syntactically, without corresponding syntactic structure.*
Philosophies, Jan 22, 2022
This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative... more This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY
On the (im)practicality of the state: Why do I have to have a country? There are many well-articu... more On the (im)practicality of the state: Why do I have to have a country? There are many well-articulated reasons to favor a stateless society. Chomsky departs from many anarchists in believing that such a society is more likely to be achieved through a long, drawn out process that slowly erodes the machinery of the state rather than a single revolutionary moment. As a result, as Chomsky has emphasized in many places, 1 in the current political situation a stateless society can only be considered a long term goal. In the short run, the goal should actually be to strengthen the state in certain respects, namely, in the contexts where it helps achieve a freer and more just society-clear examples of this are providing a check on the power of large corporations and what has become a derogatory term on the right, the "welfare state"-which includes such horrible things as recognizing the right of every child, including those born to poor parents, to have food and get health care. 2 In a way, then, the state can be pragmatically used in the process of moving toward a more equitable stateless society. There is a conflict here between theory and what is practical, which is reflected in the long run vs short run opposition-the latter boils down to practical reasons. The conflict is only apparent however. Chomsky's political work is not an academic research exercise, in its heart is political (and economic, since the two are really inseparable) activism. There is pragmatism that comes with activism. This activism-motivated pragmatism is the reason why for Chomsky there is no contradiction, as there would be in a pure academic research exercise, between holding anarchist ideals, including stateless society, and using the state to achieve reforms that will lead to a more just society that is closer to anarchist ideals. There is also a reflection of Chomsky as a scientist here-if you are a scientist, say a physicist, you will use whatever methods you can to enlighten the issues you are investigating. 3 On a par with that, regarding his political work, Chomsky says: 4 "You should use whatever methods are available to you. There is no conflict between trying to overthrow the state and using the means that are provided in a partially democratic society, the means that have been developed through popular struggles over centuries. You should use them and try to go beyond, maybe destroy the institution. It is like the 1 See e.g. the following interview from March 11, 2010 (Reddit Blog) https://youtu.be/ke6YXjaZ 9HY and N. Chomsky, On Anarchism, The New Press, 2013. 2 See Chomsky 2013, p. 41. 3 In a mature scientific field like physics, there is no subfield or graduate classes devoted only to methodology, which reflects the general use-whatever-you-can methodological attitude.
Bošković (2011) establishes the generalization in (1), following Bošković's (2005) observation in... more Bošković (2011) establishes the generalization in (1), following Bošković's (2005) observation in (2).
Proceedings of NELS, 2009
The gender of the adjective and the participle depends on the gender of the noun. Green can be fe... more The gender of the adjective and the participle depends on the gender of the noun. Green can be feminine, neuter, or masculine; which gender it has depends on the noun it modifies. As Pesetsky & Torrego (2007) (PT) note, the dependence of the gender value of adjectives and participles on the syntactic context in which they occur can be easily captured if they are lexically unvalued for gender: they receive their gender value after undergoing agreement with a noun that already has a valued gender. In contrast to the adjective/participle in (1)-(3), nouns like kola, auto, and automobil have a fixed gender specification: kola is always feminine, auto neuter, and automobil masculine. The most straightforward way of capturing this is to assume nominal gender is lexically valued; in contrast to adjectives/participles, nouns do not receive their gender value during syntactic derivation, hence their gender value does not depend on their syntactic context.
Studies in Polish Linguistics, Apr 2, 2014
We provide a semantic account of the free ordering of NP-internal elements in Chinese and argue t... more We provide a semantic account of the free ordering of NP-internal elements in Chinese and argue that this provides evidence for the lack of DP in Chinese. We also extend this account to the Mandarin plural marker-men, tying the definiteness of-men phrases and its number/definiteness interaction to the classifier status of-men and the lack of DP in Chinese. We show that the binding properties of Chinese possessors also provide evidence for the no-DP analysis of Chinese. Finally, we propose a semantic account of certain differences in the order of NP-internal elements between Chinese and Serbo-Croatian, another language that lacks DP.
Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2001, 2003
The paper shows that crosslinguistically, overt movement of a wh-phrase to SpecCP results in the ... more The paper shows that crosslinguistically, overt movement of a wh-phrase to SpecCP results in the loss of the single-pair interpretation for multiple questions, i.e. it forces the pair-list interpretation. It is shown that the damaging effect of overt movement to SpecCP on the availability of single-pair answers can be accounted for with an extension of Hagstroms (1998) semantics of questions to languages with overt wh-movement. More precisely, the effect is argued to follow from Relativized Minimality: In questions with a single-pair interpretation, the Q morpheme, which is base-generated below C, induces a relativized minimality effect when a wh-phrase crosses it on its way to SpecCP.
Proceedings of NELS, 1998
Linguistic Inquiry, 2004
Page 1. Remarks and Replies Topicalization, Focalization, Lexical Insertion, and Scrambling äeljk... more Page 1. Remarks and Replies Topicalization, Focalization, Lexical Insertion, and Scrambling äeljko Bo'kovic In this reply, I show that Russian examples that Bailyn (2001) uses to argue against Bo'kovic and Takahashi's (1998 ...
Linguistic Inquiry
The article deduces a modified version of the traditional ban on movement out of moved elements t... more The article deduces a modified version of the traditional ban on movement out of moved elements that provides a new perspective on it. Under the proposed analysis, the problem with the movement of YP out of moved XP does not arise at the point where YP moves out of XP, as in previous accounts. Instead, it arises already with the movement of XP: XP itself cannot undergo movement in this case. Any later movement out of XP is then trivially blocked. The proposed analysis leaves room for movement out of moved elements to take place in well-defined contexts. Several constructions bear this out, including German/Dutch r-pronoun constructions, Slavic left-branch extraction, and quantifier float more generally. What the proposed analysis deduces is then not the traditional ban on movement out of moved elements, but a ban on movement of phases with nonagreeing specifiers, which the article argues should replace the former ban. As a result, the analysis also extends to the immobility of verb-...
Studies in Modern Grammar
The goal of this paper is to examine a rather interesting paradigm involving mixed clausal coordi... more The goal of this paper is to examine a rather interesting paradigm involving mixed clausal coordination, where different types of clauses (finite CPs, ECM, and control infinitives) are coordinated. It will be shown that the paradigm in question has consequences for several phenomena; in particular it sheds light on the controversial issue of the proper analysis of PRO as well as the issue of whether the SpecvP where the subject is base-generated is higher or lower than the SpecvP which serves as the landing site of object shift.