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Papers by Ama Biney

Southern Africa political and economic monthly, 1995

Kwame Nkrumah remains a towering figure in African history. Inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's non-... more Kwame Nkrumah remains a towering figure in African history. Inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's non-violent campaign of civil disobedience to achieve political ends, he led present-day Ghana to independence in 1957. Nkrumah made Ghana a beacon of hope for not only Ghanaians but also people of African descent throughout the world. Perhaps no other African leader of the 1950s and 1960s personified the dreams, principles and aspirations of this era. At the centre of my analysis of Nkrumah's political, social and economic thought will be his own writings. I begin my re-examination of Nkrumah's life and thought by focusing on the political discourse and controversies surrounding him. The focus of Chapter 1 is his sojourn in America, where he pursued his academic studies. Chapter 2 examines his period of political activism in London between 1945 to 1947 under the ideological guidance of George Padmore. This prepared him for the leadership of the new political party he founded, the Co...

African and Asian Studies, 2011

is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throu... more is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries.

Journal of Southern African Studies

A Certain Amount of Madness

The Journal of Pan-African Studies, 2016

The following appeared, April 28, 2016 in Pambazuka News (http://www.pambazuka.org/) and in other... more The following appeared, April 28, 2016 in Pambazuka News (http://www.pambazuka.org/) and in other international publications. The project of genuinely decolonizing the university must be part of an inclusive task to transform the wider society of which the academy is an integral part. It is a long term undertaking which surely starts with the audacity to name the elephant in the room: white supremacy. In Britain there has yet to emerge a movement to decolonize British universities, particularly in the fields of African Studies, the Humanities and Social Sciences along with an increased appointment of African scholars in these specific fields. Perhaps the explanation lies in the fact that there has not been a civil rights movement in Britain comparable to the struggles in America which demanded Black Studies and African history be taught in American universities in the 1960s and 1970s. People of African-Caribbean and African descent are only 2.8 per cent of the total British populati...

Journal of Southern African Studies, 2019

Africanus: Journal of Development Studies, 2017

The Euro-American hegemonic control of epistemology has produced the current modern and patriarch... more The Euro-American hegemonic control of epistemology has produced the current modern and patriarchal world order underpinned by a Manichean outlook in which Africa is considered a site of inferior people enveloped by lack of development. This article deploys the concept of decolonial turns to understand how Euro-American thought has produced ideas of development within which Africa emerges as lacking development. It posits that Euro-American discourse of development has continued to inform those processes that resulted in the impoverishment of the African continent. The discourse was articulated in the guise of modernization theory of the 1960s and now exists in the current Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers that have currently replaced the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) of the 1980s and 1990s. The challenging question from a decolonial perspective for this article is whether pan-Africanism of the 21st century is able to provide the intellectual counter-weight to Euro-America...

Journal for Contemporary History, 2018

In order to arrest historical amnesia among South Africans, it is necessary to raise a public cam... more In order to arrest historical amnesia among South Africans, it is necessary to raise a public campaign of awareness on how the majority of African countries beyond the Limpopo contributed significantly in assisting the liberation of South Africans. Xenophobic or Afrophobic outbursts since 2008 have scarred the South African nation and tarnished its international reputation. Therefore, it is essential that a re-evaluation is made of the myriad ways in which other African nations gave military training and humanitarian assistance to thousands of South African refugees, and of how the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), the Non-Alignment Movement (NAM), the United Nations (UN) and the Commonwealth platforms strongly agitated for the end of minority rule. Furthermore, the economic destabilisation and terrorism that was inflicted on the Front-Line States (FLS) by the white minority-led state also need to be remembered by a new generation of South Africans. Fundamentally, whilst South Africans sacrificed their lives for political freedom, there were other sister African nations who sacrificed critical resources and human lives to see the end of apartheid on the African continent.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

Nkrumah claimed he traveled to London “to study law and, at the same time, to complete my thesis ... more Nkrumah claimed he traveled to London “to study law and, at the same time, to complete my thesis for a doctorate in philosophy. As soon as I arrived in London, therefore, I enrolled at Grays Inn and arranged to attend lectures at the London School of Economics.”1 He departed for London in late May 1945, where he was met by George Padmore and Joe Appiah. Padmore was, according to Sherwood, “the London-based guru of colonial revolutionaries”2 and Joe Appiah was a Ghanaian law student and active member of the London-based West African Students Union (WASU). All three became political colleagues.3 Padmore was indeed a political magnet in black activist circles in London. As the vortex of imperial rule, the capital drew many African students who gradually became politicized by the organizational activities and views of Padmore and the desire to see their respective countries free from colonial rule. Padmore was “always neatly dressed with crease-lines in his usually dark trousers and spotless white shirt under jacket and ties,” writes Abrahams.4 He had an “iron will” and resolute political focus.5 According to Sherwood, it was C. L. R. James who introduced Nkrumah to Padmore by way of a letter. Immediately after his arrival in London, his colleagues found him accommodation at the WASU hostel. He stayed there for a short while before moving into a house with his former colleague Ako Adjei at 25 Laurier Road, Tufnell Park, in north London. He later moved to a room at 60 Burghley Road in north London. The address was in proximity to individuals who were to become some of his close political colleagues. Among them were Joe Appiah, who lived in Primrose Hill Gardens in Hampstead and shared the house with Bankole Akpata, F. Kankam-Boadu, and Afolabi Odebiyi.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

It is evident that on the eve of Ghana’s independence Nkrumah had a grand vision for the new coun... more It is evident that on the eve of Ghana’s independence Nkrumah had a grand vision for the new country. He had secured the “political kingdom” of self-rule. He now had to provide an “economic paradise,” which he had promised Ghanaians prior to independence. We shall examine Nkrumah’s economic, social, and cultural objectives and aspirations for Ghana during the period 1958 to 1966. The central question to be addressed is, how did Nkrumah’s socioeconomic and cultural thought inform the institutions and policies he established between 1958 and 1966 to effect economic, social, and cultural change in Ghana? How he attempted to realize this vision, the problems he encountered, and the institutions he established will be our central focus.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

The focus of this chapter is to critically analyze the evolution of Nkrumah’s ideas during the pe... more The focus of this chapter is to critically analyze the evolution of Nkrumah’s ideas during the period from 1958 to 1966. He had robust and bold views on a number of subjects, including history, the “African Personality,” culture, peace, imperialism, colonialism, socialism, neocolonialism, and African unity. Together these composed his overall ideological outlook. Therefore, Nkrumah’s political, social, economic, and cultural views cannot be examined discretely for they are part of a holistic nationalist and Pan-African perspective based on fundamental principles. Before examining his political writings, it is important to emphasize that a great deal of the misinterpretations of Nkrumah’s ideological orientation have been inadvertently perpetrated by some of his close associates, such as Kofi Baako, Kofi Batsa, and Rev. Stephen Dzirasa. The former were editors of The Spark and helped propagate the term “Nkrumaism,” and the latter became a personal friend to Nkrumah and called Nkrumah’s ideology “the African Personality.”1

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

Nkrumah earnestly believed in a central role for Ghana in international affairs. Undoubtedly, “Fr... more Nkrumah earnestly believed in a central role for Ghana in international affairs. Undoubtedly, “From the beginning his personality dominated Ghana’s external relations, because he felt that he had a specific mission for Africa which could be fully realised only under his control at the helm.”1 Nkrumah’s vision of African unity, together with the strategies he employed to fulfill his foreign policy objectives, caused conflict and bitterness among some of his contemporaries, such as Felix Houphouet-Boigny of Ivory Coast, Sylvanus Olympio of Togo, and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. The motivations underpinning his foreign policy, their impact, perceptions, and the machinery through which his political decisions were enacted is the focus of this chapter.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

The objective of this chapter is to analyse Nkrumah’s politics from independence to the demise of... more The objective of this chapter is to analyse Nkrumah’s politics from independence to the demise of the Convention People’s Party (CPP) government in early 1966. The question is, how did Nkrumah’s political thought inform the institutions he established between 1958 and 1966? Significantly, during this period there was a marked change in emphasis in Nkrumah’s public announcements. As he himself claims, “With the achievement of Independence, the main theme of my speeches changed. I began to concentrate on the long-term objectives; economic freedom for Ghana, and African emancipation and unity.”1 It was also a period in which Nkrumah repeatedly spoke against what he saw as the absurdity of the nuclear arms race between the two great superpowers that threatened to engulf the world in thermonuclear war.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

The period after the Convention People’s Party (CPP) electoral victory of February 1951 was chara... more The period after the Convention People’s Party (CPP) electoral victory of February 1951 was characterized by an intense struggle between newly emerging political forces. Opposition forces sought to challenge the CPP’s claim to be a national party representative of the chiefs and the commoners of the Gold Coast. The period from 1951 to the attainment of independence in 1957 was one in which the CPP won two general elections, in 1954 and 1956. It sought to establish itself as a national party and acquired some measures of internal self-government in the administration of ministries.1

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

The tumultuous years of 1954 through 1957 saw a violent political confrontation between the Natio... more The tumultuous years of 1954 through 1957 saw a violent political confrontation between the National Liberation Movement (NLM), which was formed on September 19, 1954, and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) government. The causes that gave rise to this movement were rooted in a complex emergence of material and regional interests in the country. The loss of Asante’s historic hegemony over a country it once ruled, in addition to the fact that a large proportion of the country’s major exports (gold, timber, and cocoa) originated in the Ashanti region fueled Asante grievances.1 Another factor contributing to the conflict in Ashanti was the twenty seats allocated to the region by the Van Lare Commission. Inflaming the discontent among the CPP in Ashanti was Nkrumah’s May 1954 public expulsion of the 81 rebel CPP candidates at a mass rally in Kumasi at the Subin River Valley. The site of the expulsion was significant, for the Central Committee of the CPP were fully aware that the rebellion had come from the CPP Asante candidates and they, therefore, openly sought to teach them a lesson as well as make an example of them.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

The focus of this chapter is to examine the evolution of Nkrumah’s political thought during the l... more The focus of this chapter is to examine the evolution of Nkrumah’s political thought during the last years of his life. There is a discernible radicalization and advancement in Nkrumah’s intellectual thought between 1966 and 1972. Labeling himself as both a “Marxist” and “scientific socialist,” he began to connect what he defined as an African revolution to a world revolutionary socialist struggle. He abandoned the constitutional path to independence and began to adopt revolutionary armed struggle as the only solution to Africa’s myriad problems. The unfolding social and political struggles in Vietnam, Latin America, and the social unrest in America’s black cities profoundly impacted his thinking. Nkrumah increasingly advocated the necessity for oppressed peoples around the world to operate in international solidarity to eliminate capitalism, neocolonialism, and imperialism. Also, during this period, Nkrumah deepened his understanding of the class contradictions of African society and wrote several books and articles. Toward the end of his life, he rejected the concepts of “the Third World” and “nonalignment.” Gradually, he became disillusioned with both the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the Commonwealth—institutions he had once been keenly associated with. However, Nkrumah continued to misjudge individuals and reality, which led him to erroneously believe he would return to Ghana via a countercoup.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

Soon after his overthrow in 1966, West Africa magazine published a hostile article on Nkrumah. Ye... more Soon after his overthrow in 1966, West Africa magazine published a hostile article on Nkrumah. Yet it was acknowledged that “impotent and foolish though his present posturings are, he has had a profound effect on the continent, an effect which in some ways may be permanent.”1 Furthermore, the writer claimed, “No independent African state has been unaffected by the cause to which [Nkrumah] dedicated Ghana, African Unity. So assiduously has he propagated the cause that no African leader today dare express indifference to it.”2

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

The year 2007 marked fifty years since Ghana’s independence, which ignited waves of African indep... more The year 2007 marked fifty years since Ghana’s independence, which ignited waves of African independence struggles across the continent. Kwame Nkrumah was a central figure in those tumultuous struggles of that era. It was a period also entangled with Cold War tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union as both countries were engaged in a contest for the mantle of world leadership.

The Journal of Pan African Studies, 2012

Integral to Kwame Nkrumah's vision of Pan-Africanism was the concept of Continental Union Governm... more Integral to Kwame Nkrumah's vision of Pan-Africanism was the concept of Continental Union Government for Africa. Nkrumah was one of several leading radical Pan-Africanists of the 1960s such as Julius Nyerere, Modibo Keita, Patrice Lumumba, and Sékou Touré. Aside from his passionate commitment to building and realizing Continental unity, Nkrumah's prolific written work and speeches contain other equally important bequests. These intellectual and political legacies are the focus of this article. For analytical purposes, whilst the two i.e. the intellectual and the political are inextricably linked, they will be interrogated separately. They shall be examined in no order of priority. The objective of this article is to critically examine these legacies and illustrate their continuing relevance to acute developmental problems and issues confronting Africans today. The first intellectual legacy Nkrumah bequeathed is his employment of the conceptual tool of neo-colonialism and its corollary of class analysis. Nkrumah defined neo-colonialism as follows: "The essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside." 1 He went on to expound that "More often, however, neo-colonialist control is exercised through economic or monetary means." 2 Nkrumah was certainly ahead of this time for as far back as in April 1958, during the Conference of Independent States (CIAS), he had warned of "new forms of colonialism which are now appearing in the world, with their potential threat to our precious independence." 3 127

Southern Africa political and economic monthly, 1995

Kwame Nkrumah remains a towering figure in African history. Inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's non-... more Kwame Nkrumah remains a towering figure in African history. Inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's non-violent campaign of civil disobedience to achieve political ends, he led present-day Ghana to independence in 1957. Nkrumah made Ghana a beacon of hope for not only Ghanaians but also people of African descent throughout the world. Perhaps no other African leader of the 1950s and 1960s personified the dreams, principles and aspirations of this era. At the centre of my analysis of Nkrumah's political, social and economic thought will be his own writings. I begin my re-examination of Nkrumah's life and thought by focusing on the political discourse and controversies surrounding him. The focus of Chapter 1 is his sojourn in America, where he pursued his academic studies. Chapter 2 examines his period of political activism in London between 1945 to 1947 under the ideological guidance of George Padmore. This prepared him for the leadership of the new political party he founded, the Co...

African and Asian Studies, 2011

is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throu... more is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries.

Journal of Southern African Studies

A Certain Amount of Madness

The Journal of Pan-African Studies, 2016

The following appeared, April 28, 2016 in Pambazuka News (http://www.pambazuka.org/) and in other... more The following appeared, April 28, 2016 in Pambazuka News (http://www.pambazuka.org/) and in other international publications. The project of genuinely decolonizing the university must be part of an inclusive task to transform the wider society of which the academy is an integral part. It is a long term undertaking which surely starts with the audacity to name the elephant in the room: white supremacy. In Britain there has yet to emerge a movement to decolonize British universities, particularly in the fields of African Studies, the Humanities and Social Sciences along with an increased appointment of African scholars in these specific fields. Perhaps the explanation lies in the fact that there has not been a civil rights movement in Britain comparable to the struggles in America which demanded Black Studies and African history be taught in American universities in the 1960s and 1970s. People of African-Caribbean and African descent are only 2.8 per cent of the total British populati...

Journal of Southern African Studies, 2019

Africanus: Journal of Development Studies, 2017

The Euro-American hegemonic control of epistemology has produced the current modern and patriarch... more The Euro-American hegemonic control of epistemology has produced the current modern and patriarchal world order underpinned by a Manichean outlook in which Africa is considered a site of inferior people enveloped by lack of development. This article deploys the concept of decolonial turns to understand how Euro-American thought has produced ideas of development within which Africa emerges as lacking development. It posits that Euro-American discourse of development has continued to inform those processes that resulted in the impoverishment of the African continent. The discourse was articulated in the guise of modernization theory of the 1960s and now exists in the current Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers that have currently replaced the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) of the 1980s and 1990s. The challenging question from a decolonial perspective for this article is whether pan-Africanism of the 21st century is able to provide the intellectual counter-weight to Euro-America...

Journal for Contemporary History, 2018

In order to arrest historical amnesia among South Africans, it is necessary to raise a public cam... more In order to arrest historical amnesia among South Africans, it is necessary to raise a public campaign of awareness on how the majority of African countries beyond the Limpopo contributed significantly in assisting the liberation of South Africans. Xenophobic or Afrophobic outbursts since 2008 have scarred the South African nation and tarnished its international reputation. Therefore, it is essential that a re-evaluation is made of the myriad ways in which other African nations gave military training and humanitarian assistance to thousands of South African refugees, and of how the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), the Non-Alignment Movement (NAM), the United Nations (UN) and the Commonwealth platforms strongly agitated for the end of minority rule. Furthermore, the economic destabilisation and terrorism that was inflicted on the Front-Line States (FLS) by the white minority-led state also need to be remembered by a new generation of South Africans. Fundamentally, whilst South Africans sacrificed their lives for political freedom, there were other sister African nations who sacrificed critical resources and human lives to see the end of apartheid on the African continent.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

Nkrumah claimed he traveled to London “to study law and, at the same time, to complete my thesis ... more Nkrumah claimed he traveled to London “to study law and, at the same time, to complete my thesis for a doctorate in philosophy. As soon as I arrived in London, therefore, I enrolled at Grays Inn and arranged to attend lectures at the London School of Economics.”1 He departed for London in late May 1945, where he was met by George Padmore and Joe Appiah. Padmore was, according to Sherwood, “the London-based guru of colonial revolutionaries”2 and Joe Appiah was a Ghanaian law student and active member of the London-based West African Students Union (WASU). All three became political colleagues.3 Padmore was indeed a political magnet in black activist circles in London. As the vortex of imperial rule, the capital drew many African students who gradually became politicized by the organizational activities and views of Padmore and the desire to see their respective countries free from colonial rule. Padmore was “always neatly dressed with crease-lines in his usually dark trousers and spotless white shirt under jacket and ties,” writes Abrahams.4 He had an “iron will” and resolute political focus.5 According to Sherwood, it was C. L. R. James who introduced Nkrumah to Padmore by way of a letter. Immediately after his arrival in London, his colleagues found him accommodation at the WASU hostel. He stayed there for a short while before moving into a house with his former colleague Ako Adjei at 25 Laurier Road, Tufnell Park, in north London. He later moved to a room at 60 Burghley Road in north London. The address was in proximity to individuals who were to become some of his close political colleagues. Among them were Joe Appiah, who lived in Primrose Hill Gardens in Hampstead and shared the house with Bankole Akpata, F. Kankam-Boadu, and Afolabi Odebiyi.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

It is evident that on the eve of Ghana’s independence Nkrumah had a grand vision for the new coun... more It is evident that on the eve of Ghana’s independence Nkrumah had a grand vision for the new country. He had secured the “political kingdom” of self-rule. He now had to provide an “economic paradise,” which he had promised Ghanaians prior to independence. We shall examine Nkrumah’s economic, social, and cultural objectives and aspirations for Ghana during the period 1958 to 1966. The central question to be addressed is, how did Nkrumah’s socioeconomic and cultural thought inform the institutions and policies he established between 1958 and 1966 to effect economic, social, and cultural change in Ghana? How he attempted to realize this vision, the problems he encountered, and the institutions he established will be our central focus.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

The focus of this chapter is to critically analyze the evolution of Nkrumah’s ideas during the pe... more The focus of this chapter is to critically analyze the evolution of Nkrumah’s ideas during the period from 1958 to 1966. He had robust and bold views on a number of subjects, including history, the “African Personality,” culture, peace, imperialism, colonialism, socialism, neocolonialism, and African unity. Together these composed his overall ideological outlook. Therefore, Nkrumah’s political, social, economic, and cultural views cannot be examined discretely for they are part of a holistic nationalist and Pan-African perspective based on fundamental principles. Before examining his political writings, it is important to emphasize that a great deal of the misinterpretations of Nkrumah’s ideological orientation have been inadvertently perpetrated by some of his close associates, such as Kofi Baako, Kofi Batsa, and Rev. Stephen Dzirasa. The former were editors of The Spark and helped propagate the term “Nkrumaism,” and the latter became a personal friend to Nkrumah and called Nkrumah’s ideology “the African Personality.”1

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

Nkrumah earnestly believed in a central role for Ghana in international affairs. Undoubtedly, “Fr... more Nkrumah earnestly believed in a central role for Ghana in international affairs. Undoubtedly, “From the beginning his personality dominated Ghana’s external relations, because he felt that he had a specific mission for Africa which could be fully realised only under his control at the helm.”1 Nkrumah’s vision of African unity, together with the strategies he employed to fulfill his foreign policy objectives, caused conflict and bitterness among some of his contemporaries, such as Felix Houphouet-Boigny of Ivory Coast, Sylvanus Olympio of Togo, and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. The motivations underpinning his foreign policy, their impact, perceptions, and the machinery through which his political decisions were enacted is the focus of this chapter.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

The objective of this chapter is to analyse Nkrumah’s politics from independence to the demise of... more The objective of this chapter is to analyse Nkrumah’s politics from independence to the demise of the Convention People’s Party (CPP) government in early 1966. The question is, how did Nkrumah’s political thought inform the institutions he established between 1958 and 1966? Significantly, during this period there was a marked change in emphasis in Nkrumah’s public announcements. As he himself claims, “With the achievement of Independence, the main theme of my speeches changed. I began to concentrate on the long-term objectives; economic freedom for Ghana, and African emancipation and unity.”1 It was also a period in which Nkrumah repeatedly spoke against what he saw as the absurdity of the nuclear arms race between the two great superpowers that threatened to engulf the world in thermonuclear war.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

The period after the Convention People’s Party (CPP) electoral victory of February 1951 was chara... more The period after the Convention People’s Party (CPP) electoral victory of February 1951 was characterized by an intense struggle between newly emerging political forces. Opposition forces sought to challenge the CPP’s claim to be a national party representative of the chiefs and the commoners of the Gold Coast. The period from 1951 to the attainment of independence in 1957 was one in which the CPP won two general elections, in 1954 and 1956. It sought to establish itself as a national party and acquired some measures of internal self-government in the administration of ministries.1

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

The tumultuous years of 1954 through 1957 saw a violent political confrontation between the Natio... more The tumultuous years of 1954 through 1957 saw a violent political confrontation between the National Liberation Movement (NLM), which was formed on September 19, 1954, and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) government. The causes that gave rise to this movement were rooted in a complex emergence of material and regional interests in the country. The loss of Asante’s historic hegemony over a country it once ruled, in addition to the fact that a large proportion of the country’s major exports (gold, timber, and cocoa) originated in the Ashanti region fueled Asante grievances.1 Another factor contributing to the conflict in Ashanti was the twenty seats allocated to the region by the Van Lare Commission. Inflaming the discontent among the CPP in Ashanti was Nkrumah’s May 1954 public expulsion of the 81 rebel CPP candidates at a mass rally in Kumasi at the Subin River Valley. The site of the expulsion was significant, for the Central Committee of the CPP were fully aware that the rebellion had come from the CPP Asante candidates and they, therefore, openly sought to teach them a lesson as well as make an example of them.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

The focus of this chapter is to examine the evolution of Nkrumah’s political thought during the l... more The focus of this chapter is to examine the evolution of Nkrumah’s political thought during the last years of his life. There is a discernible radicalization and advancement in Nkrumah’s intellectual thought between 1966 and 1972. Labeling himself as both a “Marxist” and “scientific socialist,” he began to connect what he defined as an African revolution to a world revolutionary socialist struggle. He abandoned the constitutional path to independence and began to adopt revolutionary armed struggle as the only solution to Africa’s myriad problems. The unfolding social and political struggles in Vietnam, Latin America, and the social unrest in America’s black cities profoundly impacted his thinking. Nkrumah increasingly advocated the necessity for oppressed peoples around the world to operate in international solidarity to eliminate capitalism, neocolonialism, and imperialism. Also, during this period, Nkrumah deepened his understanding of the class contradictions of African society and wrote several books and articles. Toward the end of his life, he rejected the concepts of “the Third World” and “nonalignment.” Gradually, he became disillusioned with both the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the Commonwealth—institutions he had once been keenly associated with. However, Nkrumah continued to misjudge individuals and reality, which led him to erroneously believe he would return to Ghana via a countercoup.

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

Soon after his overthrow in 1966, West Africa magazine published a hostile article on Nkrumah. Ye... more Soon after his overthrow in 1966, West Africa magazine published a hostile article on Nkrumah. Yet it was acknowledged that “impotent and foolish though his present posturings are, he has had a profound effect on the continent, an effect which in some ways may be permanent.”1 Furthermore, the writer claimed, “No independent African state has been unaffected by the cause to which [Nkrumah] dedicated Ghana, African Unity. So assiduously has he propagated the cause that no African leader today dare express indifference to it.”2

The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 2011

The year 2007 marked fifty years since Ghana’s independence, which ignited waves of African indep... more The year 2007 marked fifty years since Ghana’s independence, which ignited waves of African independence struggles across the continent. Kwame Nkrumah was a central figure in those tumultuous struggles of that era. It was a period also entangled with Cold War tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union as both countries were engaged in a contest for the mantle of world leadership.

The Journal of Pan African Studies, 2012

Integral to Kwame Nkrumah's vision of Pan-Africanism was the concept of Continental Union Governm... more Integral to Kwame Nkrumah's vision of Pan-Africanism was the concept of Continental Union Government for Africa. Nkrumah was one of several leading radical Pan-Africanists of the 1960s such as Julius Nyerere, Modibo Keita, Patrice Lumumba, and Sékou Touré. Aside from his passionate commitment to building and realizing Continental unity, Nkrumah's prolific written work and speeches contain other equally important bequests. These intellectual and political legacies are the focus of this article. For analytical purposes, whilst the two i.e. the intellectual and the political are inextricably linked, they will be interrogated separately. They shall be examined in no order of priority. The objective of this article is to critically examine these legacies and illustrate their continuing relevance to acute developmental problems and issues confronting Africans today. The first intellectual legacy Nkrumah bequeathed is his employment of the conceptual tool of neo-colonialism and its corollary of class analysis. Nkrumah defined neo-colonialism as follows: "The essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside." 1 He went on to expound that "More often, however, neo-colonialist control is exercised through economic or monetary means." 2 Nkrumah was certainly ahead of this time for as far back as in April 1958, during the Conference of Independent States (CIAS), he had warned of "new forms of colonialism which are now appearing in the world, with their potential threat to our precious independence." 3 127