Bogusława Dobek-Ostrowska - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Papers by Bogusława Dobek-Ostrowska
Studia Medioznawcze, 2013
Posters as a form of political communication have a long and beautiful tradition in Poland. They ... more Posters as a form of political communication have a long and beautiful tradition in Poland. They played an important role during the communist period as a distribution channel of democratic values. Artists were obliged to use a special code to hide the real message at a time of political censorship. They created not only artistic works but tried to feed and spread the idea of independence and democracy. At the beginning of political transformation in the 1900s/1990s, some artists were still active and they supported Solidarity. In parallel, with the subsequent consolidation of democracy, political posters underwent an evolution. They were no longer an object in the hands of artists, but they started to be an instrument of political actors and commercial agencies, which worked for them. This kind of “cooperation” between political and market participants is responsible for the quality of posters, their standardization, and commercialization. But they are still an important kind of political advertisement in Poland.
Democracy and Media in Central and Eastern Europe 25 Years On
Democracy and Media in Central and Eastern Europe 25 Years On
Springer eBooks, 2019
The chapter provides a comprehensive overview of three decades of media democratic transitions in... more The chapter provides a comprehensive overview of three decades of media democratic transitions in entire Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Twenty-one post-communist countries in Europe embarked on democratic transformation after the collapse of their respective regimes between 1989 and 1991. Many factors contributed to transformations, such as geographical location, historical experiences and their respective levels of economic and cultural development. Although the concept of CEE emerged from the ruins of European post-communist/post-socialist states, the region is not a monolith with regards to democratic consolidation and European integration. It is quite a varied region with different political standards and levels of economic development. The media systems find themselves operating between a rock and a hard place, or rather between political pressure, leading to politicisation, and economic pressure, leading to commercialisation. These are the two negative tendencies that result in the low quality of the media in CEE countries. Three decades after the collapse of communism, four models of media and politics in the region have emerged in Central Europe: the Hybrid Liberal, the Politicized Media, the Media in Transition and the Authoritarian model.
since the beginning of their existence, were included into the mechanisms of the free market. The... more since the beginning of their existence, were included into the mechanisms of the free market. There, the actions of the state (political system), were limited to creating the basic framework for the legal functioning of the media. A particular role was played by economic entities, such as the owners, the competition, and the advertisers (economic system). Thus, in the case of the American system, we can talk about a minimal political input and considerable economic influence on the media. In contrast to the USA, in Europe, they had an etatistic character. State media were monopolist and, since market laws were not working, or their reach was strongly limited, politics played a decisive role in the process of shaping the media system. The situation first began to change in the 1980s with the deregulation and privatization of the media in European Union member states. During the following thirty years, a new quality was formed in these states-the dual model, which seriously endangered the public media. The press of political parties has been depoliticized step by step, journalism has become commercialized, tabloidized, globalized, and unprofessional. Even where the state jealously protected the position of public media as national values (e.g., Scandinavia, Austria), deep systemic changes took place, moving them toward the liberal model. How does Central Europe and Poland present themselves against this background? The fall of the Soviet bloc coincided with a global audiovisual revolution and a progressive privatization of media in Western Europe. These two global processes, technological and economic, were bound to influence the formation of young democratic media systems developing on the ashes of communism. Now, almost thirty years later, we need to ask: how much of `the old` and how much of `the new` is present in contemporary solutions? Have the old, undemocratic practices become history, or are they still present? And if they are, then in what form? In what direction is the Polish media system heading? Is it prone to globalization and commercialization with all their consequences? Do politicians still control the media and play key roles, like in the old regimes? How do journalists feel about and react to this reality? And the audience? What part is played by Catholic institutions and organizations linked to the media? The last question has particular significance for the considerations on the media system in Poland, especially after 2015. The researchers of media systems are, undoubtedly, aided by Hallin and Mancini's concept of three models of media systems. Their 2004 book, has influenced researchers around the world and was a significant trigger for further studies on media systems, unrivalled since the 1956 publication of Siebert, Peterson and Schramm's Four Theories of Press. The concepts of the Liberal system, Democratic Corporatism, and Polarized Pluralism spark the imagination of communicologists, political scientists, sociologists, and other researchers. History & tradition Society Context Technological Context Technology Economy Political Context Economic Context Media Production Context Political Culture Politics Media owners Journalistic Culture Society Audience Culture Media system the first decade, a slow stabilization of both systems was progressing. Initially, six relevant entities remained on the political scene (2001-2007), and after that, four (2007-2011 and 2011-2015). Following the 2015 parliamentary elections, two parties dominate the political scene: Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość-PiS) and Civic Platform (Platforma Obywatelska-PO). Three middle-sized political formations, such as Kukiz (Kukiz-K), The Contemporary (Nowoczesna Demokratycznej-SLD) left with no representation in the Sejm. The media market was appropriated by economically equipped organisms, which, despite fierce competition, do not allow themselves to be marginalized. I leave the third participant of the process, the citizens, on the margins of my considerations, as they are clients of both political actors and mass media. Research shows, however, that, on the one hand, they are not particularly interested in politics, quite often do not understand it and are not willing to be involved in it, yet on the other hand, they do not like business and do not accept conflict (Szczęciło, Cześnik, Markowski, 2013: 107-108). The scope of the work includes an analysis of journalistic professionalism and culture, which, in turn, are determined by the attitude of the media and of journalists toward politics, politicians, and political parties. This is reflected in the intensity of the mediatization process and the quality of publicizing politics in the main, stable countrywide media, such as the two newspapers (the leftist Gazeta Wyborcza and the conservative Rzeczpospolita), the four opinion weeklies (Polityka, Wprost, Newsweek, Gazeta Polska), the three main television broadcasters (TVP public broadcaster, and private-TVN and TV Polsat) and the three radio broadcasters (the privately-owned RMF FM and Radio ZET, and the public Polish Radio). It has to be mentioned that, after 2015, the importance of Catholic media has considerably grown (with Radio Maryja and TV Trwam in particular) due to a much higher interest and strengthening of relations with the governing party-Law and Justice. Among the political actors, I focus on the biggest, relevant political parties which have been active in political life, and which have set the direction of the political process and have influenced the quality of democracy: Civic Platform (PO), Law and Justice (PiS), the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), and the Polish People's Party (PSL). I exclude from my considerations Self-defence (Samoobrona) and the League of Polish Families (LPR), which, though both present in the years 2001-2007 in the Polish Parliament, vanished from political life following the elections in 2007. The year 2015 marked a considerable change on the political scene, which has been monopolized by two parties-Law and Justice and Civic Platform. The Polish People's Party has been visibly marginalized, the Democratic Left Alliance has no representatives in Parliament the first time after the collapse of communism and its role in politics was seriously limited. The new actors such as small parties Nowoczesna and Kukizʼ15 have entered the political scene. This part of my analysis is concentrated on the media strategies of individual political actors and political parallelism. I attempt to determine whether, Literature base This study places itself in the field of studies on political communication, which emerged at the turn of the1950s and the 1960s on the edge of political science and communication studies. It is, therefore, no coincidence that so many experts in the field come from political science. In the last fifty years a vast amount scientific literature, as well as numerous key concepts and theories were created. Researchers have established new analytic methods during their more and more frequent participation in international projects. Particular attention should be paid to the achievements of American, German, Scandinavian, and British scholars who are leaders of this sub-discipline. In this analysis, I refer to the most important theoretical accomplishments, in addition to the, aforementioned Hallin and Mancini's conception of three models of media systems (2004, 2012, 2017). Blumler and Gurevitch' 1995 proposals of politicization levels and models of the relations between political actors and the media still remains up-to-date and extremely useful. I implant also the concept of media logic and party logic developed by Mazzolini in 1987, as well as the models of politics coverage in media (
Investigaciones históricas: Época moderna y contemporánea, 1996
Para comprender bien los procesos de transición hacia la democracia hay que someter los regŭnenes... more Para comprender bien los procesos de transición hacia la democracia hay que someter los regŭnenes autoritarios, precedentes a la transformación del sistema, a un análisis comparativo. En el caso de Espatla la dictadura del general Franco, y el caso de Polonia el sistema comunista. El carácter de las dictaduras determinó los procesos del período de la transición en ambos países. Los fenómenos que nos interesan quedan visibles en la Polonia de hoy, donde todavía estamos en transición. Las referencias al pasado, intencionales o no, son completamente justificadas, visto que la ruptura completa y total con el sistema político de dos generaciones resulta imposible, ya que el comunismo formó las actitudes y el modo de pensar de la sociedad, de manera despótica, sin dejar posibilidad de conocer otros valores, plenamente democráticos. Génesis de las dictaa'uras Muchos autores insistieron en las diferencias fundamentales entre el carácter y la fórmula del franquismo español y el comunismo polaco'. La sociedad española nunca percibió el régimen de Frartco como un sistema extrallo, impuesto por poderes ajenos. El general llegó al poder tras la guerra cívil, apoyado por aquella parte de la sociedad española que no se identificaba con los ideales de la II Repŭblica. El Caudillo gozaba del apoyo de miles de partidiarios, que querían verle como líder. El fraquismo, haciendo apología de antiliberalismo, de autoridad, de la religión católica, fue percibido como la continuación de las mejores tradiciones políticas e históricas de Esparla. Así pues podemos hablar del carácter endógeno de la dictadura.
Investigaciones históricas: Época moderna y contemporánea, 1999
En todo sistema polftico las elites desempeñan un papel importante. Primero: constituyen la base ... more En todo sistema polftico las elites desempeñan un papel importante. Primero: constituyen la base de reclutarniento para todos los segmentos del poder, tales como las estructuras parlamentarias y gubernamentales. Segundo: la firmeza del sistema politico depende de las fuerzas, competencias y cohesión de sus elites. Por lo tanto, tienen un papel especial en los períodos de las transformaciones del sistema político, es decir, en los momentos de cambio democrático o consolidación de la democracia. Los primeros que lo describieron fueron los investigadores del Centro Internacional Woodrow Wilson en Washington, tales como G.
Routledge eBooks, Nov 8, 2017
Communication Booknotes Quarterly, 2005
36:146 TALKING POLITICS IN JAPAN TODAY by Ofer Feldman (Brighton, England: Sussex Academic Press;... more 36:146 TALKING POLITICS IN JAPAN TODAY by Ofer Feldman (Brighton, England: Sussex Academic Press; distribution in USA by International Specialized Book Service [Portland, OR]—$65.00, ISBN 1-84519-037-8, 214 pp., photos, charts, appendices, notes, bibliography, index) focuses on the rhetoric used by members of the political elite and the news media of Japan. A professor of political process at Doshisha University in Kyoto, the author centers his study on how language is used in the Japanese political process by the top leadership and the most important news reporters. Chapters focus on the Nagatacho beat (the elite political reporters), beat reporting and the search for information, the facade and substance of public talk in Japan, an analysis of relies given during televised political interviews, political processes on the front and back of the stage, the implicit meaning of editorial cartoons in Japanese dailies, and the role of slogans, names and moods (a summary and conclusion from what has gone before). Studies of the Japanese political process by Westerners are not common for a host of reasons, making this an insightful analysis. (Chris Sterling)
Central European University Press eBooks, 2010
Central European journal of communication, Mar 30, 2017
Th e congresses of the Polish Communication Association are among the most important events that ... more Th e congresses of the Polish Communication Association are among the most important events that gathered the biggest number of participants. 2008 Th e 1st Congress in Wrocław Creation of communication, content, control, critics was organized at Aula Leopoldinum in the historical building of the University of Wrocław. Many prominent foreign and Polish scholars accepted an invitation to take part in this event-Prof. Wolfgang Donsbach (Germany), Prof.
Peter Lang eBooks, Jul 11, 2016
Democracy and Media in Central and Eastern Europe 25 Years On
Peter Lang eBooks, Jul 11, 2016
Studia Medioznawcze, 2013
Posters as a form of political communication have a long and beautiful tradition in Poland. They ... more Posters as a form of political communication have a long and beautiful tradition in Poland. They played an important role during the communist period as a distribution channel of democratic values. Artists were obliged to use a special code to hide the real message at a time of political censorship. They created not only artistic works but tried to feed and spread the idea of independence and democracy. At the beginning of political transformation in the 1900s/1990s, some artists were still active and they supported Solidarity. In parallel, with the subsequent consolidation of democracy, political posters underwent an evolution. They were no longer an object in the hands of artists, but they started to be an instrument of political actors and commercial agencies, which worked for them. This kind of “cooperation” between political and market participants is responsible for the quality of posters, their standardization, and commercialization. But they are still an important kind of political advertisement in Poland.
Democracy and Media in Central and Eastern Europe 25 Years On
Democracy and Media in Central and Eastern Europe 25 Years On
Springer eBooks, 2019
The chapter provides a comprehensive overview of three decades of media democratic transitions in... more The chapter provides a comprehensive overview of three decades of media democratic transitions in entire Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Twenty-one post-communist countries in Europe embarked on democratic transformation after the collapse of their respective regimes between 1989 and 1991. Many factors contributed to transformations, such as geographical location, historical experiences and their respective levels of economic and cultural development. Although the concept of CEE emerged from the ruins of European post-communist/post-socialist states, the region is not a monolith with regards to democratic consolidation and European integration. It is quite a varied region with different political standards and levels of economic development. The media systems find themselves operating between a rock and a hard place, or rather between political pressure, leading to politicisation, and economic pressure, leading to commercialisation. These are the two negative tendencies that result in the low quality of the media in CEE countries. Three decades after the collapse of communism, four models of media and politics in the region have emerged in Central Europe: the Hybrid Liberal, the Politicized Media, the Media in Transition and the Authoritarian model.
since the beginning of their existence, were included into the mechanisms of the free market. The... more since the beginning of their existence, were included into the mechanisms of the free market. There, the actions of the state (political system), were limited to creating the basic framework for the legal functioning of the media. A particular role was played by economic entities, such as the owners, the competition, and the advertisers (economic system). Thus, in the case of the American system, we can talk about a minimal political input and considerable economic influence on the media. In contrast to the USA, in Europe, they had an etatistic character. State media were monopolist and, since market laws were not working, or their reach was strongly limited, politics played a decisive role in the process of shaping the media system. The situation first began to change in the 1980s with the deregulation and privatization of the media in European Union member states. During the following thirty years, a new quality was formed in these states-the dual model, which seriously endangered the public media. The press of political parties has been depoliticized step by step, journalism has become commercialized, tabloidized, globalized, and unprofessional. Even where the state jealously protected the position of public media as national values (e.g., Scandinavia, Austria), deep systemic changes took place, moving them toward the liberal model. How does Central Europe and Poland present themselves against this background? The fall of the Soviet bloc coincided with a global audiovisual revolution and a progressive privatization of media in Western Europe. These two global processes, technological and economic, were bound to influence the formation of young democratic media systems developing on the ashes of communism. Now, almost thirty years later, we need to ask: how much of `the old` and how much of `the new` is present in contemporary solutions? Have the old, undemocratic practices become history, or are they still present? And if they are, then in what form? In what direction is the Polish media system heading? Is it prone to globalization and commercialization with all their consequences? Do politicians still control the media and play key roles, like in the old regimes? How do journalists feel about and react to this reality? And the audience? What part is played by Catholic institutions and organizations linked to the media? The last question has particular significance for the considerations on the media system in Poland, especially after 2015. The researchers of media systems are, undoubtedly, aided by Hallin and Mancini's concept of three models of media systems. Their 2004 book, has influenced researchers around the world and was a significant trigger for further studies on media systems, unrivalled since the 1956 publication of Siebert, Peterson and Schramm's Four Theories of Press. The concepts of the Liberal system, Democratic Corporatism, and Polarized Pluralism spark the imagination of communicologists, political scientists, sociologists, and other researchers. History & tradition Society Context Technological Context Technology Economy Political Context Economic Context Media Production Context Political Culture Politics Media owners Journalistic Culture Society Audience Culture Media system the first decade, a slow stabilization of both systems was progressing. Initially, six relevant entities remained on the political scene (2001-2007), and after that, four (2007-2011 and 2011-2015). Following the 2015 parliamentary elections, two parties dominate the political scene: Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość-PiS) and Civic Platform (Platforma Obywatelska-PO). Three middle-sized political formations, such as Kukiz (Kukiz-K), The Contemporary (Nowoczesna Demokratycznej-SLD) left with no representation in the Sejm. The media market was appropriated by economically equipped organisms, which, despite fierce competition, do not allow themselves to be marginalized. I leave the third participant of the process, the citizens, on the margins of my considerations, as they are clients of both political actors and mass media. Research shows, however, that, on the one hand, they are not particularly interested in politics, quite often do not understand it and are not willing to be involved in it, yet on the other hand, they do not like business and do not accept conflict (Szczęciło, Cześnik, Markowski, 2013: 107-108). The scope of the work includes an analysis of journalistic professionalism and culture, which, in turn, are determined by the attitude of the media and of journalists toward politics, politicians, and political parties. This is reflected in the intensity of the mediatization process and the quality of publicizing politics in the main, stable countrywide media, such as the two newspapers (the leftist Gazeta Wyborcza and the conservative Rzeczpospolita), the four opinion weeklies (Polityka, Wprost, Newsweek, Gazeta Polska), the three main television broadcasters (TVP public broadcaster, and private-TVN and TV Polsat) and the three radio broadcasters (the privately-owned RMF FM and Radio ZET, and the public Polish Radio). It has to be mentioned that, after 2015, the importance of Catholic media has considerably grown (with Radio Maryja and TV Trwam in particular) due to a much higher interest and strengthening of relations with the governing party-Law and Justice. Among the political actors, I focus on the biggest, relevant political parties which have been active in political life, and which have set the direction of the political process and have influenced the quality of democracy: Civic Platform (PO), Law and Justice (PiS), the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), and the Polish People's Party (PSL). I exclude from my considerations Self-defence (Samoobrona) and the League of Polish Families (LPR), which, though both present in the years 2001-2007 in the Polish Parliament, vanished from political life following the elections in 2007. The year 2015 marked a considerable change on the political scene, which has been monopolized by two parties-Law and Justice and Civic Platform. The Polish People's Party has been visibly marginalized, the Democratic Left Alliance has no representatives in Parliament the first time after the collapse of communism and its role in politics was seriously limited. The new actors such as small parties Nowoczesna and Kukizʼ15 have entered the political scene. This part of my analysis is concentrated on the media strategies of individual political actors and political parallelism. I attempt to determine whether, Literature base This study places itself in the field of studies on political communication, which emerged at the turn of the1950s and the 1960s on the edge of political science and communication studies. It is, therefore, no coincidence that so many experts in the field come from political science. In the last fifty years a vast amount scientific literature, as well as numerous key concepts and theories were created. Researchers have established new analytic methods during their more and more frequent participation in international projects. Particular attention should be paid to the achievements of American, German, Scandinavian, and British scholars who are leaders of this sub-discipline. In this analysis, I refer to the most important theoretical accomplishments, in addition to the, aforementioned Hallin and Mancini's conception of three models of media systems (2004, 2012, 2017). Blumler and Gurevitch' 1995 proposals of politicization levels and models of the relations between political actors and the media still remains up-to-date and extremely useful. I implant also the concept of media logic and party logic developed by Mazzolini in 1987, as well as the models of politics coverage in media (
Investigaciones históricas: Época moderna y contemporánea, 1996
Para comprender bien los procesos de transición hacia la democracia hay que someter los regŭnenes... more Para comprender bien los procesos de transición hacia la democracia hay que someter los regŭnenes autoritarios, precedentes a la transformación del sistema, a un análisis comparativo. En el caso de Espatla la dictadura del general Franco, y el caso de Polonia el sistema comunista. El carácter de las dictaduras determinó los procesos del período de la transición en ambos países. Los fenómenos que nos interesan quedan visibles en la Polonia de hoy, donde todavía estamos en transición. Las referencias al pasado, intencionales o no, son completamente justificadas, visto que la ruptura completa y total con el sistema político de dos generaciones resulta imposible, ya que el comunismo formó las actitudes y el modo de pensar de la sociedad, de manera despótica, sin dejar posibilidad de conocer otros valores, plenamente democráticos. Génesis de las dictaa'uras Muchos autores insistieron en las diferencias fundamentales entre el carácter y la fórmula del franquismo español y el comunismo polaco'. La sociedad española nunca percibió el régimen de Frartco como un sistema extrallo, impuesto por poderes ajenos. El general llegó al poder tras la guerra cívil, apoyado por aquella parte de la sociedad española que no se identificaba con los ideales de la II Repŭblica. El Caudillo gozaba del apoyo de miles de partidiarios, que querían verle como líder. El fraquismo, haciendo apología de antiliberalismo, de autoridad, de la religión católica, fue percibido como la continuación de las mejores tradiciones políticas e históricas de Esparla. Así pues podemos hablar del carácter endógeno de la dictadura.
Investigaciones históricas: Época moderna y contemporánea, 1999
En todo sistema polftico las elites desempeñan un papel importante. Primero: constituyen la base ... more En todo sistema polftico las elites desempeñan un papel importante. Primero: constituyen la base de reclutarniento para todos los segmentos del poder, tales como las estructuras parlamentarias y gubernamentales. Segundo: la firmeza del sistema politico depende de las fuerzas, competencias y cohesión de sus elites. Por lo tanto, tienen un papel especial en los períodos de las transformaciones del sistema político, es decir, en los momentos de cambio democrático o consolidación de la democracia. Los primeros que lo describieron fueron los investigadores del Centro Internacional Woodrow Wilson en Washington, tales como G.
Routledge eBooks, Nov 8, 2017
Communication Booknotes Quarterly, 2005
36:146 TALKING POLITICS IN JAPAN TODAY by Ofer Feldman (Brighton, England: Sussex Academic Press;... more 36:146 TALKING POLITICS IN JAPAN TODAY by Ofer Feldman (Brighton, England: Sussex Academic Press; distribution in USA by International Specialized Book Service [Portland, OR]—$65.00, ISBN 1-84519-037-8, 214 pp., photos, charts, appendices, notes, bibliography, index) focuses on the rhetoric used by members of the political elite and the news media of Japan. A professor of political process at Doshisha University in Kyoto, the author centers his study on how language is used in the Japanese political process by the top leadership and the most important news reporters. Chapters focus on the Nagatacho beat (the elite political reporters), beat reporting and the search for information, the facade and substance of public talk in Japan, an analysis of relies given during televised political interviews, political processes on the front and back of the stage, the implicit meaning of editorial cartoons in Japanese dailies, and the role of slogans, names and moods (a summary and conclusion from what has gone before). Studies of the Japanese political process by Westerners are not common for a host of reasons, making this an insightful analysis. (Chris Sterling)
Central European University Press eBooks, 2010
Central European journal of communication, Mar 30, 2017
Th e congresses of the Polish Communication Association are among the most important events that ... more Th e congresses of the Polish Communication Association are among the most important events that gathered the biggest number of participants. 2008 Th e 1st Congress in Wrocław Creation of communication, content, control, critics was organized at Aula Leopoldinum in the historical building of the University of Wrocław. Many prominent foreign and Polish scholars accepted an invitation to take part in this event-Prof. Wolfgang Donsbach (Germany), Prof.
Peter Lang eBooks, Jul 11, 2016
Democracy and Media in Central and Eastern Europe 25 Years On
Peter Lang eBooks, Jul 11, 2016